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When Hollard Insurance Company of Botswana admitted to anti-competitive conduct and agreed to pay P4.83 million in the country’s first cartel settlement, the Competition and Consumer Authority (CCA) did what competition regulators are expected to do. It investigated, secured an admission, imposed a financial penalty and extracted compliance commitments.

Hollard Isurance, Botswana Insurance Company, Old mutual, and Autoboys were accused by the CCA of running a multi-billion Pula anti-competitive insurance cartel. Hollard confessed and settled with the CCA.

Others stood their ground and the matter was referred to the Tribunal. Meanwhile, since then there has been no indication from NBFIRA that they have acted on Hollard’s admission.

So far, NBFIRA has not disclosed any regulatory, supervisory, enforcement or disciplinary action against Hollard arising from the conduct.

Instead, it has repeatedly cited confidentiality.

Responding to an inquiry by Sunday Standard NBFIRA says its supervisory and regulatory work on the matter is ‘ongoing’. But when asked by this publication whether it conducted its own assessment following Hollard’s admission, it did not provide any findings, remedial action or regulatory outcome.

NBFIRA is not a spectator to the insurance industry. It is the prudential and market-conduct regulator responsible for the supervision of insurers and the protection of policyholders and consumers. The CCA’s findings were not vague. Its investigation found anti-competitive conduct involving, among other things, direct or indirect fixing of prices and terms of trade to car repairers, abuse of dominance and agreements involving the sharing of trade secrets that had the effect of substantially lessening competition.

Hollard subsequently acknowledged that certain of its past conduct contravened the Competition Act and confirmed that it had ceased that conduct.

Hollard also agreed to develop, implement and monitor a competition-law compliance programme and submit it to the CCA. It further agreed to co-operate with the CCA in its case against the remaining respondents and to pay P4,828,510.08.

That leaves NBFIRA with an uncomfortable regulatory question. What did it do?

NBFIRA says it and the CCA have a memorandum of understanding providing for co-operation and information-sharing, and confirms that the arrangement was used in this case. So the regulator says it knew about the matter.

It also says it does not condone anti-competitive conduct and that where conduct raises concern within its mandate, it may take appropriate supervisory or regulatory action. But when asked whether it actually took such action against Hollard, NBFIRA would not say. ‘NBFIRA’s supervisory and enforcement processes are subject to applicable confidentiality requirements,’ the Authority said.

The same answer was given when Sunday Standard asked whether Hollard had been subjected to remedial measures, governance improvements, compliance undertakings or additional reporting requirements. NBFIRA also declined to say whether it had assessed the fitness and probity of Hollard’s directors, senior executives or other key persons following the admission.

It said such assessments may take into account conduct, integrity, competence and the ability of responsible persons to discharge their duties.

Again, it would not say whether such an assessment had taken place.

The regulator was equally guarded on policyholders.

Asked whether it had assessed the impact of Hollard’s conduct on consumers and whether any redress or protective measures had been required, NBFIRA responded that it assesses potential consumer harm where information indicates that a regulated entity may have adversely affected policyholders.

It did not say whether such an assessment had found harm, whether policyholders had been affected or whether any corrective measures had been imposed.

The CCA has publicly disclosed what Hollard admitted, what Hollard agreed to do and how much it agreed to pay.

NBFIRA, by contrast, has disclosed none of the regulatory consequences of that admission.

The CCA is the specialist competition authority. NBFIRA regulates and supervises insurers under the insurance regulatory framework. NBFIRA itself says the mandates are complementary. That means the CCA’s settlement did not necessarily exhaust the regulatory implications for an insurer.

Yet almost five months after the CCA settlement of 29 April 2026, NBFIRA’s position remains that its supervisory work is ongoing. There is no disclosed NBFIRA penalty. No disclosed directive. No disclosed governance intervention. No disclosed compliance undertaking. No disclosed consumer-redress measure. No disclosed fitness-and-probity finding.

There may be confidential regulatory action that has not been disclosed. NBFIRA says so.

But that is precisely the problem, the regulator has provided no evidence, in its response, that any such action has actually been taken.

Sunday Standard did not ask NBFIRA to disclose confidential commercial information about Hollard. We asked whether regulatory action had been taken and, if so, what category of action followed a public admission of anti-competitive conduct.

The Authority chose not to answer. NBFIRA says its approach is ‘ongoing and risk-based’. That may be its regulatory position. But the public record currently contains a very simple sequence: the competition regulator investigated Hollard, the company admitted contravening competition law, a Tribunal-confirmed settlement followed, and Hollard paid millions of pula.

The insurance regulator, meanwhile, says it is still working on the matter and will not disclose whether it has taken action.

