Tinubu: 2007 in 2027?

On current trends, the 2027 election is increasingly looking like it would be a repeat of the 2007 election. There is even good reason to believe the 2027 election could be worse. I am therefore writing this piece today as an early warning signal to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

By a rare consensus in Nigerian politics, the 2007 presidential election has been adjudged as possibly the worst ever held in this country. That election was so wild and predetermined that it is now widely agreed that the winner was declared even while voters were still voting at thousands of polling booths across the entire country. In fact, that election was so bad that even the winner, the late President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, admitted forthrightly that the election was significantly flawed.

His first pledged was to reform the electoral system, and he did. As we trudge slowly but steadily towards Election Day 2027, however, the writing is by now clear on the wall that the election may well turn out to be worse than in 2007. For an indication of that, I invite the reader to look closely at President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s 2027 election strategy, which is not only already in effect, but is clearly playing out for all to see. I have previously described Tinubu’s 2027

re-election strategy as akin to a person trying to enter their own house by jumping over the fence. That metaphor is by now clear enough for all to see.

Rather than campaign and win on his record in office, Tinubu’s 2027 strategy appears to rest on a tripod of tactics. The first of these tactics appears to be to destabilise, disrupt and distract opposition parties by all means possible. The second tactic looks like to divide the North in the reverse direction of 2023, this time by alienating the largest and dominant group in the region. The third tactic appears to be to use all the institutional apparatuses of the federal state-INEC, the judiciary, anti-corruption agencies, etc-to skew the electoral field in only one direction. And for this strategy to be successful, all three must work concurrently according to plan.

You may argue that no one had traced Tinubu’s hand directly in all of these things, and you may be right. But what is more important than who does what is the fact that events are manifesting in a particular way, and that their combined effects on the entire election process is leading to particular outcomes. And on that score, an early warning is justified because no one but the most rabid partisan would fail to see that the electoral field is now playing out-in overdrive-according to these three scripts. This, then, is a warning to all.

I don’t know who came up with this ‘brilliant’ idea of how to win a Nigerian presidential election, but they probably read their books upside down in school. It is easy to learn everything about power. But it is also easy to forget the most important thing about power, that is, the limits of power. We are all witnesses to this script in motion, but we must all wonder aloud about what the end game would look like if we factor in the limits to the power of any one person, even the power of an incumbent Nigerian president standing for re-election.

First of all, it is true that the whole idea of crippling opposition parties appears to be working successfully right now. It is also true that the script playing out in the PDP, ADC, NNPP, and Labour Party has been entertaining, as opposition figures run from one court or party to another. But this early ‘success’ should not give Tinubu’s people any false hope because this approach, if it’s a deliberate approach as many Nigerians suspect, has its limits and an expiry date.

More importantly, if the end game of all the legal, political and institutional hurdles that opposition parties like the PDP, ADC, LP, NNPP, and maybe NDC soon enough too, have been facing over the past three years or so is to make Tinubu and the ruling APC the only viable candidate and party on the ballot on Election Day, then even a false alarm at this stage will be useful for us all because things are highly unlikely to turn out that way.

Nigeria is not Cameroon or Uganda or Zimbabwe where one candidate, even an incumbent, can manipulate and manoeuvre the entire electoral system to their sole benefit. Nigeria is a huge and diverse country of 230 million people, and with some of the most competing regional, religious, ethnic, and personal interests ever imaginable. When they want, and especially when pushed to the wall, Nigerians are also among the active political animals on this planet, in both senses of the term. Therefore, regardless of the merits and demerits of the legal, political, and anti-corruption cases currently being faced by opposition parties and their leaders, there will be no election in 2027 if there are no credible opposition

parties and candidates in the election.

As a journalist, I have stayed clear of partisan politics, and don’t particularly think highly of any political party in Nigeria. But whenever I look at the travails of opposition parties in the past three years, I am increasingly wondering why anyone will be actively playing a script that General Sani Abacha, even as a military head of state, tried and failed in 1998. Or for that matter, a script that then President Obasanjo tried and failed in 2006. Remember the late Chief Bola Ige’s ‘five fingers of a leprous hand’? That is what the current strategy of crippling the opposition, if indeed, it is someone’s strategy, looks to me, and the only outcome I can think of is failure. It simply won’t work in Nigeria’s complex federation, then or now.

There is also the not-so-small matter of how much Nigeria and Nigerian elections have changed in those 20 years since 2007. The problem here is not so much that a 2007 kind of election would be impossible to replicate in 2027, but that the social, political and constitutional consequences of such an election are potentially more volatile than Nigeria can contain. This is true even if the election is only perceived to have been irredeemably flawed.

Nigeria is bursting at the seams with young people whose political consciousness has risen to stratospheric levels, who are digitally savvy in a changed media environment, but who yet cannot see in any future for themselves in the current political and governance arrangement. Moreover, for many millions of Nigerians, Tinubu’s own warped economic policies have directly and unbearably exacerbated the cost-of-living crises they have long faced. Equally important, the country as a whole has gotten used to better and more credible elections since 2011, even if problems remain in several areas.

Therefore, the sort of election where there are no credible opposition parties and candidates, or where an INEC Chairman will just stand up and declare a winner because the outcome is pre-determined is unlikely to go down quietly under the social and political circumstances of 2027 in Nigeria. For the Nigeria of today, an in-your-face flawed election would represent nothing but a trigger for what is better imagined than described.

