Pinoy workers want more despite salary satisfaction – survey

Most Filipinos said they were fairly paid, but only six in 10 workers said they were satisfied with their current pay, according to a survey conducted by Jobstreet by SEEK.

Jobstreet by SEEK’s latest Salary Pulse Report, which surveyed over a thousand employees in the Philippines, found that 59 percent of workers were satisfied with their salaries, while 45 percent said their earnings still fall below their actual cost-of-living needs.

This came despite 80 percent of workers saying they felt fairly or well paid in their current jobs, suggesting a gap between perceived pay fairness and actual salary satisfaction.

Jobstreet by SEEK said that among Filipino employees who consider their salary fair, only 44 percent were satisfied with their compensation.

‘This indicates that workers evaluate salary not merely against industry benchmarks, but against their workload, how well they feel rewarded, and how it sustains their lifestyle,’ the employment platform said.

‘Employees’ expectations, as the report suggests, are likewise shaped by how strongly they believe their contribution is valued, and by how well their salary supports what matters to them outside of work,’ it added.

The report noted that salary satisfaction remains a motivation for Filipinos to stay in their jobs.

According to the survey, Filipino workers who are happy with their pay are 2.2 times more likely to feel motivated and put in extra effort at work, but unhappy workers are 2.9 times more likely to actively look for a new job.

Furthermore, 28 percent of surveyed employees in the Philippines said they would consider relocating to another city or country for a 10-percent salary increase, Jobstreet by SEEK said.

But the same respondents said they are less likely to sacrifice a positive workplace environment for a toxic culture just to get a 10-percent pay hike.

‘The gap between fair pay and salary satisfaction shows that compensation is only one part of the employee experience,’ Dannah Majarocon, managing director of Jobstreet by SEEK in the Philippines, said.

‘Employers need to look beyond salary benchmarks and pair competitive pay with meaningful recognition, clear career pathways and open conversations about growth to build engaged, future-ready teams,’ Majarocon said.

By industry, technology workers reported the highest level of salary satisfaction at 54 percent, followed by construction workers at 50 percent. Nearly half of workers in both sectors had received salary increases over the past year. Industrial workers, meanwhile, posted the lowest pay satisfaction, with 58 percent saying their earnings fell short of their cost-of-living needs.

Millennials reported the lowest level of salary satisfaction at 54 percent, compared with 61 percent among Gen Z and 60 percent among Gen X. Even among millennials who were satisfied with their pay, 54 percent said their salaries still fell short of their cost-of-living needs.

Philippines tax revenue goal ‘ambitious,’ says BMI

The Philippine government’s tax revenue target appears ‘ambitious,’ with value-added tax (VAT) collections estimated to rise by 12.8 percent to P860 billion next year even without introducing major tax reforms, according to research and analysis firm BMI.

‘While easing inflation and higher Metro Manila minimum wages – which will reportedly benefit over 1.1 million workers – should support consumption and VAT collections in 2027, we doubt that this alone will be sufficient to hit the target,’ BMI said in a report.

Based on the latest Budget of Expenditures and Sources of Financing, the Marcos administration projects tax revenues to increase to P4.85 trillion, equivalent to 14.6 percent of gross domestic product (GDP).

‘We expect revenue to ease modestly from 15.8 percent of GDP in 2026 to 15.7 percent in 2027, broadly in line with the government’s target,’ BMI said.

It added much of the decline reflects an anticipated fall in non-tax revenues following a record government dividend windfall in 2026.

Overall government revenues are expected to reach P4.81 trillion, equivalent to 15.8 percent of GDP this year and P5.21 trillion, or 15.7 percent of GDP next year.

Meanwhile, BMI noted that some new tax measures have yet to be incorporated into the budget’s revenue projections and could support revenues.

The government has proposed higher excise taxes on sweetened beverages, tobacco products, alcohol and automobiles, as well as a new excise tax on plastics, to offset revenue losses from tax-relief measures.

The proposed tax package is estimated to yield a net revenue gain of P47.9 billion annually over 2027 to 2030.

In addition, BMI said the proposed P7.2-trillion budget for 2027 ‘supports continued fiscal consolidation through spending restraint and selected tax reforms,’ but the pace of deficit reduction remains ‘modest.’