The question is therefore no longer whether NBFIRA knew. By its own account, it did.

The question is whether it acted. On that question, NBFIRA has supplied no answer.

The Umbrella for Democratic Change (UDC) appears to have softened its posture towards China. A recent visit to Beijing by a party delegation displayed a markedly warmer tone than criticism previously expressed by figures associated with the coalition and its election-monitoring arm, Madibelatlhopho.

According to a report published this week by the International Department of the Communist Party of China (CPC) Central Committee, a UDC delegation led by Deputy Minister of Communications and Innovation Shawn Ntlhaile met CPC Vice-Minister Ma Hui in Beijing on September 22.

During the meeting, Ma said the CPC was prepared to ‘maintain close inter-party exchanges with the UDC, enhance political mutual trust’ and ‘continue to firmly support each other on issues involving respective core interests and major concerns.’

The Chinese report further quoted Ntlhaile as praising China’s development record, saying the UDC ‘regards the CPC as a true partner’ and was ready to learn from the ruling party’s experience in governance and state administration. Ntlhaile also reportedly expressed a desire to strengthen cooperation with China in economic and trade matters, science and technology, as well as cultural exchanges.

The remarks stand in contrast to statements made by prominent Madibelatlhopho leader Michael Keakopa in 2025, when he publicly raised concerns with Chinese Ambassador Fan Yang over the conduct of some Chinese companies operating in Botswana.

At the time, Keakopa said concerns had been raised regarding alleged corruption linked to major projects awarded to Chinese contractors, the exclusion of local companies from economic opportunities, and the quality of some infrastructure projects delivered by Chinese firms

For much of the period before and after the 2024 General Election, Madibelatlhopho positioned itself as one of the most vocal critics of what it described as the close relationship between the former Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) government and Chinese business and political interests.

UDC electoral watchdog repeatedly linked alleged corruption in public procurement to Chinese contractors that secured major government infrastructure projects during the BDP era.

Madibelatlhopho argued that Botswana’s relationship with China had become skewed in favour of politically connected foreign companies at the expense of local businesses and taxpayers. They alleged that large-scale construction and infrastructure tenders awarded to Chinese firms were often associated with inflated costs, poor value for money and the marginalisation of citizen-owned contractors.

Madibelatlhopho has also repeatedly amplified longstanding allegations that elements within the former BDP leadership benefited politically from close ties with Chinese business interests. The group cited historic claims that the Communist Party of China (CPC) and Chinese-linked entities had provided various forms of support to the BDP over the years.

The watchdog further accused some Chinese business figures operating in Botswana of seeking to preserve influence accumulated during the previous administration. In social media statements and public commentary, Madibelatlhopho warned against what it described as attempts to cultivate relationships with the new government in order to protect commercial interests established under former president Mokgweetsi Masisi’s administration.

These concerns extended to government-to-government agreements. Madibelatlhopho publicly questioned several major Botswana-China cooperation arrangements signed after the 2024 election, arguing that lawmakers should scrutinise such agreements carefully to ensure they served national interests and did not perpetuate what the group viewed as a flawed procurement system inherited from the previous administration.

‘Tse di tona!’ ‘Re ja 1 metre.’ ‘Dzodusa.’ For nine seasons, Mascom Top 8 gave Botswana football memorable moments. On and off the field of play, the tournament set a bar high for local football.

From catchy slogans, shrewd marketing and incomparable fan engagement, the tournament reshaped the local football landscape. And when curtains finally came down on the tournament after nine seasons, football was left the poorer without it.

For six years post the last Top 8 tournament, no one stood up to fill the void left by Mascom Top 8. The once prestigious tournament seemed dead and buried. But as the acting Botswana Football League Chief Executive Officer (BFL CEO) Idah Moinisi put it, ‘great sporting traditions do not just disappear. They simply wait for the right moment to return.’

Now enters African Hero, a new hero ready to take the mantle. And this is ‘not merely the revival of a football competition.’ ‘It represents the return of a prestigious national property.’

‘It is the restoration of a proud football tradition. The return of the most prestigious competition in our domestic game, and the beginning of a new chapter in the Botswana football,’ the acting BFL CEO says.

While taking over where the previous sponsor long left, African Hero has set its eyes on writing a new chapter in the well storied Top 8 tournament. ‘The Top 8 tournament has a proud history in Botswana, and the return is a chance to write a new chapter.’

‘We want this tournament to be something that fans look forward to. Something that players want to win. Something that helps Botswana football to keep growing,’ African Hero CEO Akash Singh declares.

