Category: Daily Monitor

On World Sickle Cell Day, a visit to Ward 16 reveals the daily reality of children and adolescents battling pain, long queues and shortages, while also finding care, resilience and moments of hope at Mulago National Referral Hospital.

Children limp through crowded corridors. Others chase one another through the hallways as though they are anywhere but a hospital. Beneath a tent outside Ward 16 at Mulago National Referral Hospital, dozens of families wait their turn for treatment, relief and reassurance.

On World Sickle Cell Day, observed annually on June 19, I spent a day inside one of Uganda’s busiest sickle cell clinics, where pain, resilience and hope coexist every day.

Ward 16, also known as Ward 16A or Jelliffe Ward, is Mulago’s Paediatric Haematology Unit. It primarily admits and treats children with sickle cell disease and severe anaemia. Located near the left entrance before the Uganda Cancer Institute (UCI), it serves hundreds of patients each week.

By mid-morning, the clinic is already full. Children wait with their guardians under a tent, in corridors and outside consultation rooms. Some have yellowing eyes, a common sign of sickle cell disease, while others appear perfectly healthy.

Most caregivers are women, many of them grandmothers. Some cradle sleeping children on their laps, others clutch patient files worn from years of clinic visits. Their faces reflect exhaustion, resilience and the familiarity of a condition that demands lifelong care.

A mother’s journey

Among them is a mother who identifies herself only as Nalongo. She recalls a distressing morning when her five-year-old son experienced a painful episode and could not walk.

‘I carried him on my back while searching for a boda boda. People told me I was spoiling him because he was crying,’ she recounts.

When she finally found a rider and requested transport to Mulago Hospital, she still faced scepticism.

‘Are you so broke that you cannot go to a nearby clinic? If he is really sick, you will be stuck waiting in a long queue at Mulago,’ the rider said.

Nalongo says she has become used to such reactions but remains committed to bringing her son to Ward 16, where staff understand his condition best.

Patients who never leave

Although Ward 16 is designated for children, many adolescents and adults continue to return for care. Robinah Asaba, the ward in-charge, explains that many older patients prefer to stay with the doctors who first treated them.

‘We have treated them since childhood, so they feel we understand them better,’ she says. ‘They are supposed to go to the adult clinic at New Mulago on the fourth floor every Thursday, but they find it easier to come here since we are open Monday to Friday.’

According to Asaba, adults with routine needs are referred to the haematology ward, while those in painful crises are often managed in Ward 16.

One adolescent patient says the attachment runs deeper than convenience.

‘If you have a painful crisis, you will not get better until you are treated here. We have records of our medical history, but even if you take them elsewhere, the doctors there may not provide the same level of care.’

A clinic under pressure

Asaba says the clinic sees between 150 and 200 sickle cell patients daily, Monday to Friday.

On weekends, public holidays and after 5pm, cases are handled at the Acute Care Unit for children, while adolescents and adults are managed as medical emergencies.

‘We are understaffed, yet the number of patients keeps increasing,’ she says.

Despite the pressure, Ward 16 remains a lifeline for families from across Uganda.

Understanding treatment

Once a diagnosis is made, treatment begins immediately. Children receive monthly Fansidar to prevent malaria, since even mild infections can trigger severe crises. They also take daily folic acid to support red blood cell production.

Children under five receive penicillin V to protect against bacterial infections such as pneumonia.

‘Pen V is usually taken until five years, when the immune system is stronger,’ Asaba explains.

One of the most important advances in care is hydroxyurea. It improves red blood cell flexibility, reduces painful episodes and lowers the risk of complications such as stroke.

Awareness has also improved outcomes. Patients now understand the importance of avoiding stress, staying warm and rejecting myths about early death.

‘What is more important is screening,’ Asaba adds. ‘It should be required before marriage, so we reduce the number of children born with the disease.’

Uganda records about 2,000 babies born with sickle cell disease annually, with an estimated seven million people living with the disease or trait.

The debate around prevention

For many adolescents, lived experience shapes strong opinions on prevention.

One teenager, who requests anonymity, speaks emotionally:

‘Some parents should be more careful. Why keep having children when you can see the suffering of those already born?’

He adds: ‘In this era, people should not be giving birth to children with sickle cell disease when screening is available.

If you are a carrier, you should only have children with someone who is not.’

When essential medicine runs out

Despite its effectiveness, hydroxyurea is sometimes unavailable, forcing families to buy it.

‘Sometimes patients do not get it because numbers are high, so they buy it, which increases the cost of care,’ Asaba says.

Margaret Namanda, who cares for her eight-year-old granddaughter, has seen its impact firsthand.

Before treatment, the child had frequent crises and repeated admissions. The situation worsened when her mother struggled to accept the diagnosis.

‘When hydroxyurea was first prescribed, it was out of stock, and each tablet cost Shs1,500. I could not afford Shs45,000 on top of hospital bills, so I did not buy it at first. Later we got free capsules, and the pain reduced,’ she says.

Stigma and abandonment

Beyond physical pain, many patients face stigma, neglect and abandonment. Asaba says the impact is heartbreaking.

‘Some come without food or money for pain medicine. Some are abandoned here. Others are resorting to petty theft to survive,’ she says.

One case is difficult to ignore.

Near a bench sits a teenage boy, about 16, crying out for help to raise Shs60,000 for pain medication. He has bruises on his head, bandages and a cannula in his arm. Passers-by stop to listen and contribute what they can.

A nearby vendor later says the boy has both sickle cell disease and cancer and is also linked to alleged theft within the hospital. Asaba describes him as one of many abandoned cases struggling to survive.

Living with sickle cell disease

Among the patients is Timothy Wangi, an adolescent linked to the Sickle Cell Support Network. Of five children in his family, two have the disease and one is a carrier.

As a child, he was frequently ill and hospitalised before being referred to Mulago.

‘When I get a crisis, the pain is so bad I cannot walk. Painkillers from other clinics wear off, but I only get better after coming here,’ he says.

He explains that crises often begin gradually before intensifying.

‘If the pain increases despite painkillers at school, it may mean an infection, and it must be treated.’

To avoid stigma, he discloses his condition only to close friends and the school nurse.

‘I dread review days because of the queues, but I never miss them.’

As the clinic day ends, the waiting area remains full. New patients arrive while others prepare for long journeys home. Some leave relieved after treatment; others carry the uncertainty of chronic illness.

Yet amid long queues, medicine shortages and chronic pain, Ward 16 remains more than a hospital ward. For hundreds of families, it is a place of continuity and care, where suffering meets expertise and where, even in the hardest moments, hope is not lost.

A grandmother’s hope

Another grandmother recalls first noticing symptoms when her grandson was three months old. He cried constantly and had swollen joints. A diagnosis at Rubaga Hospital confirmed sickle cell disease.

‘The bills were too high, so we came to Mulago where treatment is free,’ she says.

When hydroxyurea was introduced at age seven, the change was significant.

‘He now takes two capsules from Monday to Saturday and one on Sunday,’ she says.

‘We can go an entire school term without a crisis. He drinks water and manages his medicine well, even though he is a picky eater.’

Fast Facts on Sickle Cell in Uganda

Sickle cell disease is among the most common inherited blood disorders in Uganda.