President Tinubu and his party can win this election, but they must win it free and fair. Nigeria is not Cameroon or Uganda. This is my warning, and I rest my case.

Tropical Depression Caloy weakens as it moves to landmass

Tropical Depression Caloy (international name Hagupit) continued moving west-northwestward over the Philippine Sea on Monday, May 11, as PAGASA said the weather disturbance remained unlikely to directly affect any part of the country.

In its 4 a.m. bulletin, the state weather bureau said Caloy was last located about 530 kilometers east of Guiuan, Eastern Samar.

The tropical depression was packing maximum sustained winds of 45 kilometers per hour near the center, with gusts of up to 55 kph and a central pressure of 1004 hectopascals.

PAGASA said Caloy was moving west-northwest at 15 kph, with strong winds extending up to 250 kilometers from the center.

No Tropical Cyclone Wind Signals have been raised.

The weather bureau said Caloy is expected to continue moving west-northwest over the next 12 hours and may further weaken into a remnant low within the day.

OIL PRICE WATCH as of May 11, 2026

Diesel prices are expected to post another major rollback this week following easing tensions in the Middle East and softer global oil trading.

Industry estimates showed diesel prices could drop by as much as P7 to P9 per liter on May 12, potentially pulling pump prices in Metro Manila down to as low as P70 per liter for regular diesel products.

Kerosene prices are also expected to decline sharply, while gasoline may register a slight increase.

Crater glow seen at Kanlaon; Alert Level 2 stays

Crater glow, or ‘banaag,’ was observed at the summit of Kanlaon Volcano on Sunday evening, the Philippine Institute of Volcanology and Seismology (Phivolcs) reported Monday.

In a Facebook post, Phivolcs said the Kanlaon Volcano Observatory reported seeing ‘with the naked eye for the first time incandescence at the Kanlaon Volcano summit caused by superheated volcanic gas’ at around 7 p.m.

Mari Andylene Quintia, Phivolcs resident volcanologist, explained that the superheated plume consists of magmatic gas being emitted by the volcano.

Such a phenomenon, when it becomes visible to the naked eye, is called ‘crater glow’ or ‘banaag,’ a common precursor of a magmatic eruption at Mayon Volcano, the agency explained.

‘While this is a new development, monitoring parameters have persisted at approximately the same level after Kanlaon’s last moderately explosive eruption on March 15, 2026,’ it added.

The agency said that if Kanlaon’s crater glow becomes sustained and intensifies, it could indicate that magma is close to or already at the crater, warning of increased chances of magmatic unrest within days.

Phivolcs also reported that since Kanlaon’s moderate explosive eruption on March 15, seismic activity has remained steady at an average of six volcano-tectonic earthquakes per day.

Meanwhile, sulfur dioxide emissions averaged 1,646 tons per day and slightly increased to 2,382 tons per day in the past week.

‘Ground deformation parameters have been non-steady but still indicate sustained and slow-rate inflation of the volcano edifice since 2022,’ Phivolcs noted.

Kanlaon remains under Alert Level 2, although Phivolcs said it may be raised to Alert Level 3 should sustained and intensifying crater glow signal a possible magmatic eruption.

Residents within the four-kilometer Permanent Danger Zone were encouraged to evacuate, while those within Pyroclastic Density Current Hazard Zones were advised to remain vigilant and prepare for possible evacuation should volcanic unrest intensify.

Phivolcs also urged local government units and disaster risk reduction officials to prepare response measures and stay alert for ‘potential syn-eruption lahars and sediment-laden streamflow in channels’ during heavy rains.

The agency added that civil aviation authorities should also advise pilots to avoid flying close to Kanlaon’s summit, since ash from any sudden eruption can be hazardous to aircraft.

’The good old days’: Why nostalgia is sabotaging your future

Do not say, ‘Why were the old days better than these?’ For it is not wise to ask such questions.’ – Ecclesiastes 7:10

We’ve all heard it before-reminiscences about ‘the good old days’ when life was simpler, prices were lower, and everything just seemed better. But this romanticised view of the past is a dangerous myth that keeps us trapped in yesterday while the world moves forward without us.

‘The good old days’ represents a venture of paranoid nostalgia into a past that doesn’t fit into current reality. It serves as a self-compensatory comforter for the deprivation we feel in the present-an excursion into an Eldorado created only in our memories. This backward-looking mindset is fundamentally an attempt to drag the past into the present, a romantic excursion into an extinct reality whose existence lives only in our recollections.

Nostalgia often functions as a temporary escape from perceived present pain we don’t want to confront. It becomes the justification for our patent unwillingness to deploy our innate capacity to evolve, embrace, adapt to, and invest in the currency of present seasons and opportunities. When we glorify yesterday, we forfeit tomorrow.

Seasons are neither good nor bad. They are just seasons. What was good for some in ‘the old days’ was absolute pain for others. The world does not operate on a uniform time zone. So, darkness and light cannot be experienced the same way by two people in separate climates.

Seasons prepare us for what’s coming or reveal what we’re truly made of. The question isn’t whether a season is good or bad, but rather: what are you learning, and how are you adapting?

When faced with the challenges of their present reality in the wilderness, the Israelites expressed a desperate desire for the ‘good old days’ in Egypt, conveniently forgetting that every plate of salad they ate in Egypt came with the crushing burden of slavery, where they were owned and owned nothing, kept alive with just enough nutrition to sustain them as cheap labour-nothing more.

