An unusual cast of international businessmen and lobbyists has emerged as private deal makers around President Duma Boko, attracting scrutiny from the United States’ foreign influence transparency system and raising questions about the nature of their role.
Hardly two years since President Boko swept to power promising transparency, accountability and a new economic direction, a small but influential network of foreign businessmen and international intermediaries has quietly emerged around Botswana’s new administration.
At the centre of that network are three men whose backgrounds could hardly be more different. There is a Canadian-Israeli lobbyist with history of representing controversial political figures across the globe.
An Iranian-born entrepreneur who has been the subject of public allegations and red flag reports linking him to controversial crypto and investment circles, but no verified criminal conviction or official charge.
And a controversial South African mining and investment magnate whose name has repeatedly surfaced in discussions involving major projects in Botswana.
Individually, Ari Ben-Menashe, Farzam Kamalabadi and Zunaid Moti may appear unrelated. Together, however they reveal a striking pattern.
The first sign that Boko’s presidency would be different emerged long before he entered the State House. In July 2024, documents filed in the United States revealed that Boko had signed a lobbying agreement with Canadian firm Dickens and Madison headed by Ari Ben-Menashe. The agreement attracted attention because Ben-Menashe is no ordinary lobbyist. Over the years, he has cultivated a reputation as one of the world’s most colourful political operators, representing presidents, opposition leaders and governments across Africa, Asia and Latin America.
The assumption among many observers was that the relationship would end once the election was over. Instead, public filings suggest otherwise.
A January 2026 filling submitted under the United States Foreign Agents Registration Act stated that Dickens and Madison ‘ continue to work with Mr Duma Boko in support of his presidency.’ The filing did not elaborate. It did not specify the nature of the work. It did not specify who was paying, nor did it clarify whether the work was being undertaken on behalf of Boko personally, the ruling party or the Botswana government.
The website assigns a 50/100 score to the registration involving Dickens and Madson Canada Inc. and Duma Boko, stating:’The principal is a political party leader, which generally falls in the middle range of U.S. interest alignment. Without further details on the specific activities, a neutral score is appropriate.’ The assessment concludes that the registration ‘warrants scrutiny.’
If Ben- Menashe operates largely behind the scenes, Farzam Kamalabadi occupies a far more visible position. In 2025, Boko appointed Kamalabadi as Presidential Envoy on International Relations and Economic Development. The appointment placed Kamalabadi at the centre of Botswana’s effort to attract international investment at a time when the country faces one of its most challenging economic environments in decades.
Information published on the website tracking filings under the U.S. Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA) states that Botswana currently has two active registrations. It describes the country’s direct efforts to influence U.S. policy or public opinion as ‘minimal’ compared to many other nations.
According to the website under a briefing titled ‘What Botswana is doing in Washington,’ the filings reveal that the Government of Botswana has engaged Fang Consulting LLC for strategic consulting, a company under Kamalabadi’s stable.
The website notes: ‘Botswana’s engagement with U.S. influence operations, as indicated by available FARA filings, is minimal, with only two active registrations.’ It adds that the filings demonstrate that ‘both governmental and individual political interests from Botswana have sought representation in Washington, albeit on a small scale compared to many other nations with active FARA registrations.’
Regarding the government’s engagement of Fang Consulting LLC, the website states that Botswana’s country baseline score is 60/100, but that ‘Strategic Consulting adjusts by -3, yielding a neutral signal.’ It describes this as a ‘heuristic’ assessment and notes that ‘no AI score [is] available.’
The website further observes that the strategic themes emerging from Botswana’s filings ‘appear to center on general strategic engagement and political lobbying rather than specific policy objectives.’
It says: ‘The government’s engagement with ‘strategic consulting’ points to image management or broad relationship building, while the lobbying by a political figure could encompass a range of objectives from advocating for a particular political stance to garnering support for electoral campaigns.’
However, updated filings submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice by Ari Ben-Menashe of Dickens and Madson Canada Inc. indicate that the firm’s activities on behalf of Duma Boko have not been directed at the United States.
The filing states:’DandM’s activities for Mr. Duma Boko have consisted of lobbying in Botswana, South Africa and the United Kingdom in support of his election as President of Botswana.’
It adds:’DandM continues to work with Mr. Duma Boko in support of his presidency.’
The filing emphasizes: ‘All activities DandM has engaged in on behalf of Mr. Duma Boko have occurred outside the United States, and none of those activities have been directed at the United States.’
The company further declared:’DandM has not prepared, disseminated or caused the dissemination of informational materials in the United States in connection with this foreign principal.’
On compensation, the filing says the firm did not receive any contributions, income or money from Boko during the reporting period. Instead, it reported that it applied retainer payments previously provided by Boko and previously disclosed to the Department of Justice. Those previously disclosed payments were reportedly USD 50,000 for a 12-month period, equivalent to approximately P675,000.
The disclosures suggest that Botswana’s government and political leadership have become part of the U.S. foreign influence transparency regime, where lobbying and consulting activities undertaken on behalf of foreign principals are publicly registered and monitored under FARA, even when the reported activities themselves are conducted outside the United States.
Then there is Zunaid Moti. The South African businessman has become a familiar figure in Botswana’s political conversation since Boko’s election victory. Government officials have acknowledged receiving proposals associated with Moti involving infrastructure projects. Media repots have linked him to efforts to secure opportunities in sectors ranging from construction to public-private partnerships. Critics, including former President Mokgweetsi Masisi have suggested that Moti’s proximity to the new administration deserves closer examination. Supporters dismiss such claims as politically motivated. Yet the persistence of Moti’s name in discussions involving major government projects continue to fuel speculation about the extent of his influence.