BMI forecasts the fiscal deficit to narrow to 5.1 percent in 2027 from 5.4 percent of GDP in 2026, in line with the government’s target.

‘Risks are tilted toward a wider fiscal deficit. Revenue targets may prove difficult to achieve even after new tax reforms, particularly as we forecast GDP growth of 4.9 percent in 2027, below the government’s five-to-six percent budget assumption,’ BMI said.

The Philippine economy grew at its slowest pace in five years, at 2.3 percent in the second quarter, dragged by the Middle East conflict and the flood control scandal.

BMI also expects total expenditure to decline to 20.8 percent of GDP in 2027 from 21.3 percent in 2026.

BMI also flagged the US-Iran conflict as an additional risk.

‘While our base case remains that the US and Iran will reach a preliminary deal in the third quarter that reopens the Strait of Hormuz, further delays could extend the negative economic spillovers into 2027,’ it said.

BMI also said this may dampen revenue collections and increase pressure for broader cost-of-living support measures, widening the deficit more than expected.

’Maleta boys’ lawyer readying affidavit vs recanters

The lawyer for the remaining so-called ‘maleta boys’ on Friday said he will prepare an affidavit debunking the statement of those from the group who later recanted their statement before prosecutors following claims of being under duress while doing so.

‘I was invited so we could talk about how we could strengthen the case being considered by the Office of the Ombudsman,’ lawyer Levito Baligod told reporters on Friday when he went to that office, together with most of his remaining 14 confessed bagmen who claimed to be acting in behalf of fugitive lawmaker Zaldy Co.

And second, they wanted to know what the circumstances were with the recantation of the four

Pioneering books on PH treaties, foreign relations law launched

Two books, described by Foreign Secretary Ma. Theresa Lazaro as ‘remarkable contributions’ to the Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA) and the legal and diplomatic community, were launched in a ceremony on Aug. 11 that gathered about a hundred diplomats, senior government officials, judges, law school deans, heads of international studies programs and other guests.

Both published by the University of the Philippines (UP) Law Complex, the book ‘Philippine Foreign Relations Law: State Practices, Policy Advocacies and Perspectives’ (PFRL) is authored by Philippine Ambassador to the Netherlands J. Eduardo Malaya; while ‘Philippine Treaties in Force 2025’ (PTIF) is edited by Ambassador Malaya with the assistance of Third Secretary and Vice Consul Crystal Gale Dampil-Mandigma, and Attaché Kieren Batiles of the Philippine Embassy in the The Hague, the Netherlands.

These books ‘remind us that while administrations and diplomatic approaches may change, the enduring principles that guide our foreign policy, particularly those rooted in the Constitution and the rule of law, remain constant,’ Lazaro said in remarks delivered on her behalf by Undersecretary Ma. Theresa Dizon-De Vega.

‘Together, these volumes stand as written evidence of the ebbs and flows of Philippine foreign relations and a testament to the dynamism of our democracy. They capture how our nation has navigated changing global realities while remaining faithful to the national interest and international commitments,’ the DFA chief said.

‘The Philippine Treaties in Force’ provides a comprehensive index to some 1,850 international agreements entered into by the country from 1946 to 2025, with bit.ly and online links to the full texts of the agreements.

‘The Philippine Foreign Relations Law’ brings together the journal articles and presentations of Malaya relating to various aspects of Philippine State practice in international law and his engagements and initiatives vis-à-vis the international legal organizations in The Hague, notably the Hague Conference on Private International Law (HCCH), wherein he worked on the country’s accessions in recent years to the HCCH Service, Child Support and Evidence Conventions, as well as the Permanent Court of Arbitration where he served as president of the latter’s policy board, the Administrative Council, in 2023 and 2024.

Valuable reference

‘International law is deeply significant to Filipinos and the international community as it provides all of us the certainty of a common language to cooperate and the predictability of a common framework to resolve differences peacefully,” said Malaya who earlier served as DFA legal adviser and assistant secretary for treaties and legal affairs.