But now they were faced with a future where ownership of quality real estate with abundant provisions was the promised package. All they had to do was endure inconvenience for a season. Yet their perverted palates were willing to mortgage an entire destiny for a cheap meal, preferring the familiar chains of yesterday to the uncertain freedom of tomorrow.

This is the danger of nostalgia-it edits out the pain and highlights only the pleasure, creating a false narrative that paralyses progress.

Try to convince the man who could not afford a used car in the ‘good old days’ when it sold for less than N500 and who is now riding brand new N250m SUVs that the ‘old days’ were better. You can’t, because context matters.

Seasons are simply codes of value migration. What attracts reward for some in one season makes paupers of others in another season. When the drum beats change, only the foolish or tone-deaf retain the dance to the old rhythm. Seasons encode new opportunities and new realities, often presented in the deceptive garb of crisis.

‘We used to buy a bag of cement for N25,’ people lament. Fine. But let’s ask the uncomfortable questions: What was your income then? What did you charge for your services then? How many people around you could afford even one bag? How much did a bricklayer charge per day then? It was ‘cheap’, yet some people built with mud bricks because cement was beyond their reach. Stop wallowing in the mud of historical frameworks that only cripple initiative. If you blame the government for altering the narrative you were familiar with-subsidy removals, forex adjustments, policy changes-look around you with honest eyes.

Is your landlord charging the same rent he charged two years ago? Even when prices of goods drop, have you ever seen a landlord reduce rent? Does the pepper seller still sell at 2015 prices? How about the taxi driver? The mason? The food vendor? Even YOU-have you kept your prices frozen in time?

Government reflects the collective behaviour of its citizens. We are all participants in the economic ecosystem, adjusting our prices, and seeking to maximise our value. The government is simply the most visible player in a game we’re all playing.

A change of seasons only brings panic to those who never prepared for it. The ant does not panic in winter because it spent summer preparing for it. The ant doesn’t complain about how much easier summer was or how unfair winter is. It simply executes the preparation it made when conditions were favourable.

The question isn’t whether seasons will change-they always do. The question is whether you’ll be ready when they do.

How do you survive ‘hard’ seasons? The answer is simple but not easy: CONTROL. Not control over external circumstances or other people, but control over your internal responses and strategic positioning.

Control Your Emotions. Emotional stability is the foundation of sound decision-making. When negative emotions dictate your decisions, you become reactive rather than strategic. You make choices based on fear, anger, or nostalgia rather than wisdom and foresight.

Control Your Gates. Be intentional about what your eyes and ears feed on. If you binge on negativity, it will become your reality. The algorithms of popular media are deliberately set to target pessimists for a reason-it keeps them and the doomsday content creators in business. YOU are the victim! Your engagement gives them substantial income. If certain content creators stopped posting their typical controversial content today, they would lose followers, and, consequently, income. The followers are always the ‘mugu’ (fool) and the cash cow. This is why before you’ve fully recovered from the latest gossip, another scandal is trending. You-the ATM-are always being loaded and PROGRAMMED to dispense cash to these content merchants.

Control Your Relevance. Develop a value code that solves a significant problem by addressing a current pain point. The marketplace rewards those who solve today’s problems, not those who reminisce about yesterday’s solutions. Opportunities wear the garb of crisis.

Control Your Time. Channel your energies into productivity instead of popular gossip and complaint sessions. Those who regale you with tales of woes yesterday will not knock on your door to tell you when things change for the better for them. Time is your most precious non-renewable resource. Invest it in building, creating, and developing-not in consuming negativity and rehearsing grievances.

Control Your Capacity. Every season has its coping tools. Enhance your survival kit continuously. Master a new skill that’s relevant to current market demands. Start a new business based on solid market intelligence, not nostalgia. Meet more people who are moving forward, not backward. Create more value that makes you a ‘go-to’ person in your field.

Your desperation and misdirected anger cannot change the season. Neither can your daily complaints or your nostalgic fantasies about ‘the good old days’. The season is what it is. Your only choice is how you respond to it.

Fixated nostalgia is a mental prison that keeps you focused on a past you can’t change while the present and future slip through your fingers.

It’s time to revive your mind and TAKE CONTROL. The future belongs to those who adapt, evolve, and create value in the present season-not to those who pine for seasons past.

The good old days weren’t as good as you remember, and today isn’t as bad as you fear.

Will you adapt, or will you be left behind?

Will you clutch memories while others build futures?

Remember, the sky is not your limit, God is!

CIS strengthens market trust through advocacy ethical enforcement

The outlook for Q2 2026 is cautiously optimistic. We expect a gradual improvement in market activity, driven by macroeconomic stabilisation, policy reforms, and renewed investor interest. However, inflationary pressures and exchange rate volatility remain key risks that could moderate growth.

You will recall that the equities market recorded a 51% gain in 2025, and as of 21 April 2026, the market had gained about 40%. This is significant. From my perspective, the outlook for the second quarter reflects a market that has regained investors’ confidence, owing largely to the priority attached to ethical governance by the SEC, NGX, and other exchanges.

It is also important to note that most of the results released by listed firms showed some level of improvement. In light of this, the market is expected to record further growth. However, there may still be some fluctuations as a result of profit-taking. The performance of the second quarter will also be influenced by the broader macroeconomic environment and geopolitical developments. Overall, I am confident that the market will grow beyond the inflation rate in Q2.

What is your take on the investment landscape in the country?

The investment landscape is evolving, but it is still constrained in several respects. There is growing sophistication among institutional investors, but retail participation remains relatively low. Confidence is improving gradually, especially with ongoing reforms in the financial sector.