It is passed from parents to children through genes.

Painful ‘crises’ occur when sickled cells block blood flow in the body.

Early diagnosis and consistent care can reduce complications and hospital admissions.

Hydroxyurea is one of the key medicines used to reduce the frequency of painful episodes.

Many patients still face delays in diagnosis and interrupted access to treatment.

On a quiet stretch of land in Aturuku Village, Tororo District, the sound of clucking chickens mingles with the grunts of pigs and the rustling of crops swaying in the breeze.

At first glance, it looks like any other thriving commercial farm. But at the centre of this enterprise is an unlikely farmer – a bishop.

Dressed casually and moving confidently from one section of the farm to another, Bishop Julius Omoit, the senior pastor of Tororo Worship Centre, is as comfortable discussing feed ratios and crop yields as he is preaching from the pulpit.

For many of his fellow clergy, this side of the bishop was a revelation. A recent visit by a group of senior born-again church ministers left them astonished.

The Christians toured Bishop Omoit’s crop gardens, piggery units and poultry houses, struggling to hide their surprise at the scale of his investment in agriculture.

‘We had heard that he was farming, but we did not expect to find such a well-established and diversified enterprise,’ one of the visiting Christians remarked.

Yet for Bishop Omoit, farming is not a hobby or a side business. It is part of his ministry.

Standing beside his poultry house, the bishop explains his philosophy with conviction.

‘I believe that one of the best ways to make the Gospel a reality in people’s lives is to help them improve their livelihoods and become self-reliant,’ he says.

To him, preaching hope is not enough if people remain trapped in poverty.

He believes faith should be accompanied by practical action that empowers families to earn a living and secure their future.

This conviction has shaped his pastoral mission. Over the years, Bishop Omoit has watched members of his congregation struggle with unemployment, low incomes and rising living costs.

He began to ask himself whether the church could do more than provide spiritual guidance. His answer was agriculture.

Today, he sees the farm not only as a source of income but as a demonstration site proof that with knowledge, hard work and determination, ordinary people can transform their lives.

The bishop’s journey into farming did not begin with a business plan or investment capital.It began with memories.

Growing up, he watched his parents labour tirelessly on small pieces of land, hoping for a harvest that was often uncertain.

‘I saw my parents struggle to make ends meet through subsistence farming. Those experiences never left me,’ he recalls.

As he rose through church leadership, the memories remained with him. Eventually, they inspired him to return to the soil – not in the traditional way he had known as a child, but with a vision of modern, commercial agriculture.

He started small, experimenting with poultry and piggery while learning new farming techniques. Gradually, he expanded into crop production and diversified his enterprises. Today, his farm stands as a testimony to perseverance and innovation.

Pastor David Omalla of Pentecostal Assemblies of God says the man of God’s experience challenged his long-held assumptions about the role of church leaders.

‘This is more than farming. It is a ministry of empowerment. The church should not only preach about prosperity; it should also demonstrate practical ways for people to achieve it,’ he said.

Pastor Ruth Kahawa of Smile Africa Ministries agrees that agriculture offers an opportunity for churches to address one of society’s biggest challenges – poverty.

‘We have seen that farming can create jobs, improve household incomes and restore dignity to families.Many of us are now inspired to take this path,’ she said.

But Bishop Omoit’s ambitions extend far beyond his own success.He dreams of turning the farm into a training centre where young people, church members and aspiring farmers can learn modern agricultural practices.

He also plans to venture into value addition, enabling farmers to earn more from their produce and access wider markets. His goal is simple: to create a model that others can replicate.

‘People need opportunities. If we can equip them with skills and encourage them to work hard, we can transform communities,’ he said.

He says it’s time religious leaders across Uganda embrace agriculture as a business and a tool for social transformation.

On the bishop’s farm in Aturukuku, sermons are not preached only from a pulpit. They are lived out in chicken houses, pig pens and fertile fields.

The Uganda Communications Commission (UCC) says it is preparing an official statement on the shutdown of Daily Monitor, NTV Uganda, Spark TV, and other Nation Media Group (NMG) outlets after a military deployment at their premises. The affected media houses were taken off air early Sunday morning after soldiers deployed at NMG offices in Namuwongo and Serena Hotel, where some of the outlets operate.

UCC spokesperson Ibrahim Bbosa declined to provide immediate details on the regulator’s position or the reasons behind the shutdown, saying a statement was being prepared.

‘We are going to issue a statement soon…in three hours time. Just wait a little bit,’ Bbosa told Uganda Radio Network in a telephone interview.

Under normal regulatory procedures, UCC is expected to issue notices and provide reasons for any sanctions against broadcasters over alleged breaches of licensing conditions or broadcasting standards. The abrupt nature of Sunday’s operation, which involved military deployment instead of a publicly announced regulatory process, has raised questions over the legal basis of the shutdown.

The action followed remarks by Chief of Defence Forces Gen. Muhoozi Kainerugaba, who said he had received approval from President Yoweri Museveni to close the outlets. He had earlier threatened the move in June after NMG platforms reported on the arrest of Kampala Lord Mayor Erias Lukwago and other issues involving him. By Sunday morning, Daily Monitor offices remained closed, while NTV Uganda and Spark TV were off air. Soldiers were also guarding access points at the Namuwongo premises and the Serena Hotel.

The National Association of Broadcasters (NAB) condemned the shutdown, saying it was seeking clarification on the circumstances surrounding the action.

‘We are deeply concerned about this action and its impact on the media ecosystem, and the rights enshrined under the 1995 Constitution of the Republic of Uganda,’ NAB said in a statement.

NAB said it had taken note of statements on the X account associated with Gen Muhoozi, indicating that the affected media houses would not resume operations without his permission. The association said it was engaging the Ministry of ICT and National Guidance, UCC, and the Chief of Defence Forces to establish the facts and seek a resolution.

The Institute for Justice and Accountability Uganda (IJAU) also condemned the military deployment, describing it as a threat to press freedom.

The institute, led by exiled Ugandan writer and activist Kakwenza Rukirabashaija, said the presence of armed personnel at the media premises violated constitutional protections on freedom of the press and access to information. It called on state institutions to address what it described as interference with media operations.

Uganda’s fragile democratic experiment is once again under siege. The proposed amendment to Section 8 of the Administration of Parliament Act-championed by Buyaga West County Member of Parliament (MP) Dennis Namara-threatens to dismantle the very architecture that has kept the Opposition relevant in Parliament.

Critics say by shifting the power to appoint the Leader of the Opposition in Parliament (LoP) from the largest Opposition party to a vote among all Opposition MPs and Independents, Mr Namara’s Bill risks turning the Opposition aisle into a fragmented marketplace of competing interests. What looks like reform may in fact be, they add, the quiet removal of the last institutional guardrail against illiberal democracy.

For decades, the position of LoP has been more than symbolic. It has provided coherence, accountability, and a focal point for dissent in a system otherwise dominated by the ruling party. The current arrangement ensures that the largest Opposition party-often the only one with the organisational capacity to challenge government excesses-can speak with authority. Mr Namara’s proposal would upend this logic, replacing clarity with contestation.