‘It is hoped that these books contribute to the documentation, understanding and deeper appreciation of Philippine State practice and engagements with international law. By portraying international law in action from the Philippine perspective, may it serve as a valuable reference for diplomats, government officials, lawyers, academics, law students, and the general public,’ Malaya added.

Supreme Court Associate Justice Raul Villanueva commended Malaya and the coeditors’ scholarship beyond the regular demands of work, noting that this is what true service to country really means.

In a recorded video message, Akbayan Rep. Jose Manuel ‘Chel’ Diokno said that ‘through these books, it will be easier for us to understand and apply our treaty law and foreign relations law. They are important instruments in defending our national sovereignty and the rights of every Filipino.”

The PFRL and PTIF are Malaya’s sixth and seventh books, the others being the ‘Treaties: Guidance on Practices and Procedures’ (2nd ed., 2025), ‘Enhancing International Legal Cooperation: Extradition, Mutual Legal Assistance, and Transfer of Sentenced Persons Agreements’ (2019); ‘Stewards of the Nation: Aguinaldo to Duterte and their Inaugural Visions’ (2018); ‘Forging Partnerships: Philippine Defense Cooperation in Constitutional and International Laws’ (2017); and ‘Frontlines of Diplomacy: Conversations with Philippine Ambassadors’ (2011), a finalist for the 2012 Philippine National Book Awards.

Omisore’s bombshell memoir and Babafemi’s prophecy

Last Sunday, Senator Iyiola Omisore and I had a fairly lengthy conversation about Nigeria and her politics. He had read my column of penultimate Sunday on the political crisis in Kaduna between House of Representatives Speaker, Tajudeen Abbas, and Governor Uba Sani and engaged with me on the issues.

Political crisis of any magnitude and shades can’t be extraordinary to a politician with the kind of history behind the Ife-prince, mostly referenced as Otunba by his own. You can even say his political odyssey is practically forged in the vicissitude of political and electoral adversities as well as the resilience in fortitude that has become the hallmark of his national and local politicking. When you think he’s irretrievably gone, he suddenly surfaces.

A sampler. He made a president who ditched him even before swearing-in. He is still there.

A kicker. He was an impeached deputy governor. He didn’t evaporate though almost eviscerated.

As history maker, he famously won a senatorial election with outsized national significance and global attention, from prison.

He was imprisoned in the first place for an alleged crime which those who railroaded him into gaol would turn around, decades later, to say he didn’t commit.

Well, the judiciary was a step ahead, vindicating him before his accusers’ turnaround.

It would seem adversity in politics always has a vacant spot for him, anytime he shows up for electoral participation. The last time, he was viciously kicked to the curb in a nomination exercise he was almost certain to win, by the same people he once helped into various offices.

He is one Nigerian politician who has had a lived experience, to last a lifetime, relating with practically all the ideological spectrums (though many would argue there aren’t distinguishable ideological lines in Nigeria’s political ecosystem), in the electoral space.

He had been Afenifere, the ideologues of South West politics; was of PDP, believed to mirror more of the conservative North and at present, a once-ingrained but now largely-peripheral chieftain of the assumed progressive clan anchored in Bourdillionism, the political belief of President Bola Tinubu.

Of course we discussed Osun. He had tried severally to become her governor. By the time you are reading this, someone not named Omisore would have been announced the state governor for the next four years. He is not on the ballot but he was largely the main issue throughout the campaign.

Like Maradona too, he managed to leave everyone guessing. Is he in or out? Was he playing against the run of play or not? Hopefully, there won’t be a supplementary election requiring him to take sides again.

Even for his harshest critics, there is no denying him as arguably, the biggest political name in the state whether on ballot or not. He knows a lot of political giants of this dispensation, particularly of his ruling party. It would seem being the national secretary of the ruling party for just one year and three months enriched his political network even much more than when he was the chair of Senate Appropriations Committee, considered as one of the most powerful legislative positions anyone could attain outside of the core principal offices.

As the national scribe for the 15 months, the ruling party’s secretariat he headed coordinated the nomination process for thousands of aspirants and the eventual hundreds of candidates for all elective posts for the 2023 general elections, including the emergence of today’s president, who has now done him what the libidinous minstrel, Tuface, would call ‘strong things’, twice.