How did the Institute contribute to capacity building and professional development during your leadership?

We prioritised human capital development through continuous professional education, examination reforms, and specialised training programmes. The goal was to ensure that our members remain competitive in an evolving market shaped by technology, regulation, and global integration. We also expanded our digital learning platforms to improve accessibility.

What institutional reforms or innovations stood out during your tenure?

We strengthened governance structures, improved internal processes, and embraced digital transformation in our operations. In addition, we focused on enhancing transparency, improving member engagement, and aligning the Institute more closely with global best practices in the securities market.

In specific terms, what other strategic initiatives can you attribute to your administration?

I would like to emphasise that this is the result of a collective effort. We provided responsible leadership by fostering collaboration and teamwork across the Institute, while also strengthening partnerships with other trade groups and professional associations in the financial market. We spearheaded high-level engagements with federal and state governments, as well as the Nigeria Revenue Service (NRS) and maintained a strong balance sheet through prudent resource management and well-structured policy initiatives. The Federal Government recognised CIS as a champion of the $1 trillion economy. The number of students sitting for our examinations has increased exponentially, with many non-finance professionals regularising their membership. We also restructured the institute by sustaining a highly skilled and capable workforce.

How has the institute helped to strengthen investor confidence in the capital market?

Through advocacy, ethical enforcement, and collaboration with regulators, the institute has played an important role in reinforcing trust in the market. By promoting professionalism among stockbrokers and improving public education, we have helped to reduce information asymmetry and improve investor awareness.

What were the major challenges that faced the institute?

The key challenges included navigating macroeconomic instability, managing limited resources, adapting to rapid technological changes, and addressing low public awareness of the securities profession. Despite these challenges, we remained focused on strengthening the Institute’s resilience and relevance.

What is your advice to your successor as president of CIS?

My advice to my successor is to build on the foundations already laid by deepening reforms, embracing innovation, and strengthening stakeholder collaboration. It is important to sustain professional standards, expand digital transformation, and continue advocacy for greater retail investor participation. Equally important is maintaining strong relationships with regulators and ensuring that the Institute remains forward-looking in a rapidly changing financial environment.

What legacy would you like your tenure to be remembered for?

I would like my tenure to be remembered for strengthening professionalism within the stock broking community, enhancing institutional credibility, and contributing to a more resilient and trusted capital market. Most importantly, I hope it will be seen as a period that advanced capacity building and positioned the Institute for future growth. I also consider my emphasis on ethical governance to be a key part of that legacy.

What are the challenges faced by investment and stockbroking firms in Nigeria?

Key challenges include macroeconomic instability, low market liquidity, high operating costs, regulatory compliance burdens, and limited retail investor engagement. In addition, gaps in technology adoption and capital constraints also affect competitiveness.

The SEC has shut down over 400 fraudulent schemes. What is CIS doing with regulators to curb Ponzi schemes?

CIS works closely with the Securities and Exchange Commission and other stakeholders to enhance investor education, professional ethics, and public awareness.

We are also strengthening certification standards and promoting financial literacy campaigns to help investors identify and avoid fraudulent schemes.

What impact has the Securities and Investment Bill had on the capital market?

The passage of the Securities and Investment Bill into law has strengthened regulatory clarity, improved investor protection, and modernised the legal framework of the capital market. It has also enhanced enforcement capacity and aligned the market more closely with global standards.

How is CIS encouraging retail investor participation, especially in mutual funds?

We are working to deepen financial literacy, support product innovation, and encourage asset managers to design retail-friendly mutual funds. We also collaborate with regulators and market operators to improve access and simplify investment processes.

What are the prospects in an emerging economy like Nigeria?

Nigeria retains strong long-term prospects due to its large population, youthful demographics, and expanding digital economy. If structural reforms continue to yield results, the capital market will become an even more important driver of wealth creation and infrastructure financing.

What is your view on the investment climate amidst global tensions such as the US-Israel-Iran conflict?

Geopolitical tensions introduce uncertainty into global markets, often triggering risk aversion and a shift of capital toward safe-haven assets. While economies like Nigeria may not always be at the centre of such conflicts, the indirect effects can be substantial, particularly through oil price volatility, foreign exchange pressures, and shifts in investor sentiment.

What are the lessons for Chief Executive Officers?

For Chief Executive Officers, the key lesson is the importance of building resilient and adaptable business strategies. This includes strengthening risk management frameworks to respond effectively to external shocks, diversifying revenue streams and supply chains to reduce exposure to vulnerable markets, maintaining adequate liquidity buffers and flexible financing options, closely monitoring macroeconomic indicators such as oil prices and exchange rates, and communicating proactively with stakeholders to sustain confidence during periods of uncertainty. Ultimately, CEOs who prepare for geopolitical volatility are better positioned not only to safeguard their organisations, but also to seize emerging opportunities in times of global disruption

Pa Reuben Fasoranti centenary celebration: The Yoruba nation and the challenge of unity

It is with profound deep sense of historical responsibility that I have to share felicitations with my compatriots today on this momentous occasion marking the centenary of Pa Reuben Fasoranti who was born on May 11, 1926 – a man whose life, over the span of a century, has come to embody discipline, moral clarity, and an unwavering commitment to the ideals that define the Yoruba nation.

A hundred years in the life of such a man is not merely a passage of time; it is a living archive of struggle, sacrifice, and steadfast adherence to principle. In celebrating Baba Fasoranti, we are not only honouring longevity but also acknowledging a consistency of purpose that has endured through shifting political seasons and changing national circumstances.