Supporters of the amendment argue that it democratises Opposition politics. By allowing Independents and smaller parties to participate in the selection of the LoP, they claim, it breaks the monopoly of entrenched Opposition parties and creates space for new voices. In theory, this could empower marginalised groups and foster a more inclusive Opposition. Yet the practical effect may be quite different.

Mr Job Kiija, the associate director at Innovations for Democratic Engagement and Action (IDEA), warns that the proposed amendment to Section 8 of the Administration of Parliament Act fundamentally twists the meaning of political inclusivity.

‘What Dennis Namara and his Patriotic League of Uganda (PLU) colleagues present as reform-allowing all Opposition and Independent MPs to elect the LoP-is, in reality, a pretext to dilute party mandates. It disenfranchises voters who deliberately chose the largest Opposition party, currently the National Unity Platform, to lead the alternative government. In a multiparty system, true representation rests on the principle that electoral strength translates directly into legislative leadership,’ Mr Kiija said.

He added: ‘This manoeuvre is not new. It mirrors the destructive precedent set by Mityana South MP Richard Lumu’s earlier legislative push-an opportunistic agenda that destabilised Speaker Anita Among’s leadership. Forcing an election across a fragmented Opposition floor will not foster inclusivity; it will manufacture a compromised leader lacking a genuine mandate from the anti government electorate.’

Transactional politics

Mr Kiija said from a governance perspective, the proposal acts as a structural wedge designed to fracture Opposition unity. A robust, autonomous Opposition is not a constitutional luxury but a democratic necessity.

‘Transforming the LoP into an electoral prize contested among rival factions and Independents institutionalises internal competition at the expense of national oversight. Instead of consolidating energy to hold the ruling National Resistance Movement accountable, Opposition parties will be forced inward-engaging in transactional politics and state influenced horse trading. The result is a crippled opposition, unable to mount disciplined checks on government policy or committee oversight,’ he said.

Mr Kiija further noted that the PLU backed push tilts power away from independent parties and into the hands of external political military movements aligned with the ruling establishment.

‘With the NRM’s commanding majority and influence over independents, any ‘opposition election’ will be vulnerable to manipulation. Allowing the governing establishment to dictate how minority benches choose their leadership strips the leading opposition party of autonomy. It sets a perilous precedent where the state effectively chooses its own opponent, reducing oversight to mere theatre,’ he said.

The IDEA associate director said the proposal undermines Westminster traditions and Uganda’s constitutional foundation. Articles 71 and 72 guarantee multiparty autonomy, including the right of parties to designate their own parliamentary leadership.

‘The Westminster model dictates that the largest non governing party forms the official opposition as a coherent government in waiting. Bypassing this practice erodes party discipline and independence. It signals a dangerous slide toward a de facto single party state disguised as parliamentary majoritarianism,’ Mr Kiija said.

The expert said the PLU, which backs Mr Namara, stands to gain the most. Although not the largest Opposition party, PLU could leverage alliances with Independents to secure leadership positions. This would weaken the established Opposition and hand the ruling party a fractured adversary. A divided Opposition is easier to co opt, easier to silence, and far less capable of mounting a unified challenge to executive dominance.

Uganda’s political system has long relied on the Opposition as a counterweight to unchecked power. Removing the largest party’s prerogative to appoint the LoP risks turning Opposition leadership into a transactional contest, vulnerable to manipulation and patronage. What is presented as democratisation may instead be a Trojan horse: a reform that appears inclusive but ultimately dismantles meaningful dissent.

A seismic change

Mr Namara, backed by PLU-leaning MPs, has formally notified the Clerk of Parliament of his intention to introduce the Private Members’ Bill. The PLU, born out of the MK Movement, has steadily evolved from civic mobilisation into a political force. Its rhetoric of patriotism and anti corruption has attracted MPs numbering in their hundreds. Announcing its new office bearers this week, the pressure group showed that it has a strong presence not just in the ruling NRM but also among the Independents.

Renowned political analyst and researcher, Yusuf Serunkuma, argues that the PLU is gambling with how to take power, adding that the problem is that they are relying on small, fragmented initiatives.

‘There is no clear ideological direction, and instead, everyone appears to be following the random ambitions and power flexes of Gen Muhoozi Kainerugaba,’ he noted. ‘Whatever changes are made to [the election of the LoP] do not significantly alter the broader political landscape in Uganda.’

The academic emphasised that the LoP carries no real influence under an autocratic system. ‘We are not a democracy, and neither are we trying to build one.’

The Office of the LoP was established in Parliament at the inception of the 8th Parliament, pursuant to the constitutional provisions that restored multi-party politics in Uganda in 2005. The Office draws its existence from Article 82A of the Constitution of the Republic of Uganda, 1995, and Part IIA of the Administration of Parliament (Amendment) Act, 2006. The position of the LoP is equivalent to that of a Cabinet minister in government and, as such, is entitled to similar benefits and privileges.

Mr Kakuba Sultan Juma, a senior lecturer and graduate coordinator in the Department of Political Science, Faculty of Social Sciences at Kyambogo University, told Weekend Monitor that changing the selection of the LoP presents both opportunities and risks. He said on one hand, such a reform could enhance democratic inclusivity by giving a broader range of Opposition legislators a direct voice in choosing their leader, thereby making the LoP more representative of the diversity within the Opposition.

Conversely, Mr Kakuba said with Uganda’s Opposition landscape already fragile, any change could intensify internal competition, weaken party cohesion, and undermine the ability of the Opposition to present a united and strong front against the NRM, which has been in power for decades.

‘The effectiveness of the LoP depends not only on democratic legitimacy but also on the capacity to coordinate and mobilise Opposition MPs around common objectives,’ Mr Kakuba said.

A rape of the law?

Mr Wandera Ogalo, a lawyer who was party of the Constituent Assembly that framed the 1995 Constitution, this week told NTV Uganda that Article 82A contains two key provisions: the first introduces the multiparty system, and the second prescribes how an LoP is chosen and how they cease to hold office. Mr Ogalo emphasised that one cannot interpret these provisions in isolation.

‘Since the first provision establishes a multiparty system, any law made under the second must align with that principle,’ Mr Ogalo said.

He said the official LoP is the leader of the Opposition party with the majority of MPs in Parliament.

Mr Kakuba said regarding the motivations behind the PLU’s support for the amendment, interpretations will inevitably differ depending on one’s political perspective.

‘What is clear, however, is that the timing and context suggest strategic political interests, particularly given the prominence of NUP within the Opposition,’ he said.

In Mr Kakuba’s view, the intention is to weaken whichever party emerges as the leading Opposition force-currently NUP-so that its influence is diluted and no single party can be regarded as dominant.

Mr Joel Kuteesa Kalyamagwa, a lawyer, stated that the only circumstances under which someone can cease to be the LoP are if they resign voluntarily, lose their parliamentary seat, if the Opposition party with the largest number of MPs ceases to hold that majority, or if the LoP dies or resigns.

‘You don’t simply remove the LoP like that,’ he said. ‘That’s a rape of the law.’