He first kicked the Ife strongman out of the party secretariat, then blocked him from contesting the party’s ticket for yesterday’s Osun election. God forbid the party would need his ‘supplementary’ help this time.

In Ecclesiastes 3, Solomon spoke of times and seasons of life. He contrasted issues of life in polar formula. Time to laugh, time to weep.

Otunba, who has maintained a studied silence since the obvious coordinated efforts to silence him in Osun politics, says to me, it is now story time.

If Solomon were to include the emerging moment, it would sound like; time to be silent and time to talk.

The somewhat-unsung engineer is set for his memoir and mentioned my likely participation in what I foresee would be a collegial arrangement. The publishers he mentioned to me, clinging to his neck for it, are big-timers. But the 6th Assembly lawmaker seemed settled on how to proceed, being a multiple-book author himself.

He then whetted my appetite with some stories of political nocturnalism involving him and many A-listers in the political space.

Of course, the president came up. I will leave the substantial part of the gist for the memoir and I’m only mentioning it here because he already said the narrations would be included in the package.

Of course, the Bola Ige controversy is a sure staple. But readers may be in for a shocker trying to predict how the saga would be presented from the writer’s perspective. I assure movie producers some of the told stories would be box office blockbusters, if adapted and screened at theatres.

Was the president aware of the plot to disqualify and jail him ahead of his participation in APC’s presidential primaries in 2022?

If yes, did he know how he was let off the hook and the personalities who intervened for him? Was he aware of someone in his predecessor’s cabinet whose memos the then president hardly vetted and the disposition of the fellow towards him (Tinubu) and his presidential project?

Was the president aware the fellow was almost done with the dismantle-Tinubu project before a desperate plea from someone the president is ‘punishing’ today, saved the day?

Let me pause before I end up writing the memoir here before its actual package by the owner of the story.

But even with the little I heard from Otunba, his planned memoir is going to be on the front row of the most controversial in Nigeria’s contemporary history. I will place it side-by-side with El-Rufai and IBB’s.

And I’m sure he’s gutsy enough for the expected fallout. One thing that hasn’t come to be associated with him is serially lying in the matters of material facts. Beyond politics, I’m yet to read a call-out, tagging him a revisionist. But if he makes good on his promise to spill so much with names and places, he should expect a lot of fightbacks that may want to cast his claims, maybe not as outright falsehood, but more like alternative facts.

Politics and his plenty grey hair aside, Otunba is already an elder. A month from today, he would be 69. By next year, he would be 70.

23 years ago, when he turned 70, the Biafran hero, now-late Odumegwu Ojukwu, joked that one of the perks of old age is the society giving worrying behaviours of the elderly a pass, as a mark of respect for the wisdom that comes with advancing age.

Yes, Otunba is still likely eyeing another shot at the Abere Government House (though he insists that engineering is his primary focus now) and writing a memoir dripping with politics, better-kept stories and named personalities, may be considered not in the best interest of his long-standing and long-running aspiration, but an elder, according to a Yoruba proverb, has a way of keeping what he is combining to eat agidi (cold, wrapped pap), under the layers of the wrapping leaves.

There is nothing I will be writing here as assumptive political consequences of writing the memoir, even when in a self-imposed political hiatus, that he would not have considered; like the president still the leader of his party and his boys, still controlling the party structure in Osogbo, regardless of yesterday’s results.

But I’m excited for the project. If Otunba is truly documenting the political happenings he mentioned, especially the shenanigans that preceded the making of the Tinubu presidency, the public will no doubt be served a bombshell and our national politics should benefit from it.

I really look forward to it.

Same way I look forward to a copy of ‘BOLA TINUBU: Road to Government House’, written by Femi Babafemi, who, of course, needs no introduction. He’s arguably the best-performing public relations manager in Nigeria today.

The book is 27 years old and not currently on any bookshelf; physical or digital. But personal arrangement is on to get the 1999 book, detailing the bruising campaign that got today’s president into Alausa office as Lagos governor. My interest in it is its prophetic nature. Maybe the one we call FB will one day wear the cassock. Who knows.