His life invites reflection-not of sentiment, but of responsibility. It compels us to look beyond celebration and to confront, with clarity and honesty, the condition of the people and the ideals to which he has devoted himself. It is from that standpoint that I invite us to reflect on a question that has followed the Yoruba nation across generations, shaping its politics, influencing its choices, and, at critical moments, determining its trajectory-the question of unity.

That reflection leads us inevitably to the question of unity-an aspiration that has endured, but one that has repeatedly been tested in most confusing circumstances.

In the dark days of the 19th century, we lived in constant fears of wars, of invasions and of destabilizations. Even when Oyo Empire collapsed, the Ibadan war mongers resisted the occupation of the Fulani jihadists through Ilorin with the Parapo checkmating the excesses of the Ibadan at the Kiriji battles! The disunity that ensued made the British colonization a walkover.

Even in the era of the sage, Obafemi Awolowo, when the Western Region stood as a model of purposeful governance, unity proved more complex than it appeared. The rupture between Awolowo and Samuel Ladoke Akintola began as a strategic disagreement but, left unmanageable, escalated into a crisis that contributed to the Nigerian instability preceding the military incursion and the Nigerian civil war. It remains a defining reminder that internal fractures rarely remain contained.

By the Second Republic, this pattern had evolved rather than disappeared. During the 1979 and 1983 elections, Awolowo’s presidential bids did not command unanimous Yoruba alignment, as elements within the Yoruba political class found accommodation within alternative national coalitions. What should have been a moment of consolidated regional influence instead reflected a divided strategic posture.

The June 12 experience offered both inspiration and caution. The candidacy of Moshood Abiola drew widespread Yoruba support and national legitimacy, yet following the annulment of the Nigerian 1993 presidential election, responses within the Yoruba elite were not entirely uniform. While many stood resolutely in defence of that mandate, others adopted more cautious or divergent approaches, revealing once again the difficulty of sustaining unity beyond shared aspiration.

The Fourth Republic presented perhaps the most striking contradiction. In 1999, the Yoruba political mainstream rallied behind Olu Falae, while another Yoruba son, Olusegun Obasanjo, emerged through a different national coalition. By 2003, the

political structure of the South-West was fundamentally altered, as the existing regional leadership was largely displaced. It was a moment that underscored a persistent dilemma: how a people could produce national leadership yet remain regionally fragmented.

These episodes are not distant memories; they are enduring lessons. They demonstrate that the challenge of Yoruba unity has never been theoretical-it has been tested repeatedly at critical moments, and too often, it has faltered where alignment mattered most.

Is Yoruba unity under threat?

It is against this historical background that we must now ask, with clarity and sincerity, whether Yoruba unity is under threat.

For me, the answer is yes-not as a declaration of alarm, but as a sober assessment of present realities.

The pressures we face today are less dramatic, but more diffuse. Political divergence has deepened, with partisan affiliations and competitive interests frequently overshadowing shared identity and long-term collective goals.

Yoruba actors increasingly engage one another not as partners in a common project, but as rivals within fragmented political arenas. At the same time, ideological differences regarding the future of Nigeria have become more pronounced. Positions now range from firm commitment to national integration to growing advocacy for autonomy and even secession.

The agitation for a Yoruba nation, while rooted in legitimate grievances, has itself introduced new internal complexities, particularly around questions of feasibility, method, and

timing. These tensions are further compounded by a gradual erosion of shared cultural anchors. The ethos that once regulated conduct-discipline, respect, restraint, and communal responsibility-no longer binds with the same consistency.

Trust has become less instinctive, misunderstandings more frequent, and generational differences more pronounced.

Even our traditional institutions have not been entirely insulated. Moments of public strain involving revered stools, including the Ooni of Ife and the Alaafin of Oyo, have at times mirrored broader societal tensions.

Taken individually, these issues are manageable. Taken together, they suggest a deeper structural weakening of cohesion.

If history teaches us anything: it teaches that moments of political advantage do not automatically translate into collective progress. They must be recognized, properly interpreted, and deliberately utilized.

We have, in the past, found ourselves at the centre of national power without corresponding regional cohesion. The experience of 1999, and even more pointedly the political realignments of 2003, demonstrated that the presence of a Yoruba leader at the helm of the Nigerian state does not, in itself, guarantee the alignment of Yoruba interests or the preservation of Yoruba political structures.

Leadership at the centre, where it is not complemented by coherence at home, can exist alongside fragmentation-and in some cases, even accelerate it. Some of us who were active participants in that period do not speak of it from abstraction, but from lived experience. We saw, first-hand, how quickly a region can lose strategic ground when internal alignment is weak, and how difficult it is to rebuild once that cohesion is disrupted.

It is precisely in the light of that experience that the present moment must be approached with greater clarity.

In the leadership of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, we are not simply confronted with another instance of Yoruba representation at the national level. What distinguishes this moment is the character of the political process that produced it. This is a leadership forged within the complexities of Yoruba political evolution itself-one that has, over time, navigated internal differences, built coalitions, and sustained relevance across changing national contexts.

This distinction is not merely historical; it is strategic.

For perhaps the first time in a long while, there exists a realistic possibility that alignment at the centre can be matched by coherence within the region. But that possibility will remain unrealized unless it is supported by a deliberate shift in conduct among Yoruba political actors-away from zero-sum competition and toward coordinated purpose.