The LoP office, currently occupied by the Nakawa West Member of Parliament, Joel Ssenyonyi, became operational in 2006. This was after pressure from donors forced Uganda to move from a single-party system, the Movement system, to a multi-party dispensation. Instituted under Article 82A of the 1995 Constitution, the office was introduced via the 2005 Constitutional Amendment, and operationalised by the Administration of Parliament Amendment Act, 2006.

As the law stands, Section 6B of the Administration of Parliament (Amendment) Act empowers the Opposition political party with the greatest numerical strength in Parliament to independently nominate the Leader of the Opposition. This explains why, from 2006 to 2016, when the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) was the largest opposition party, its various party presidents picked Morris Ogenga Latigo, Nathan Nandala Mafabi, Philip Wafula Ogutu, Winifred Kiiza, and Betty Aol Ochan to occupy the office in various years.

When NUP took over from FDC as the biggest Opposition party in 2021, its President Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu tipped, first, former Nyendo-Mukungwe legislator, Mr Mathias Mpuuga, and, later, Mr Ssenyonyi to occupy the office. Mr Ssenyonyi recently retained the position, with the blessing of his party’s higher-ups. Now, Mr Namara’s Bill appears intent on ending his return to the office.

Return to movement system?

Mr Namara, who represented Uganda at the East African Legislative Assembly (Eala) rationalised the need to have amendments, saying that the current system concentrates excessive authority in one political party. This, he added, undermines accountability within the multiparty political system.

‘The office of the Leader of the Opposition should be under the purview of Parliament in the execution of its mandate. At the moment, the Leader of the Opposition is effectively chosen at Kavule [NUP’s headquarters] by a few individuals without consultation with other opposition Members of Parliament,’ Mr Namara said this week.

Although Mr Namara claimed that PLU’s move is aimed at improving multiparty politics, political observers have insisted that by moving to decide on the LoP, the regime is reverting to the single-party system or the movement system.

‘I like the PLU move because from 2005, we have had this facade that we have a multiparty party system, yet we don’t have it. The PLU’s move to take over the office of the Leader of the opposition will help to remove the pretence,’ Dr Serunkuma explained, adding that Uganda will now be a full-fledged single-party system.

On paper, the movement system, officially known as the Movement Political System, which was adopted in the 1995 constitution, was marketed by President Museveni as a non-partisan, all-inclusive form of governance. Mr Museveni and his supporters claimed that, unlike political parties that were historically vehicles of division that mobilised along religious and ethnic lines, resulting in coups and political chaos, the movement system was all-inclusive.

Giovanne Carbone, a professor of political science, however, frames the movement system as something closer to a hegemonic party-state system. He says that it was neither a fully-fledged one-party state (or a situation of political monopoly) nor a three-party system (a pluralist political context), but a situation of political supremacy exercised by a single organisation, with smaller opposition groups not able, so far, to put up any significant challenge.

‘The evidence is persuasive that the Movement is a political partisan organisation driven by the aim of placing its people in positions of power, rather than, as its leaders claim, a political ‘system’ (i.e. a set of governmental institutions and relationships, including the terms of participation and competition to access such institutions,’ Carbone said.

Authoritarianism

Yet in his paper entitled New Wine or New Bottles? Movement Politics and One-Partyism Prof Joe Oloka-Onyango insists that the Movement system, claimed to be an innovative, inclusive, and ‘no-party’ form of democracy, was simply the authoritarian, one-party systems of Africa’s post-independence past repackaged.

Prof Oloka-Onyango, a former law don at Makerere University, argues that the Movement system fundamentally suppressed democratic diversity and dissent. Though the movement system claimed to operate on individual merit rather than sectarian party lines, Oloka-Onyango argues this was a facade allowing the state to operate as a de facto single-party regime, co-opting or banning all real political opposition under the guise of “national unity.’

He said it is under the movement system that the NRM effectively merged state apparatuses (like the military, police, and local councils) with the ruling organisation, making it impossible for Opposition entities to compete on a level playing field.

For Prof Oloka-Onyango, the movement system became a tool to co-opt individual members of historical parties, like the Uganda People’s Congress (UPC) and Democratic Party (DP), while neutralising their institutional power.

Just like the Movement system, the PLU has framed the idea of choosing the LoP as part of its endeavours to ensure inclusivity of all parties in Uganda.

‘A Leader of Opposition in and parliamentary Commissioners decide the welfare of the MPs, Parliamentary staff, and offer strategic leadership for Parliament. Whereas other Members of the Commission, like Speaker and Deputy Speaker, are voted by MPs and whereas other members of the Commission, like Prime Minister and Minister of Finance, are vetted by Parliament, you have a[n] LoP who is self-accounting. This business of a few individuals sitting in Kavule or Najjanankumbi to decide on how parliament is governed must stop,’ Mr Namara said, adding that if parliament removes a president and all Ministers and the speaker of parliament why should it be impossible for parliament to remove a Leader of Opposition?

‘Because if you have leaders who can’t be checked, it breeds impunity,’ Mr Namara responded to his question.

Legal question

Legal analysts haven’t doubted PLU’s ability to push this amendment quickly through Parliament, if anything, because the House Speaker, Jacob Marksons Oboth, alias Oboth-Oboth and Deputy Speaker Thomas Tayebwa are all in their positions because of the entity. The questions that have emerged are around whether the law will work retrospectively, such that they remove Mr Ssenyonyi from office.

In principle, laws fundamentally operate prospectively, meaning they apply only to actions and events that occur after the legislation goes into effect.

‘The suggested PLU bill is a fool’s errand, a wild goose chase. The right to freedom of association-the basis of multiparty democracy-includes the right not to associate. Ugandan parliament has no power to direct a merger of opposition political parties or independents,’ said Uganda Law Society President, Isaac Kimaze Ssemakadde.

Yet the notion of bringing every Ugandan under the framework of PLU has been made clear. During the handover party of PLU’s leadership from Daudi Kabanda to Tingey county legislator, Fadil Twalla, Speaker Oboth-Oboth made this vision clear.

‘I believe every Ugandan should belong to PLU,’ Mr Oboth-Oboth, who was the chief guest at the function, said.

Speaker Oboth-Oboth appears to have been taking a leaf from Gen Muhoozi, who has made it clear that there is a military operation to get rid of those opposed to the regime.

‘Our operations against the Opposition last week are a reassurance to the great Ugandan people by the security forces that Uganda will never be led or controlled by a foreign-sponsored political organisation,’ Gen Muhoozi said.

Back to the future

Yet it is not just under the NRM where Uganda has been ruled in a single-party format, because in 1964, the Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC) declared Uganda a single-party state during the leadership of Apollo Milton Obote. In the initial announcement of 1964, Obote declared the UPC’s intention to create a one-party socialist state. Nevertheless, Obote escalated matters in 1969 by banning all Opposition political parties following an assassination attempt on his life.

When Idi Amin ousted Obote in a coup, he reinforced this ban on political parties and parliament through a decree. Just like Museveni argued against political parties, Amin rationalised his move to kick out political parties, claiming that they were inherently rooted in ethnic division and religious sectarianism, which he blamed for the violence and instability that plagued post-independence Uganda. This ban effectively removed all political opposition and allowed Amin to rule by military decree and bypass any democratic accountability.

