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Nigeria goes by the sobriquet “Giant of Africa”, principally because of its size. But the best metaphorical description of the country is a “sleeping giant”. And being asleep, Nigeria is not fulfilling its potential. The challenges are daunting and if things remain as they are, the omens are not good. Cobbled together by Britain in 1914, Nigeria remains today, over 110 years later, a deeply fractured society, lacking internal cohesion and a shared purpose. The core ethnic identities compete with, and often trump, the national identity. On the economic front, Nigeria is one of the world’s most volatile and fragile economies. Socially, Nigeria is ravaged by endemic corruption, widespread unemployment, extreme poverty and inequality, and debilitating insecurity. Put simply, Nigeria lacks the political wherewithal and institutional capacity to engender stability, progress and prosperity.

The foregoing is the context in which I wrote my book, In The National Interest: The Road to Nigeria’s Political, Economic and Social Transformation, which was launched last week. The book is a bold call to action, grounded in deep historical insight and focused on one central truth: Nigeria cannot move forward until its leaders and citizens alike begin to act in the national interest. In it, I explore the root causes of our national challenges – political, economic, and social – and present a clear-eyed roadmap for transformative change. I argue that Nigeria needs a new political and constitutional settlement as well as a new economic model to unlock its great potential and become politically stable, economically prosperous and socially cohesive, and thus become the great nation that it should be. As someone committed to the future of this country, I believe this book offers the kind of holistic analysis and forward-thinking solutions that are urgently needed.

Analytically, the book’s approach is based on the premise that there is a symbiotic relationship between the political, economic, and social factors shaping Nigerian society and that political governance, economic performance, and social well-being are interdependent. For instance, the right political institutions that positively shape the character and efficiency of democratic governance are a prerequisite for successful economic governance and management, and both political stability and economic prosperity are critical to social progress and internal cohesion, both of which, in turn, can affect the operation and performance of the political and economic systems.

“Analytically, the book’s approach is based on the premise that there is a symbiotic relationship between the political, economic, and social factors shaping Nigerian society and that political governance, economic performance, and social well-being are interdependent.”

The book’s core political argument is that Nigeria’s political and governance structures are deeply flawed and are hindering development. To govern its economy and society well and achieve maximum economic and social benefits, a country needs, in the first place, political institutions and governance structures that work. Without a stable political environment, economic progress is impossible. Therefore, it is futile to talk about economic governance without, as a starting point, political governance. Thus, the book argues that Nigeria needs political restructuring, which must lead to an inclusive and enduring political and constitutional settlement and a new constitution that ensures that the country is governed in a pluralistic, unity-inducing and prosperity-engendering manner.

Complementing the political argument is the economic one, which addresses economic, trade, and industrial issues. Following on from the political argument, it is submitted that once Nigeria has had a negotiated political and constitutional settlement and a new constitution, it would need to restructure its economy. Without economic progress, even a stable political environment will begin to unravel. So, economic restructuring must follow from political restructuring, and the book’s central economic argument is that Nigeria must be an open, competitive, market economy, and an export-led industrial nation. Adam Smith’s immutable words are worth remembering: “No nation is ever rich by the exploitation of the crude produce of the soil but the exportation of manufactures and services.”

Then the book addresses a significant issue in Nigeria: weak state capacity. This deficiency hinders Nigeria’s ability to manage various societal challenges, including joblessness, poverty, inequality, and insecurity. The issue isn’t due to a lack of skilled individuals; Nigerians are recognised for their leadership on global stages. Instead, the root of the problem lies in ineffective governance, fragile institutions, and a deficit of visionary and competent political leadership. But Nigeria cannot be an effective state unless it is first a strong nation where leaders and citizens alike, regardless of ethnic, regional, or religious differences, have a sense of shared purpose and of the national interest. That means that Nigeria must first be restructured to create a new political and governance system that is fair, just, and equitable, ensuring that the right values, norms, and incentive structure underpin that system. Only when Nigeria is united and stable, only when there is a sense of shared belonging and purpose, will an effective state emerge and state capacity and, with it, progress.