Consider this: ‘Having said this, it is equally important to say that Senator Tinubu has to bear in mind that it is yet no time to rest, every stage of human endeavours represents fresh, and sometimes tougher challenges, tasks and temptations. If eventually he remains committed to his and his party’s populist programmes, the man, who is today addressed as governor and first citizen of Lagos State, may in the nearest future become the President and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.’

APC’s Bisi Akande loses Ila LG to Adeleke

The founding chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Chief Bisi Akande, has lost his Ila local government area to the candidate of the Accord Party, Governor Ademola Adeleke.

According to the results declared by the collation officer for the local government, Adeleke’s Accord Party emerged victorious in Ila LG with 16,211 votes, while Bola Oyebamiji of the All Progressives Congress (APC) got 12,934 votes.

ADC came third at his local government, polling just 259 votes.

Earlier, Tribune Online reports that the former Osun State governor won his polling unit 12, Ward 4, in the Atogbade area of Ila-Orangun after the APC polled 181 votes while the Accord got 121 votes.

Osun Decides: Adeleke’s Accord Party wins Ife East LGA

The Accord Party governorship candidate and incumbent governor of Osun State, Ademola Adeleke, has secured the highest number of votes in Ife East Local Government, in Saturday’s governorship election.

The Ife East Local Government Collation Officer, Prof. Benjamin Omolayo announced the aggregate results at the state collation centre.

Adeleke, who is seeking re-election, polled 27,201 to defeat his closest challenger, Bola Oyebamiji of the All Progressives Congress (APC), who secured 18,600.

Meanwhile, the African Democratic Congress governorship candidate in Osun State, Najeem Salaam, had 935 votes.

Osun Decides: Adeleke wins Odo Otin Local Government, secures 18,003 votes

The Accord Party governorship candidate and incumbent governor of Osun State, Ademola Adeleke, has secured the highest number of votes in Odo Otin Local Government, in Saturday’s governorship election.

The Odo Otin Local Government Collation Officer, Dr Ademola Aderibigbe, announced the aggregate results at the state collation centre.

Adeleke, who is seeking re-election, polled 18,003 to defeat his closest challenger, Bola Oyebamiji of the All Progressives Congress (APC), who secured 15,435.

Meanwhile, the African Democratic Congress governorship candidate in Osun State, Najeem Salaam, had 377 votes.

BREAKING: Adeleke leading APC rival with over 60k votes across 14 LGAs

Governor Ademola Adeleke of Osun State is leading his All Progressives Congress (APC) rival, Bola Oyebamiji, by more than 60,000 votes based on results from 14 local government areas declared so far.

Figures compiled from the local government collation centres of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) show that Adeleke, who is the candidate of Accord Party secured a total of 268,957 votes, while the APC candidate trailed with 204,809 votes across the 14 LGAs.

The difference between the two major candidates stands at 64,148 votes.

According to the results available so far, Adeleke secured victories in nine LGAs, while the APC won five.

The governor’s strongest performances in the results supplied include Ede North, where he polled 35,427 votes against the APC’s 10,283, and Osogbo, where he secured 36,480 votes to defeat the APC’s 30,474.

In Ede South, Adeleke scored 26,188 votes against 6,219 for the APC, while he also won Iwo with 27,085 votes against the APC’s 19,660.

The APC, however, recorded victories in several LGAs, including Irepodun, where it polled 15,713 votes against Adeleke’s 14,502, and Obokun, where it secured 16,120 votes against 12,023.

The APC also won Ola-Oluwa, Atakunmosa East and Ife South.

The figures cover only 14 of the state’s 30 local government areas, meaning the overall winner of the election cannot yet be determined from the results currently available.

The collation of results is ongoing ahead of the official declaration of the winner.

How State pinned down Susan Magara’s killers

The High Court recently found nine Ugandans guilty of the 2018 kidnapping and subsequent murder of Susan Magara.

Yusuf Lubega, Hussein Wasswa, Hassan Kato Miiro, Muzamir Ssali, Hajara Nakandi, Abubakari Kyewolwa, Mahad Kisaliita, Ismail Bukenya and Musa Abbas Buvumbo were found guilty of kidnapping and murdering Magara by cutting off her oxygen supply, courtesy of a black polythene bag.