When the Uganda National Liberation Front (UNLF) installed Godfrey Binaisa as president in August 1979, his administration imposed a ban on political parties, believing that with such a ban Uganda would avoid “the politics of religion, sectarianism, rivalry and hatred’, and be able to work for and even achieve the politics of consensus. Binaisa was ousted by pro-Obote forces within the military structures, leading to the return of the multiparty dispensation under which the contested 1980 elections took place, with Obote controversially declared victorious.

Obote’s win forced Mr Museveni to wage a five-year war in the Luweero jungles, and once he took to the streets of Kampala, he once again banned political parties. Mr Museveni claimed that Ugandans were being ruled under what he termed a broad-based government. Yet Dr Kizza Besigye, in his dossier when he was parting with the NRM, insisted implementing the broad- based system was a myth since there were ‘insiders’ and ‘outsiders.’

‘Historical NRM politicians who thought that they were not ‘appropriately’ placed in government, blamed this on the large number of the ‘non-NRM’ people in high up places, and set out to campaign against the situation. They created a distinction between government leaders as ‘NRM’, and ‘broad-based.’ If you were referred to as ‘broad-based’, it was another way of saying that you were undeserving of your post, or that you were possibly an enemy agent (‘5th Columnist’),’ Dr Besigye wrote in 1999.

What began in 2012 with just seven pigs has grown into a powerhouse reshaping Uganda’s pork industry. Prime Pork Uganda Limited is not only producing high-quality pork but also pioneering genetics and sustainable farming practices that are opening new doors for farmers nationwide. At the heart of this transformation is Mr Christopher Mulindwa, a determined young entrepreneur who turned early struggles into a thriving enterprise that now sets the standard for pig farming in Uganda.

Recognising the gap between farmgate prices and those at pork joints, Mr Mulindwa partnered with a friend to explore better market options. They discovered Wambizi Abattoir in Nalukolongo, which opened new opportunities. However, the business remained largely controlled by traders, limiting their independence. The turning point came when Mr Mulindwa’s uncle and grandmother provided land in Matugga, allowing them to build their own abattoir.

‘That was the beginning of real growth,’ he recalls, as they began producing ribs, chops, and specialised pork cuts. To process pork successfully, it was crucial to have animals with more meat and less fat, a characteristic not found in local breeds,’ Mr Mulindwa said. In 2015, Prime Pork partnered with Choice Genetics from France to import grandparent breeding stock, significantly enhancing Uganda’s pig genetics. Subsequently, collaboration with Brine enabled local semen production for artificial insemination, drastically reducing costs.

‘While imported semen costs Shs100,000 per dose, locally produced semen costs just $10 (approximately Shs36,600), making insemination both affordable and safer, reducing disease transmission associated with traditional village boars,’ he added.

Significant milestone

Looking towards the future, Prime Pork expanded its genetic offerings by partnering with Nucleus from France in 2025, receiving a license to multiply its genetics throughout East Africa. The establishment of Uganda’s first Great Grandparent (GGP) breeding farm in Mityana, in partnership with Jolly Pig Farm, marked a significant milestone. Additional GGP farms are slated for establishment in Kenya and Tanzania, allowing Uganda to produce grandparent and parent lines locally and drastically reduce costs for smallholder farmers. Mr Mulindwa noted: ‘Locally produced parent lines will soon cost as little as Shs500,000,’ making high-quality genetics accessible to a broader audience. Since 2012, the pork sector has seen substantial growth.

Today, products are categorised into ordinary pork, which comes from underweight pigs or worn-out sows/boars and sells at Shs12,000 per kilogramme; and premium pork, from younger well-fed pigs, priced at Shs14,000 per kilogramme. At abattoirs, carcass weight pricing ranges between Shs8,000 and Shs9,000 per kilogramme, depending on size and quality. Uganda’s piggery sector is unique, with domestic consumption driving growth. Mr Mulindwa observed that pork has become a social meat, consumed in joints rather than at home. This cultural trend has fostered a steady increase in demand, even as official statistics often underestimate pork consumption.

‘It is common for individuals to eat a kilogramme or more in one sitting. Demand is far higher than reported,’ he noted.

High pork consumption

Statistics reveal that Uganda has the highest pork consumption per capita in the region, estimated at 3.40 kilogramme per year, with actual figures likely closer to 4.5 kilogramme. The demand for pork is significant, ranging from 170,000 tonnes to 225,000 tonnes annually. In contrast, South Sudan’s pork consumption per capita is a mere 0.01 kilogramme, despite its population of 11.5 million. The industry, however, faces a pressing issue of rising demand versus supply. Mr Mulindwa explained that: ‘Pork consumption continues to grow alongside population increases. Despite rising prices, demand remains resilient.’

Compounding this challenge are supply constraints; many farmers prioritise breeding piglets over raising pigs for slaughter, leading to lower-quality pork. Additionally, Uganda imports processed pork products, particularly from Kenya, to help meet demand. He noted that quality challenges persist, as regional buyers from Kenya and Congo often purchase live animals from Uganda but pay low prices due to quality concerns.

Mr Mulindwa explained that several farmers fail to understand grading systems, leading to unrealistic price expectations for ordinary pigs. This discrepancy ultimately hampers competitiveness in regional markets. To fully harness regional demand, Mr Mulindwa stressed the need for improvements in genetics and breeding practices to produce premium-quality pork. Furthermore, providing clear and segregated data on pig populations would guide investment decisions and bolster the sector.

A promising future

As Uganda’s piggery industry continues to evolve, the potential for growth remains vast, positioning it as an essential player on the regional stage. Mr Mulindwa noted that the outlook for Uganda’s piggery industry is highly promising. The sector is creating jobs for both youth and older citizens, with opportunities across the value chain from breeding and feeding to processing and marketing. Uganda and East Africa are well-positioned to become a genetics hub for Central and Northern Africa, replicating successes seen in South Africa.

This vision, however, requires government support, particularly in establishing livestock identification and traceability systems to meet international export standards. Uganda is technically export-ready, but scaling up production volumes and aligning regulations with global trade requirements remain critical. Domestically, demand is strong, and production capacity continues to rise. Estimates suggest Uganda’s pig industry could reach hundreds of thousands of metric tonnes annually, making it a vital contributor to food security and the national economy. With the right framework, Uganda could transform into a regional powerhouse in pork production.

Elevate region’s pig sector

Nucleus and Prime Pork Uganda have signed a five-year genetic partnership aimed at elevating East Africa’s Pig Farming Sector in the East African Community (EAC). Prime Pork (U) Ltd is a leading force in Uganda’s pig farming and pork processing industry. This strategic collaboration is designed to modernise pig farming practices and raise performance standards across Uganda, Kenya, and Tanzania, marking a significant step forward for the region’s agricultural sector. Through this partnership, farmers will gain access to cutting-edge genetics, including breeding animals and the exclusive supply of Nucleus semen, which will enhance productivity and improve herd quality.

In addition, the agreement provides technical support and data-driven solutions, offering guidance on insemination planning, animal selection, and monitoring of zootechnical performance through specialised software. To safeguard these advancements, strict biosecurity protocols will be implemented to ensure the highest possible health standards for pig herds and promote sustainable growth. For new farmers, investing in proper genetics and nutrition is essential. High-quality breeds yield better meat and higher returns, while balanced feeding ensures healthy growth. Training and professional guidance on pig management, covering health, feeding, and housing, are critical to success.