Thus, my deeply held conviction, which informed the writing of the book, is that it is impossible for Nigeria to achieve the much-needed political, economic, and social transformations and fulfil its great potential without a negotiated political and constitutional settlement and a new constitution, followed by the revamping of its economic model. The book rejects the argument that Nigeria does not need to be restructured, that what it needs are good leaders and good citizens. While the success of all institutions depends, in large part, on those who run them, it is also true that institutional structures can constrain behaviour and shape outcomes. Of course, leadership matters, and the attitudes of citizens matter, but the right institutional structures, underpinned by the right values, are powerful incentives in driving behaviours, performance and outcomes.

The overarching appeal of the book is to the national interest. It is not beyond human ingenuity and creativity to produce for a country an enduring political and constitutional settlement and create a fit-for-purpose economic and governance structure. However, it requires acting in the national interest to do so. Acting in the national interest means reacting as every group with a shared identity does in the face of real and present danger and putting the best interests of a nation and its people above sectional and myopic considerations. The truth is that Nigeria’s current political and governance structures cannot ensure or guarantee its unity, stability and progress, and maintaining the status quo is not sustainable; it is even dangerous. Nigeria must, therefore, chart a new path forward.

My greatest hope is that the book will contribute to that process and that it will lead to a national consensus to restructure Nigeria and create a new political and constitutional settlement, and a new constitution, both of which are preconditions for economic and social transformations. As Professor Paul Collier says in his Foreword, “This is the book that Nigerians have long needed: an agenda for root-and-branch renewal based on a profound historical understanding.” In his own Foreword, Professor Pat Utomi, described the book as “thoughtful, a call for action to change course”. He adds: “From an analytic but fair and balanced commentary on historical evolution of politics, governance and development practices in Nigeria, the book puts forward what can be called a Federalist agenda.” If you care about Nigeria’s future, as I hope you do, I invite you to read the book and join national the discourse on the remaking of the country.

Every so often, a narrative unfolds that demands more than reportage. It demands reflection. Interpretation. Contextual excavation. The newly released 2026 Times Higher Education Interdisciplinary Science Rankings is one such narrative, a moment where statistics transcend spreadsheets and become symbols of institutional destiny. Covenant University has just made history by placing 49th globally and first in Africa, the only African university to break into the world’s top 50. That headline will expectedly enjoy the limelight. But if one shifts the gaze slightly – if one peers beyond the dazzle of Covenant’s triumph, another story emerges, quieter yet equally consequential – the University of Nigeria, Nsukka securing second place in Nigeria, second in Africa, and 161st globally. For UNN, an institution often romanticised for its founding philosophy but criticised for inconsistent performance, this ranking is a subtle rebirth. It is a quiet re-entry into the conversation of relevance, a declaration that the Lion is still capable of roaring.

But like all good stories, this one has a compelling subplot: the coincidence of this ranking with the first 100 days of the new Vice Chancellor, Prof. Simon Uchenna Ortuanya, who assumed office in August 2025. The ranking does not credit him with instant miracles. No serious scholar would make such a claim. Instead, it offers something perhaps more important; it is a providential timing, a symbolic endorsement, an unexpected tailwind propelling the early days of his leadership. To understand this moment correctly, we must deconstruct the ranking, revisit its historical undercurrents, interpret its present implications, and project its future possibilities. Only then can we appreciate why this confluence of events is neither trivial nor accidental – and why it validates, in tone and texture, my earlier verdict: indeed, Simon is working.