It must therefore be said, with a sense of responsibility, that the opportunity before us will not implement itself. It will require restraint in moments of rivalry, maturity in the face of disagreement, and a conscious willingness to subordinate immediate advantage to longer-term collective interest.

What is at stake extends beyond the fortunes of any administration. It is, more fundamentally, a test of whether the Yoruba nation can align its internal dynamics with its external influence at a time when both appear, for once, to be within reach.

History, as always, will be unsentimental in its judgment. It will record not the opportunities we were given, but the choices we made in response to them.

In reflecting on this moment, the life of Pa Reuben Fasoranti provides both context and guidance. His role in the post-June 12 period, particularly within Afenifere, was defined not by the absence of disagreement, but by the insistence that disagreement must not be allowed to destroy the collective.

He represents a tradition of leadership rooted in steadfastness, discipline, and moral clarity – one that places the long-term interest of the people above transient advantage. That example is neither nostalgic nor abstract. It is directly relevant to the choices before us.

If unity is to endure, it must move beyond sentiment to reality. It must find expression in deliberate and sustained collaboration across economic, political, and institutional spheres.

Efforts at regional coordination, including the work of the Development Agenda for Western Nigeria Commission, demonstrate that cooperation, when institutionalized, can provide a foundation for broader cohesion. However, such frameworks must be strengthened, deepened, and supported by a renewed commitment to shared cultural values.

Without a revival of those values – respect, responsibility, and a sense of collective destiny-even the most well-designed institutions will struggle to endure.

The responsibility, ultimately, lies with us.

History has shown that the Yoruba are capable of unity, but often in response to crisis. The greater challenge, and indeed the more enduring test, is whether unity can be sustained in moments when the pressures are less visible but no less significant.

If we fail under such conditions, then we must accept that our divisions have become habitual. But if we succeed, then this moment may well be remembered as the point at which the Yoruba nation moved from episodic cohesion to deliberate alignment.

In reflecting on the journey, we have traced-from the early fractures of the dark ages, the First Republic, through the contested alignments of later years, to the hard lessons of more recent political transitions-we are confronted with a pattern that is both instructive and cautionary.

The Yoruba nation has never been short of leadership, intellect, or vision. At every critical point in our history, we have produced men and women of capacity, courage, and influence. Yet, time and again, the full weight of that capacity has been diminished by an inability to sustain alignment at decisive moments. That is the lesson history leaves with us-not as condemnation, but as responsibility.

In the life of Pa Reuben Fasoranti, we see the continuation of a tradition shaped in no small measure by the discipline and philosophical clarity of Obafemi Awolowo – a tradition that recognizes disagreement but refuses disintegration. It reminds us that unity is not convenience; it is discipline.

The present moment offers us a rare convergence of opportunity and experience. But, as history has shown, such moments do not endure indefinitely. They pass, and in passing, they leave behind either consolidation or regret.

If we choose alignment-deliberately and consistently-then this period may yet be remembered as the point at which the Yoruba nation reconciled its potential with the discipline required to realize it.

If we do not, then we will have added yet another chapter to a familiar story. The responsibility, in the final analysis, is ours.

And history, as always, will remember.

Fayemi: Fasoranti is an Awoist to the core

It is with profound gratitude to God and deep admiration that I join family, friends, associates, compatriots, and countless admirers across Nigeria and the world in celebrating the centenary anniversary of our father, my principal, an extraordinary patriot, elder statesman, democracy activist and Afenifere leader, Chief Reuben Famuyide Fasoranti.

Reaching the age of one hundred is itself a rare divine blessing; attaining it with such dignity, and enduring relevance to national life is even more remarkable. Baba’s life represents a century of sacrifice, courage, integrity, and unwavering commitment to justice, good governance, and the advancement of the Yoruba people within a united, democratic Nigeria.

Personally, Baba Fasoranti has been much more than a revered leader of Afenifere. He has been a father figure, teacher, mentor, counselor, and moral compass. Over the years, I have benefitted immensely from his wisdom, encouragement, and steadfast belief in principled leadership. In moments of political uncertainty and national turbulence, Baba remained one of those rare voices whose convictions never shifted with convenience. His guidance has consistently reinforced the values of courage, moderation, discipline, and service to the people.

Chief Fasoranti’s lifelong commitment to education and human development is evidenced in his enduring legacies in education and incredible impact on all of us who were privileged to be his students. He remained a father figure and moral compass to us till date. As a young man, Chief Fasoranti knew early the value of education, he graduated from the then University College Ibadan (now University of Ibadan), acquired a post graduate certificate in Education and a Master’s degree in Education Administration and School Management from the University of Hull, United Kingdom and Maguire University, Australia, respectively. As a teacher, administrator, and community leader, he understood early that the future of any society rests on the quality of its education and the moral character of its citizens. His life of simplicity, humility, and service continues to inspire generations of leaders.

Baba was an astute politician, a believer in the vision of Chief Obafemi Awolowo and a frontline figure in the struggle for democracy. He was actively involved in the Action Group in the First Republic and later in the Unity Party of Nigeria during the Second Republic where he served as an incomparable Commissioner for Finance in the administration of late Chief Adekunle Ajasin in the old Ondo State. Baba Fasoranti stood firmly on the side of justice during some of the darkest moments in Nigeria’s political history.

Through the difficult years of military dictatorship, he remained resolute in defending democratic freedoms, constitutionalism, and the rights of the people. His courage, alongside that of other patriots within Afenifere, helped sustain the democratic spirit that eventually culminated in the rebirth of democratic governance in Nigeria.