Biosecurity remains a cornerstone of profitability. Mr Mulindwa noted that farms should be fenced, access restricted, and visitors limited to reduce the risk of African swine fever. Farmers are advised to avoid bringing pork products onto farms, as weak inspection systems can allow infected meat to spread disease. Mr Mulindwa said: ‘Done correctly, pig farming is highly profitable. Success depends on quality genetics, strict management, and strong biosecurity practices, the pillars of a sustainable business.’

It is tough building or buying a home in Uganda, even for people who are well-heeled. So, you can imagine waking up to find that excavators have arrived to demolish your home. Your crime? You built your home in a wetland.

Legally speaking, this is not supposed to be an issue. If the law prohibits construction of residential houses in wetlands, it goes without saying that those breaking it have to suffer the consequences.

But this makes sense only if all homes built in wetlands end up getting demolished. Yet since the National Environment Management Authority (Nema) started its demolition exercise in Lubigi Wetland, it has done the job selectively, sparking anger and resentment.

A couple of weeks ago, a video of a woman whose home was demolished was circulating on social media after she, along with her child, attempted to commit suicide by throwing herself in front of speeding cars.

Many have asked why some homes are pulled down while others are left intact. Why are homes of individuals that Nema seems to fear left intact? And why are those belonging to the hoi polloi demolished?

Nema has not been able to answer these questions convincingly. When I was writing this article, I reached out to its senior public relations officer, William Lubulwa. He told me Nema does not demolish homes and only acts to restore wetlands, although a May 29 press release the authority published on its website says: ‘During the operation, affected persons were granted time to remove their valuables before both temporary and permanent structures were demolished…’

Mr Lubulwa also said Nema would carry out similar exercises in all wetlands across Uganda. We are going to wait and see how things pan out.

Meanwhile, a wetland near Kawuku off Entebbe Road is full of houses. Some are still under construction. When I first saw it in 2012, it had no house. All the houses there have been built over the years. In fact, the first demolition exercise in Lubigi happened without Nema saying anything about the Kawuku Wetland.

How do people buy land in a wetland, build homes and occupy them when Nema has done nothing to stop them? Crucially, can/will Nema pull down these homes?

It is much easier and cheaper to stop people from constructing in a wetland than to force them out. As I wrote in this column in 2024, Nema would protect all wetlands effectively if it monitored them regularly and prevented construction the moment a foundation is laid and construction materials are delivered.

There should be a team responsible for visiting wetlands regularly just to ensure no construction work is done. Nema also has to launch sensitisation campaigns about wetlands using effective communication channels targeting people who do not know that wetlands cannot accommodate residential homes. It is not clear whether this has been done.

On Nema’s website, a page about ‘Wetland and Waste Management Awareness’ does not have anything except a brief message saying ‘Coming soon’.

The authority has also struggled to curb noise pollution. How does Nema work with the public to report individuals and organisations causing noise pollution?

In many places in and around Kampala, pubs blast out music at full volume, oblivious to the inconvenience they cause non-revellers. In places far from Kampala, the noise is enough to wake the dead. Then there are pastors of small churches in many suburbs who also make a lot of noise in the name of praying.

If Nema has successfully restored Lubigi Wetland as it claims, it should now turn its attention to other wetlands and also rein in noise generators. People normally stop doing wrong things when they know there is a price to pay.

Those who lost homes in Lubigi now know what it means to build in a wetland, and if Nema did not carry out the exercise selectively, no one would build in a wetland again.

At least 20 lawmakers who have returned to the House to form part of the 12th Parliament shoulder a legislative history of at least 20 years and beyond.

The 12th Parliament has a total of 529 directly elected legislators, who are joined by ex-officios within President Museveni’s Cabinet.

The Kamuli District Woman Representative (DWR), Ms Rebecca Alitwala Kadaga, is one of the most senior and consistent lawmaker on the list of longest-serving legislators in Parliament.

Ms Kadaga has beaten all opponents who have ever vied against her for the same seat she has held since she joined the then National Resistance Council (NRC) in 1989.

Ms Kadaga has served in very pivotal positions, including being the Deputy Speaker of Parliament (2001-2011) before being elevated to the House Speakership (2011-2021).

Despite shouldering a towering legislative experience, House records show that Ms Kadaga attended less than 10 of the 352 plenary sittings held by the 11th Parliament led by Anita Among.

Ms Kadaga’s relationship with the Among administration was rough, both within and outside the precincts of Parliament. The bitterness between the duo intensified in the buildup to the 2026 General Election held on January 15.

In the end, fresh party entrant, Ms Among, defeated Ms Kadaga for the position of Second National Vice Chairperson in the Central Executive Committee (CEC) of the NRM.

Golden oldies

After she took oath on May 13 at Parliament’s main entrance, Ms Kadaga undertook to support government efforts aimed at polishing Uganda’s education sector, transport facilities and general infrastructure of the country.

Parliament records show that the National Resistance Council was the Fifth Parliament of Uganda. It was formed shortly after President Museveni took power in 1986.

Its tenure stretched to 1996, a period that saw its numbers swell from the initial 38 members after other representatives from other parts of the country were included.

Part of the list of the 38 historical members is Maj Gen (rtd) Jim Muhwezi (Rujumbura), whose spell in the House has encountered disruptions as he faced defeats in various election cycles.

Others who equally faced disruptions include James Nsaba Buturo (Bufumbira County), Maj Gen Kahinda Otafiire (Ruhinda County), and Jessica Alupo (Katakwi DWR).

Ms Alupo has been in Parliament for four terms, and the oaths she recently took kick-started her fifth term in the House. She particularly served in the seventh, eighth, ninth and 11th Parliaments.

Between 2011 and 2016, Ms Alupo was appointed to serve as the State minister for Education and was in 2021 appointed Vice President, a position she held until she bounced back in the 2026 polls. She has since been retained to serve in the newly named Cabinet as the Vice President for the 2026-2031 term.

Mukono Municipality legislator Betty Nambooze Bakireke is one of the Opposition’s longest-serving DWRs. Ms Nambooze entered the House in May 2010 through a by-election. She is also believed to be the first female legislator to be elected on the Democratic Party (DP) ticket.

Ms Nambooze used the same party ticket to retain her seat during the 2011 and 2016 general elections. It was during the 2021 electoral season that she ditched the DP party card to contest on the National Unity Platform (NUP) party card. She would go on to maintain her seat in 2021.

She equally leaned on the same NUP ticket to win the Mukono Municipality 2026 parliamentary race. ‘There is a need to work towards restoring public trust in Parliament. The previous five years saw this Parliament appear to conduct House business as though it was an extension of the Executive instead of working as an independent arm of government.’

Comebacks

Elsewhere, Mr Elioda Tumwesigye joined Parliament in 2001 as the Sheema North representative. His tenure in the House would stretch from the seventh, eighth and ninth parliaments.