Plan hatched

For the Susan Magara case, the State insisted that the information that was used to pin the accused was largely ‘freely’ contributed by suspects. The suspects were apprehended after security forces led by the Chieftaincy of Military Intelligence (CMI)-now Defence Intelligence and Security (DIS)-pinned them down using phone tracking.

Per court records, the State’s case has been that at the end of 2017, the convicts, who were members of Usafi mosque in Kampala, came up with an idea of financially helping orphans and widows who were under their guardianship.

The State claimed the convicts admitted that they had about three meetings in Usafi in which they agreed that the only way to get the money needed to help the widows and orphans was by demanding a ransom from a wealthy family after kidnapping a loved one.

The State asserted that it was Ismail Bukenya, who was listed on the charge sheet as Accused Number Eight, who came up with the idea of kidnapping one of the members of the Magara family. The State further claimed that Bukenya, a boda-boda rider, had previously worked for the Magara family, transporting their luggage.

He told his fellow masterminds that the family had the means to pay a huge ransom. The State claimed that the group first targeted Susan’s stepmother, Immaculate Magara, but, upon surveilling her several times, aborted the mission since they couldn’t pin her down as she was always in the company of many people.

Susan kidnapped

The masterminds then-per the State-turned their efforts onto Susan, whom they first tried to kidnap in Makindye but were unsuccessful. Yet things would change on February 7, 2018.

Yusuf Muhindo Mugururu, a friend of Susan’s, called her, and as they chatted on the phone, he heard her say, ‘Don’t beat me!’ It didn’t take Muhindo long to notice that there was a scuffle. He promptly called a friend-a police officer, Jonathan-who called the District Police Commander (DPC). Muhindo then called his cousin-Scovia Keguho-who then called Robert Magara-Susan’s uncle.

On February 8, 2018, the Magara family received a call from 0759 249058 informing them that Susan was in their custody. On February 9, 2018, the same caller demanded a $1m ransom. Ransom negotiations continued, and the amount was later reduced to $200,000.

The kidnappers directed the family to multiple ransom collection points (Masaka Road on February 15, Matugga on February 17, and Kanaaba-Ndejje on February 24). The first two attempts failed because the kidnappers detected security personnel. On February 24, $200,000 was successfully delivered at Ndejje-Lubuguma.

It seems that as the negotiations between the family and the kidnappers were going on, the security agencies were secretly recording them. That’s why the prosecution easily tendered phone recordings that captured the kidnappers insisting the money should not be paid in instalments or be counterfeit.

The State also relied on CMI telecommunications expert, Frank Nyakairu, who traced Susan’s phones immediately after the abduction and prepared a communication matrix showing that all accused persons were in constant contact with each other.

The communication matrix also linked the accused with the anonymous ransom numbers before, during, and after the offence. Mr Nyakairu’s cybercrime analysis placed several accused (Yusuf Lubega, Hakim Lugoloobi, Mahad Kisaliita, etc.) in the same locations as the ransom collection points (Masajja, Matugga, Namasuba) at the material times.

Roles played

Nyakairu claimed that Miiro kidnapped and guarded Susan. He claimed that Nakandi kept Susan in her room in Nateete before she was transferred. The State claimed that Nakandi admitted she was selected to take custody of Susan because they were targeting a female. Kyewolwa collected the ransom at Ndejje-Lubugumu.

Nyakairu’s evidence on Kyewolwa’s participation was corroborated by police officer Wasswa Ssegawa who was behind the scenes as the ransom of about Shs700m was being delivered in broad daylight at Ndejje-Lubugumu.

Ssegawa disclosed that he saw a lady identified as Flora Magara (Susan’s auntie), who testified in court as Prosecution Witness Number Seven, drop a black laptop bag that presumably had the ransom and a phone near Ndejje.

Minutes later, Ssegawa and his companions saw a man resembling the late musician Mowzey Radio, whom they later identified as Kyewolwa, pick up the bag after the woman left.

In Nyakairu’s analysis, Kisaliita provided funds for lines and fuel; Ssali received and decided on how to use the money. Lubega was involved in surveillance, kidnapping, ransom collection and body disposal as the driver.