The Interdisciplinary Science Rankings, now in their second edition, are not the typical STEM-or-publication-heavy metrics familiar to the academic world. They measure universities across 11 indicators that reflect the global shift toward knowledge integration: interdisciplinary research quality, cross-disciplinary publications, external funding, measures of research success, facilities, administrative support, structures that promote interdisciplinarity, academic reputation, etc. These metrics reward institutions that can break disciplinary silos and create ecosystems, where engineering dialogues with ethics, medicine with machine learning, agriculture with economics, psychology with public policy, language with AI, and environmental science with legal frameworks. In this emerging global academic architecture, interdisciplinarity is not a buzzword; it is the engine of innovation. The ranking therefore rewards institutions that not only produce knowledge, but connect it. That UNN has performed strongly in these metrics tells a deeper story, one that predates the current VC but aligns perfectly with his administrative temperament and stated vision.

UNN’s present ranking is not the result of a single administration, nor the work of 100 days. It is the cumulative outcome of years of incremental reforms, sometimes visible, sometimes invisible – undertaken by successive leaderships. The past vice chancellors strengthened digital infrastructure, improved Senate processes, expanded postgraduate enrollment, initiated curricular reforms, revamped research centres, encouraged international linkages, and nurtured a slow but steady culture of interdisciplinarity across departments. Their efforts built the scaffolding from which UNN now projects itself into global visibility. It is academically proper and ethically necessary to acknowledge this heritage. Universities, unlike governments, do not operate on four-year or eight-year cycles. Their achievements accumulate over decades. What we celebrate today is therefore the fruit of long-term institutional investments, policy adjustments, and intellectual perseverance. However, the fact that the ranking was released just as Prof. Ortuanya marks his 100th day in office gives the moment a symbolic coherence that one cannot ignore. History often chooses its own punctuation marks.

Prof. Simon Ortuanya assumed office with a reputation for administrative precision, legal clarity, and systemic discipline. His leadership style, even within 100 days, has reflected a calm, methodical, and purposeful approach, focused less on noise and more on structure. Even though this ranking predates his tenure, its emergence during his early days does three things. First, it confers legitimacy early. New Vice Chancellors often struggle with internal resistance, competing interests, and the inertia of long-standing university cultures. A ranking of this magnitude is a psychological enabler. It boosts morale, softens resistance, and gives the new administration a stronger mandate to pursue reforms. Second, it offers a platform for acceleration. Since the ranking highlights interdisciplinarity as UNN’s rising strength, Ortuanya inherits a clear, data-driven direction. Expand cross-disciplinary research clusters, strengthen multi-faculty laboratories, incentivise team grants, and integrate technology with traditional scholarship. It is now possible to intensify momentum rather than create it from scratch. Third, it positions UNN for global partnerships. Visibility attracts collaborations. Grants follow reputation. Philanthropists support institutions that demonstrate measurable impact. With UNN at 161 globally and 2nd in Africa, Ortuanya can approach international partners with confidence rather than persuasion. Thus, the ranking is not merely a feather in the cap; it is fuel for a larger journey. Altogether, the Ortuanya moment is a tonic, a turning-point, a tailwind.

Covenant University’s exceptional performance – Africa’s No. 1 – is a landmark achievement. But for UNN, this should not be a discouragement. It should be a benchmark. If a private university with a shorter lifespan can rise to global prominence, then a public institution with UNN’s breadth, diversity, intellectual capital, and historical grounding can surpass it – if governance sustains the present trajectory. Interdisciplinarity is UNN’s entry point into this competitive future. It is a university’s reawakening beyond nostalgia, and towards renewal. For decades, UNN’s reputation rested heavily on the mythos of its founding. The nostalgia of being “the first indigenous university” became both a source of pride and a subtle burden. Too often, that heritage became a hiding place for contemporary underperformance. But this ranking signals a philosophical shift – from a past-oriented narrative to a forward-facing identity. UNN is no longer resting on its founding story. It is writing a new chapter—one measured, not in slogans, but in metrics; not in sentiment, but in data. The old Lion is stirring again with a renewed roar, hitting the road ahead towards a future of greater possibilities.