He was kicked out of Parliament by former Commissioner for Domestic Taxes at the Uganda Revenue Authority (URA), Mr Dickson Kateshumbwa, when the two competed to become the legislator for Sheema Municipality in the 2021 General Election.

Mr Tumwesigye consequently recoiled back to Sheema North in the just concluded 2026 polls from where he emerged the winner to return to the House.

Voters in Sheema also returned Mr Ephraim Kamuntu to legislate as the Sheema South lawmaker on the NRM ticket. Mr Kamuntu had served in the seventh, eighth, ninth and 10th Parliament on the same seat. He was, however, dislodged by Mr Elijah Dickens Mushemeza in the 2021 elections.

Similarly, Mr James Kakooza leaned on the ruling NRM party ticket to return to the House to represent the Older persons in the central region in the 12th Parliament.

This means he will be reactivating the legislative duties he executed in the seventh, eighth and ninth parliaments when he was MP for Kabula county.

Another returnee is Mr Hassan Kaps Fungaroo, whose first tenure in the House started in 2006 when legislated on behalf of the voters in Obongi County. He specifically sat in the eighth, ninth and 10th Parliaments, having been voted on the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) ticket.

His journey was, however, disrupted by Mr George Bhoka of the NRM in the 2021 General Election. Mr Fungaroo bounced back to the House after the 2026 polls.

The list of other long-serving lawmakers scheduled to serve in the 12th Parliament includes Gen Moses Ali (Adjumani West), Mr Matia Kasaija (Buyanja County), and Dr Chris Baryomunsi (Kinkizi East) and Anifa Bangirana Kawooya (Mawogola West).

‘Whatever was not accomplished, this is the time now to ensure that people get the expected service,’ Ms Kawooya told Weekend Monitor shortly after swearing in as a member of the 12th Parliament.

Promises

Workers’ legislator Arinaitwe Rwakajara, who has been in the House since 2011, told Weekend Monitor that he still has a lot to offer. Mr Rwakajara has, among other things, promised to ensure workers benefit from a targeted programme designed and bankrolled by the government.

The programme is tailored to mirror what other special interest groups (SIGs) like the elderly currently command.

‘The workers have not had any programme. The elderly have Sage [Social Assistance Grants for Empowerment], the youth have Youth Livelihood Funds, the women have their funds.

This time the government must design a programme where workers can also benefit in funds from the government,’ Mr Rwakajara disclosed.

‘So, this time I am going to fight and make sure and demand and request the government to have a budget for a certain programme to empower workers of this country,’ he added.

Mtukufu Rais Yoweri Museveni, shikamoo Mzee! May it please the Lord to protect and preserve you! I respectfully invite you to pause for a moment and consider my response to your State of the Nation Address of June 4, in which you saw fit, somewhat hastily, I venture to suggest, to dismiss this column as a purveyor of lies. The charge is serious. The evidence, however, points in the opposite direction. Two things, for now.

One, I’m not sure if your technical team is developed to the level of cultivating a culture of carrying out post-event surveys as Standard Operating Procedure to gauge public response to such an important address. In the unlikely event they have and in fact did so, they’d perhaps have communicated that very many people found it interesting that you were able to identify only one family in my community of Bugwere, which, you said, has been transformed by your Parish Development Model, PDM. Mtukufu Rais, Uganda has 1,000,000 Bagwere. As a statistical expression, therefore, one successful family out of a million Bagwere presents a disturbing antithesis to your middle-income narrative. It certainly didn’t cover your speech in glory. It was an overt admission of PDM as a policy failure, just like all the other similarly high-sounding interventions before it -Entandiikwa, Poverty Eradication Action Plan (PEAP), National Agricultural Advisory Services (NAADS), Northern Uganda Social Action Fund (NUSAF), Prosperity for All, Operation Wealth Creation, Emyooga, etc. We see a consistent pattern: billions released, but with the only beneficiaries being officers who run those programmes.

Mtukufu Rais, the second point is that your speech, once again, repeated the claim that Uganda attained lower-middle-income status. Absolute fallacy! Your well-paid economists remind us of King Ahab of Israel, who kept 400 prophets at his palace, all bought and paid-for, whose job was to prophesy to the King what he wanted to hear. When the time came for battle, they sold him a dummy – all of them assured him that the Lord would give him victory. Only one prophet – Micaiah, an outsider – whom King Ahab disliked for speaking unpleasant truths, told King Ahab the truth: you’re a dead man if you go to battle with Syria. King Ahab, therefore, threw Micaiah in jail (sound familiar?) and went to battle. He died. As a qualified public policy analyst (omutendeke), I respectfully draw your attention to two broad approaches to middle-income considerations – quantitative and qualitative.

The first approach, which clearly is what you are using, is the ‘Statistical middle-income status’ – a country reaches a certain Gross National Income (GNI) per capita threshold set by institutions such as the World Bank. How do we get that? Simple example: 10 people are in a village. Nine earn $1 a day, but one earns $1,000 d a day. The GNI per capita is total income divided by population. That means that even though 90 percent of the people earn only $1 per day, the GNI is $100.90. Officially, the village is rich! Now, that is excellent for propaganda purposes, but, as you can see, it’s an insult and injustice to the vast majority who are struggling to survive. This is what, in public policy analysis, we call ‘the tyranny of averages’.

Mtukufu Rais, the more enlightened and elevated approach is qualitative and is, in essence, ‘Sociological middle-income status’ – the emergence of a broad, stable middle class with disposable income, property ownership, educational attainment, and economic security.

Can most Ugandans afford decent housing, access decent healthcare, save monies aside, educate their children with ease, and retire with dignity? No! Most people live hand-to-mouth. Can’t pay rent, find transport to work, or even put food on the table. Mtukufu Rais, even the few with jobs fear retiring because they wouldn’t survive. In fact, at least 3000 Karimojong practically starved to death under our noses in 2022 – as you stood at the podium in Kampala proclaiming ‘middle-income’ status. A nation does not prove its middle-income status by a presidential address in the comfort of a conference hall, surrounded by rich politicians. It proves it by producing millions of citizens who live middle-class lives. Mtukufu Rais, would you feel able to repeat that ‘middle-income’ speech in Karamoja, where my umbilical cord is buried? Mungu azidi kukusitiri, Mtukufu Rais!

NTV Uganda and Spark TV were forced off air by 5:00am local time on Sunday after an overnight security crackdown at Nation Media Group (NMG) Uganda premises in Namuwongo and Kampala Serena Hotel, following a shutdown order by first son and Chief of Defence Forces Gen Muhoozi Kainerugaba against the media group’s outlets.

NTV Uganda and Spark TV viewers were met with blank screens displaying the message ‘video unavailable’, while uncertainty surrounded the operations of NMG’s other platforms, including the Daily Monitor, which Gen Muhoozi had also targeted in his late-night declarations.

The security operation began shortly after midnight, with personnel deployed at the NMG premises and staff reporting “that no one was being allowed to enter or leave the compound.”

The deployment followed a series of posts on X by Gen Muhoozi in which he declared that NTV Uganda and the Daily Monitor would be shut down amid a long-term ban from covering his father, President Museveni.

“NTV and Monitor are being shut down from today!” Gen Muhoozi wrote in a 1:07am post.