Nyakairu said Yakubu Byensi, who has since been on the run, was the co-driver, Buvumbo acted as the ‘doctor’ who administered ketamine to kill Susan, and that other accused persons performed various roles.

Trading accusations

The defence insisted that the bulk of the narratives in the case the State built was merely hearsay. This included mosque planning meetings, role distribution, surveillance, kidnapping, execution using toy pistols, masks and a hammer, hostage shifts between Nateete and Konge, finger chopping by a ‘medical team’, as well as ransom counting at Konge.

Other claims revolved around vehicle purchases, land identification and money exchange. These, defence said, were just mere hearsay from retracted statements attributed to Lubega. When he took to the witness dock, Lubega not only claimed that he was tortured to confess but also said his child was killed when security operatives raided Usafi Mosque.

On its part, the prosecution insisted that the arrest of Lubega turned out to be the most violent. They said when security operatives apprehended him at Usafi Mosque, Lubega hid inside. After, one of the mosque-goers got a machete and hacked the hand of one of the security operatives while saying ‘Allahu Akbar’ meaning God is the greatest.

Justice Alex Mackay Ajiji didn’t take Lubega’s claims that he was tortured to disclose the information that he revealed seriously. The jurist opined that the accused didn’t prove torture. Rather, Justice Ajiji believed Mr Nyakairu, who said in one of the security meetings with Abas Byakagaba, then head of Crime Intelligence, he was briefed that a good Samaritan had identified the ransom seeker as Yakubu Byensi, a Muslim extremist who prays at Usafi Mosque.

Mr Nyakairu said the informant also provided the phone numbers of Yakubu Byensi as 0772674865, then 0704715578, another one 070142718, and the last one 0706349787.

Communication matrices

It was also Mr Nyakairu’s evidence that, based on the above information they had obtained, he prepared a communication matrix using a machine Y2K, which showed Byensi’s associates. The matrix indicated that Yakubu was in constant communication with the following numbers: 0702318422, which belonged to Lubega and 0758478810, which belonged to Lugoloobi, who, like Byensi, has since disappeared.

Mr Nyakairu further told the court that the matrix he prepared indicated that all the accused persons, Lubega, Wasswa, Ssali, Nakandi, Kyewolya, Kisaliita, Miiro, Bukenya and Buvumbo, were in constant communication before, during and after the kidnapping of the late Susan Magara.

Another piece of prosecution evidence that Justice Ajiji found believable was the cybercrime report put together by Enock Kanene. In February 2018, Mr Kanene analysed the telecommunications made during the kidnapping and ransom period: he established that 0758478810 in the name Hakim Lugoloobi was in the same location in Masajja Zana when 0751229471, an anonymous number in Owino James’s name, called Immaculate Magara on February 19, 2018.

Mr Kanene’s report also indicated that this anonymous number was in communication with another number 0757008906 in Isma Bukenya’s name at Namasuba. The report indicated that on the same date, February 19, 2018, Lugoloobi, using the same number 0758478810 communicated to 0759510047 registered in the name of Mahad Kisaliita, a number which was also linked to the anonymous number.

In Mr Kanene’s analysis, the numbers 0702318422 in Yusuf Lubega’s name, 0704715578 of Yakubu Byensi, 0772674865 of Yakub Byensi, 0705284468 of Hassan Kato, 0752444634 of Abbas Musa, 0701242718 of Yakub Byensi, 0782739003 of Bukenya Isma and 0705780720 of Hussein Wasswa were all found to be common associates of number 0758478810 in Hakim Lugoloobi’s name. They were all also in the same location of Namasuba, Masajja Zone, which was a ransom-picking spot.

Mr Kanene further established in his report that 0702318422 in the name of Yusuf Lubega was used in Matugga, another ransom collection spot, during the same time when anonymous number 0754730481 communicated to Susan’s uncle John Magara, who was in Matugga on February 17, 2018.

Mr Kanene’s report indicated that Lubega’s number happened to be associated with Lugoloobi, who was also in Matugga, the same location that was, on that day. Kanene further explained that, with recent technology, even if a number is not in use, it can still be traced via location and the numbers that have called it.