Beyond politics, Baba Fasoranti’s contribution to the development of the Yoruba nation is immeasurable. He has been an enduring symbol of unity, cultural pride, communal progress, and intellectual advancement.

Through his leadership in Afenifere, he preserved and strengthened the ideals of fairness, federalism, education, and people-oriented governance that have historically defined Yoruba progressive politics. He has consistently advocated restructuring, equity, and true federalism, not as abstract political slogans, but as necessary foundations for national stability and inclusive development. His interventions on national issues have always reflected uncommon patriotism and a sincere desire for a peaceful, prosperous, and united Nigeria.

At 100years, Baba Fasoranti remains a towering symbol of integrity in public life. In an era where values are increasingly contested, his life remained a testament to the fact that true leadership is measured not by power or position, but by sacrifice, consistency, and fidelity to principle.

As we celebrate this historic milestone, we do not merely honour the longevity of an individual; we celebrate a century of purposeful living and national service. We celebrate a man whose life has enriched Nigeria’s democratic journey and strengthened the voice and aspirations of the Yoruba people.

On behalf of my wife, Bisi, and the rest of our family, I warmly congratulate our father, Chief Reuben Fasoranti on this remarkable centenary celebration. May the Lord continue to grant him peace, strength, and joy. Amen!

Painful periods could be a red flag

Many women in Uganda spend years seeking answers for severe menstrual pain that is often dismissed as normal. Experts say delayed diagnosis of endometriosis is leaving thousands to suffer through chronic pain, infertility, and emotional distress.

For years, Sarah believed the pain was simply part of being a woman. Every month, her menstrual cycle came with crippling abdominal pain that left her curled up in bed, unable to attend school and later, work. Teachers dismissed her absence. Friends told her to be strong. At clinics, she was prescribed painkillers and repeatedly treated for infections that never seemed to go away.

‘My mother told me it is normal. That all women go through it,’ she recalls.

It was not until nearly a decade later, after countless hospital visits and worsening symptoms, that Sarah finally received a diagnosis: endometriosis.

Her story is far from unique. According to Grace Nagawa, founder of Endometriosis Foundation Uganda, thousands of women across Uganda and Africa are silently battling severe menstrual pain that is often dismissed, misunderstood, or misdiagnosed.

‘By the time many receive the correct diagnosis, the disease has already progressed, sometimes leading to complications such as infertility,’ Nagawa says.

Hidden in plain sight

Dr Kato Stephen Ssematimba, a gynaecologist and endometriosis specialist at Crystal Medical Centre in Kampala, says endometriosis is a chronic condition in which tissue similar to the lining of the uterus grows outside the womb, commonly affecting the ovaries, fallopian tubes, and pelvic lining.

During menstruation, this tissue thickens, breaks down, and bleeds, causing inflammation, severe pelvic pain, and sometimes infertility. In rare cases, women may experience bleeding from the nose, ears, lungs, or navel during menstruation.

Globally, endometriosis affects about one in 10 women of reproductive age, translating to an estimated 190 million women worldwide.

Yet awareness remains low, particularly in low- and middle-income countries.

Since its inception in 2019, Endometriosis Foundation Uganda has diagnosed more than 350 women with the condition.

‘This is just the tip of the iceberg,’ Nagawa says. ‘Many women have this condition, but their pain is dismissed as normal.’ In Uganda, many women wait nine to 10 years before receiving a correct diagnosis, longer than the global average of six to eight years.

Told to endure the pain

Nagawa, who describes herself as an ‘endo-warrior,’ says cultural beliefs and silence around menstruation contribute heavily to delayed diagnosis.

‘In many homes, when a girl complains about painful periods, she is told to endure,’ she says. ‘She grows up believing that level of pain is normal.’

In many Ugandan communities, menstruation remains a private and often taboo subject. Conversations about menstrual health rarely go beyond hygiene, leaving little room to discuss abnormalities such as extreme pain.

As a result, symptoms including severe cramps, heavy bleeding, and chronic pelvic pain are normalised. Seeking medical attention is often delayed, especially in rural areas where healthcare access is already limited.

‘When pain is normalised, it delays care,’ says a Kampala-based gynaecologist. ‘By the time we see some patients, the disease has progressed to advanced stages.’

Even when women seek help, diagnosis is rarely straightforward. In Uganda, up to 80 percent of endometriosis cases are initially misdiagnosed, often mistaken for urinary tract infections or pelvic inflammatory disease.

Part of the challenge is that endometriosis presents differently in different women. While some experience severe pain, others struggle mainly with infertility.

Dr Ssematimba adds that diagnosis can be made using a transvaginal scan or, for girls who are virgins, a transrectal scan.

The cost ranges between Shs70,000 and Shs150,000 for transvaginal scans, while transrectal scans cost about Shs200,000.

The hidden toll

One of the most difficult aspects of endometriosis is that it is largely invisible.

‘You look fine, so people think you are exaggerating,’ Sarah says. ‘But the pain is real. It affects everything: your work, your relationships, your mental health.’

Dr Ssematimba says symptoms can include severe painful periods, chronic pelvic pain, painful intercourse, painful urination, general body weakness, and abnormal bleeding.

The condition often leads to missed school days, reduced productivity at work, and social isolation. Living with chronic pain without a diagnosis can also lead to anxiety, frustration, and self-doubt.

For many women, the impact becomes even more visible when they struggle to conceive.