The future that this ranking unlocks is expansive, but it requires deliberate leadership. For UNN to climb from 161 into the top 100 – or even contest Covenant’s continental lead – several imperatives must be pursued. Institutionalise interdisciplinarity through joint degrees, shared laboratories, and thematic research clusters. Strengthen administrative efficiency to support grant management, research ethics, and digital workflows. Expand global partnerships with universities prioritising cross-disciplinary research. Prioritise digital research infrastructure, data repositories, and open-access scholarship. Promote postgraduate research, particularly in emerging fields: AI, biotechnology, environmental governance, digital humanities, health economics, and climate science. All of these fall within the natural temperament of the new Vice Chancellor – structured, deliberate, research-oriented, and strategically ambitious. The timing could not be more auspicious.

Ultimately, the 2026 Times Higher Education Interdisciplinary Science Ranking is more than an institutional accolade. It is a call to action. It affirms the labour of UNN’s past leaderships.

It offers symbolic wind to Ortuanya’s early sails. It opens doors, widens horizons, and sharpens possibilities. It transforms a university from a relic of past glory into a contender for future greatness. Most importantly, it challenges the new administration to do more, aim higher, and sustain momentum. Because rankings do not reward history; they reward performance. And as UNN stands on this threshold – with its legacy behind it and its destiny before it – one truth resonates with clear, resonant conviction. This is not UNN’s summit; it is its starting point;

not the climax of a journey, but the overture of a renaissance.

In the final reckoning, the Times Higher Education ranking does more than shuffle universities on a global ladder; it reshapes narratives, sharpens perceptions, and recalibrates what is thinkable for an institution long weighed down by nostalgia and episodic underperformance. It affirms the cumulative labour of past administrations and gifts Prof. Simon Ortuanya a symbolic tailwind just as he crosses his 100-day threshold – an auspicious moment when coincidence becomes consequence, and consequence becomes mandate. The challenge before UNN is clear: consolidate this momentum, deepen interdisciplinarity, and transform promise into permanence. And as the Lion begins to stir again, reclaiming its place not by sentiment but by metrics, one truth stands tall in the quiet clarity of its own eloquence – that Prof Ortuanya is, indeed breaking new grounds.

And because leadership is language, and rankings are narratives, and narratives are the architecture of institutional destiny, this moment reminds us – forcefully and beautifully – why we pay attention to the things we say, the stories we tell, and the meanings we make of them. In the end, as always, word indeed, matters.

.Agbedo, a professor of Linguistics, University of Nigeria Nsukka, Fellow of Netherlands Institute for Advanced Study, is a public affairs analyst.

Bart Verbruggen was the Brighton hero as his stoppage-time penalty save from Igor Thiago earned the Seagulls a 2-1 win over Brentford at the American Express Community Stadium.

Verbruggen produced a stoppage-time penalty save from Igor Thiago earned the Seagulls a 2-1 win.

Saturday’s victory moved Brighton up to fifth in the Premier League table with the win over Brentford on 19 points from 12 matches.

The Bees took the lead through a Thiago first half penalty, his ninth goal of the season to continue a run of seven goals in seven games for Brentford.

His flick to release Dango Ouattara in the build-up was even better as the Brentford winger was then felled by Carlos Baleba, who was taken off at half-time in another poor display from the midfielder.

Brighton fared better after the break and while Danny Welbeck missed a massive chance to level, firing over from 10 yards out, he eventually found the leveller with 20 minutes to go.

Yankuba Minteh’s glorious cross from the right was turned in by the striker who is set to turn 35 on Wednesday.

His chances of an England call-up, after being name-checked by Thomas Tuchel as an option during the international break, have gone up.

And Brighton completed the turnaround with six minutes to go when substitute Jack Hinshelwood, who had missed the last nine games with a ligament injury, turned home from the edge of the box after the electric Minteh saw a run and shot blocked.