Gen Muhoozi, who is well-known to Ugandans for his incendiary social media posts, followed with another post stating: “Both NTV and Monitor will not re-open without my permission.”

In another post earlier, he said: “In Uganda, I DO NOT believe in a free press! The press should be guided by cadres of the revolution.”

The remarks marked an escalation of threats made over the past week, during which Gen Muhoozi repeatedly claimed he was awaiting permission from his father, President Museveni, before moving against the media house that employs hundreds of people.

In Uganda, NMG owns the 20-year-old NTV Uganda, the Daily Monitor, The East African, Spark TV, 93.3 KFM, 90.4 Dembe FM, Ennyanda newspaper and the Nation Courier, among other media platforms and investments.

Spark TV and NTV Uganda remained on air even as an unprecedented attack on Uganda’s leading independent media house continued through the early hours of Sunday during a prolonged security operation.

At 4:45am local time, nearly four hours after the siege began, the broadcaster was still carrying an Al Jazeera simulcast despite the security presence around the media group’s premises.

Shortly afterwards, NTV Uganda and Spark TV went off air.

90.4 Dembe FM and 93.3 KFM also appeared to have gone off air during the operation with no reason immediately given by Ugandan authorities.

By daybreak, security personnel remained deployed at the NMG premises in Namuwongo and Serena Hotel, with staff inside reporting they were unable to move in or out as the operation continued.

Neither the Uganda People’s Defence Forces, the Uganda Police Force nor the Uganda Communications Commission had immediately issued a formal statement explaining the operation or announcing any legal order affecting the broadcaster or newspaper.

It’s not yet clear how long the State-enforced blackout will last and NMG Uganda, which employs more than 500 people in the country alone, had also not issued an official statement by the time of publication.

Not the first time

The latest operation is not the first time NMG Uganda operations have been targeted by State agents. In May 2013, police raided the Daily Monitor and Dembe FM over the publication of a letter allegedly linking senior government officials to a succession plan dubbed the “Muhoozi Project.”

The premises remained sealed for more than a week before the outlets were allowed to resume operations after signing police search certificates and other documents.

In February 2007, barely two months after NTV Uganda launched in December 2006, the broadcaster was forced off air by the government following accusations that its news coverage was negative.

Over the years, Museveni has also repeatedly criticised the Daily Monitor, at one point referring to it as an “enemy and evil newspaper” over its critical journalism.

Despite repeated confrontations with the authorities, NMG-Uganda has consistently maintained its commitment to independent, public-interest journalism, describing itself as “Uganda’s Bold Voice” ahead of the disputed January 2026 presidential polls.

Past raids drew widespread condemnation from local and international media freedom organisations and rights groups.

‘Qweshunga’ is a word which comes from Runyankole-Runyakitara to mean ‘play’, which would conventionally evoke images of childhood games, bouncing castles or moments of amusement. But Penelope Sanyu is using her creativity to give it a fresh twist, arguing that even adults need the time to play, surrender to curiosity as they connect. At the new space called Qweshunga Book Bar, adults are welcome to bounce on castles, play board games and basically bring out the child in them in the gardens. There is a library where they can read a book, enjoy wine, sip on coffee or tea or simply sit and work. There is also a sanctuary for anyone looking for a place of solace to connect with themselves or reflect.

‘I wanted to reclaim play as something that is not luxury. I wanted to reclaim it as a lifeblood for curiosity, relationship building, mental well-being and connection,’ says Sanyu, a lawyer-cum creative.

It is an unusual mission for a lawyer. Then again, she has never been interested in fitting neatly into conventional definitions. She describes herself as a lawyer, feminist, author, entrepreneur and child of God. She leads the Qweshunga Initiative, founded Femme Forte Uganda and now serves as curator of the Qweshunga Book Bar. They are different but united by a common thread of creating spaces where people can thrive.

Inspiration

The idea of Qweshunga was born from a simple observation where society encourages children to play but discourages adults from doing the same. As children, people are told to run, laugh, imagine and explore because play is seen as essential to development. Yet somewhere along the journey to adulthood, play becomes associated with irresponsibility.

‘We become adults and we are told playing is unserious. Playing is not for adults. You are being unreasonable. You are being unprofessional,’ she says.

Sanyu believes that mindset comes at a cost. The loss of play, she argues, often leads to the loss of wonder, creativity and emotional well-being. The more serious people become, the more disconnected they risk becoming from themselves and from others.

She argues: ‘The more you play, the freer you are.’

Her determination to restore that freedom gave birth to the broader Qweshunga movement, which organises annual adult play festivals complete with trampolines, bouncing castles and traditional childhood games.

Freedom

Participants are encouraged to leave behind job titles and responsibilities for a day and simply play. Yet the Book Bar may be her most ambitious expression of the idea because books occupy the centre of the space, both literally and philosophically. The creative’s love affair with reading began years ago when books began shaping her worldview. She wants others to have access to the same transformative experience and hence the result is a library stocked largely from donations and her personal collection. The beauty is that visitors can browse and read without paying. For Sanyu, that decision is also a challenge to another persistent stereotype.

‘You have heard people say that if you want to hide a thing in Africa, hide it in books. For me, this is a resistance to that narrative,’ she explains.

She also rejects the notion that Ugandans do not read. Instead of complaining about declining reading culture, she has chosen to create a place where reading is celebrated, accessible and woven into community life. The free books are intended to help people ‘free their minds from the shackles that hold them.’ Of course, free books alone do not sustain a business. The challenge was finding a model that could keep the doors open while preserving access to literature. Her solution was to blend books with coffee and wine.

‘You are either reading a book with a cup of tea or a cup of coffee, or you’re reading a book with a glass of wine,’ she says.

Activities

The venue also includes gardens for conversation, spaces for poetry and music events, and even a prayer wall where visitors can leave requests or messages of gratitude. These features reveal another side of Sanyu’s thinking.

The space is about reading and restoration. Although legally trained, Sanyu says her work rarely resembles traditional courtroom practice.

‘I am the lawyer who fights for people’s rights. I am the lawyer who speaks up against injustice,’ she explains.

For her, promoting mental health, literacy and human dignity is a form of advocacy. Creating spaces where people can heal, learn and connect is another way of pursuing justice.

Revenue model

Revenue from the café, wine bar, co-working spaces and podcast studio helps cover operational costs while allowing visitors to continue enjoying free access to books. It is a social enterprise model designed to ensure that the mission survives beyond good intentions. The venue also includes gardens for conversation, spaces for poetry and music events, and even a prayer wall where visitors can leave requests or messages of gratitude. These features reveal another side of Sanyu’s thinking. The space is about reading and restoration. Although legally trained, Sanyu says her work rarely resembles traditional courtroom practice.

‘I am the lawyer who fights for people’s rights. I am the lawyer who speaks up against injustice,’ she explains.

For her, promoting mental health, literacy and human dignity is a form of advocacy. Creating spaces where people can heal, learn and connect is another way of pursuing justice. Perhaps that is why Qweshunga resonates beyond its literal meaning. What began as a word meaning ‘play’ has evolved into a philosophy about what it means to be fully human, and she inviting people to rediscover it, one book, a conversation and moment of play at a time.