Globally, between 30 and 50 percent of women with endometriosis experience infertility because the disease can cause inflammation, scarring, and blockage of reproductive organs.

‘In our society, when a couple cannot have children, the woman is often blamed,’ Nagawa says. ‘Yet in many cases, there is an underlying medical condition that has gone undiagnosed for years.’

A system under pressure

Uganda’s health system also faces significant challenges in managing the condition. Dr Ssematimba says only seven specialists in the country are trained to diagnose and manage endometriosis, with most services concentrated in urban areas.

While there is no cure, early-stage disease can be managed with medication.

Advanced cases may require laparoscopic surgery to restore anatomy, relieve pain, and improve fertility. The procedure can cost between Shs7m and Shs25m, depending on severity.

Advocates say awareness is slowly improving through community outreach, social media campaigns, and support groups.

Why losing weight becomes a full-time job

Why does it feel like everyone is expected to look perfect all the time? Flat stomach, clear skin, gym routine, glowing life, no off days, no bad angles, no excuses!

Because if you believe social media, becoming healthy is simple: eat less, move more and repeat. In reality, for me and probably half of us, trying to glow up has become a full-time job. And not the kind you can skip without consequences.

If weight loss actually paid, we would all be owning properties around the world, sipping smoothies on yachts and still complaining about burpees.

Social media does not help. Every scroll is filled with people shedding kilogrammes effortlessly, doing routines that look fun and easy, while the rest of us are proud of ourselves for ordering a side salad instead of chips like we won the lottery.

The funny thing is, everyone seems to have it figured out. Your friend posts a 5km run or walk, another shows a perfectly portioned meal, and you are just proud you remembered to drink water. But that is part of the process. Weight loss is not instant; it is messy, unpredictable and occasionally hilarious.

When fitness becomes a second job

But glowing up is more than just losing weight. It is about becoming a healthier and better version of yourself, more fit, more disciplined and mentally stronger. And like any full-time job, it requires consistency. You have to show up even on days you do not feel like it.

Some days I lock in properly. The steps are in, workouts are done and I feel like Captain America has nothing on me.

Other days, I stare at the scale, wonder if it is broken and negotiate with my bed about why I should get up, and the ‘ye nfaki’ kicks in.

Weight loss is not glamorous. It is discipline, small victories such as eating a boiled egg rather than fried and occasional defeats such as giving in to that chapatti, the weapon formed against our flat stomachs.

The emotional war with food and motivation

Losing weight is walking 10,000 steps, then realising your favourite snack is whispering your name. It is the joy of noticing your clothes fit better, mixed with the frustration of stubborn spots that refuse to cooperate, especially the stomach, which refuses to get the memo.

And yes, sometimes it is embarrassing, like when you fail to come up after that squat and hope no one saw.

Like any full-time job, I have had to develop strategies to survive it; showing up consistently, moving, especially when I do not feel like it and balancing discipline with small rewards so I do not lose my mind.

The truth is, this is not something you do for a few weeks and finish. It is a lifestyle. The moment you stop, the weight will come back like it never left, no warning and no apology.

The good days

Some days it feels like hard work with little payoff. Other days, you see progress that makes it all worth it. It is a rollercoaster of emotions and hard work, but every step, every squat and every vegetable adds up.

On good days, everything aligns. You feel strong, committed, almost unstoppable. You start thinking maybe, just maybe, you have figured it out.

The bad days

Then there are the other days, the ones where your bed becomes your strongest opponent. The scale suddenly looks like it is judging you. Motivation disappears without notice. Discipline files for leave.

Those are the days you promise yourself, ‘tomorrow I start properly.’ Confidently. Repeatedly. With no evidence of change.

Food, cravings, and emotional warfare

And then there is food.

Chapati is not just chapati. It is an emotional negotiation. Fries do not ask questions; they just show up like old friends. Cinnamon rolls are the real weapon formed against discipline.

You try to be strong. You really do. But sometimes the cravings are louder than your intentions.

Small wins that actually matter

Still, there are victories. Quiet ones.

Choosing water instead of soda. Eating the boiled egg instead of the fried. Walking when you would rather sit. Finishing a workout you almost cancelled.

And honestly, those small wins deserve applause. No, a standing ovation.

Progress is repetitive

The thing about this journey is that progress is not always visible. It is not always aesthetic. It is repetitive.

You do not always notice it day to day. But it builds in discipline, in energy, in how you carry yourself.

Some days it feels like nothing is happening. But something always is.

The truth about the glow-up journey

So yes, weight loss has become my full-time job, even with cinnamon rolls being the weapon formed against me, and if it actually paid, I would probably be living like a princess. Owning properties and still complaining about burpees. But for now, the rewards come in discipline, growth and the quiet satisfaction of not giving up.

To anyone else on this journey, keep showing up. Even when it is hard, slow or chaotic. Life, sweat, stubborn fat and the occasional KFC craving are funny, frustrating, but worth every step.

Because the glow-up is not a moment; it is work. Full-time work.

Common weight loss mistakes

A common mistake in weight loss is relying only on the scale to measure progress. Body weight can fluctuate daily due to water retention, hormones, and other factors, so it does not always reflect real change. Many people also fall into the trap of over-restricting food in an attempt to see faster results, which often leads to burnout and eventually giving up.

Skipping meals is another frequent approach, but it can slow metabolism, increase cravings, and make it harder to maintain consistency over time. There is also the expectation that visible changes should happen quickly, which can be discouraging when progress feels slow or uneven. In reality, sustainable change takes time and patience.