With a team expected to play just three games to win the coveted P1 500 000 prize monies, the tournament now stands apart as the most profitable for participants. As for clubs who do not win the ultimate prize, the returns are also as salivating. Runners-up are set to get a P750 000 cheque. The two teams which get knocked out in the semi-finals walk away with P200 000 each, after a mere two games, while those who are eliminated in the first match get a P100 000 consolation cheque.

Elsewhere, there will be eye catching cash prizes for Player of the Tournament, Coach of the Tournament, Goalkeeper of the Tournament, Young Player of the Tournament, Referee of the Tournament, Assistant Referee of the Tournament and most importantly, the Supporter of the Tournament.

With regards to who will take part in the first edition of the African Hero sponsored Top 8 tournament, the sponsors could have not asked for better teams. Township Rollers, Gaborone United, Orapa United and Jwaneng Galaxy are in the hat. Between them, the four account for winning eight (8) of the nine (9) titles.

For each of these four teams, African Hero Top 8 provides an opportunity to stand apart as the teams with most Top 8 titles. And for all eight participating teams, they stand a chance to engrave their name as the first ever African Hero Top 8 champion.

‘The Top 8 has a special place in Botswana football, for many reasons. This competition gives supporters an additional opportunity to watch the country’s best teams play against one another in a highly competitive environment,’ BFL Board Chairman Sipho Showa says.

For Showa, the BFL and local football in general, the launch of the African Top 8 tournament ‘represents more than the unveiling of just another football tournament.’ ‘It represents the continued growth of our premier league, the strengthening of our commercial football eco-system, and our collective commitment to giving our clubs and players more opportunity to compete, perform and entertain.’

When officially launching the tournament this past Friday, the Minister of Sport and Arts, Jacob Kelebeng challenged clubs participating in the African Hero Top 8 ‘to use the tournament to raise their standards.’

The tournament is scheduled to kick off this month, on the 23rd of October 2026. It will see Gaborone United take on Nico United in Gaborone, Sua Flamingoes face Orapa United in Sua and Mochudi Centre Chiefs battle it out against Morupule Wanderers. The pick of the games however will be the clash between the tournament’s two times champions Jwaneng Galaxy and Township Rollers.

Other partners in the tournament are Botswana Telecommunications as Official Connectivity partner, Umbro as the Technical Sponsor, Botswana Television as the Broadcast partner and Cresta Lodge as the accommodation partner as well as the Botswana National Sports Commission.

Botswana’s next chapter will not be written by diamonds. That was the message Vice President and Finance Minister Ndaba Gaolathe delivered at Chatham House, where he argued that the country’s greatest challenge is no longer managing mineral wealth but building an economy capable of creating value long after the diamond era has passed.

Gaolathe described a country standing at a historical turning point. The development model that lifted Botswana from one of the world’s poorest nations to an upper-middle-income economy, he said, has reached the limits of what it can achieve on its own.

The speech was less a defence of Botswana’s economic record than a blueprint for what comes next. While paying tribute to the generation that transformed diamond revenues into schools, hospitals and infrastructure, Gaolathe argued that honouring that legacy requires embracing change rather than remaining dependent on past successes.

At the centre of his argument was a broader definition of sovereignty. In a world shaped by artificial intelligence, digital disruption, climate transition and geopolitical fragmentation, he suggested that political independence alone is no longer enough. Nations must also possess the economic capability to create value, develop technology and maintain meaningful choices in an increasingly competitive global economy.

Botswana’s ambition, he said, is to move from an economy that extracts value to one that creates it. The country’s ‘True North’ is a high-income, digitally enabled and export-driven economy where prosperity is built on knowledge, innovation and production rather than mineral extraction.

To achieve that, the government has placed considerable emphasis on the Botswana Economic Transformation Programme. Gaolathe revealed that a nationwide consultation process generated nearly 7,000 ideas, eventually distilled into 186 projects and reforms with potential investment exceeding P500 billion and the prospect of around 500,000 jobs. Yet he acknowledged that Botswana has discussed diversification for decades without fully achieving it. The missing ingredient, he argued, has been execution. The government is therefore attempting to shift its culture from one focused on announcements and expenditure to one measured by implementation and results.

The address also contained a subtle redefinition of the state’s role. Government, Gaolathe said, can no longer remain the dominant engine of economic activity. Its task is instead to create conditions in which the private sector becomes the primary source of investment, innovation and employment.

Linking economics with politics, he pointed to Botswana’s peaceful transfer of power after the 2024 election as evidence of institutional strength. Trust, he argued, is not merely a democratic virtue but an economic asset, because investment depends on confidence in institutions and stability.

The most striking part of the speech may have been its focus on young people. Gaolathe repeatedly framed transformation not in terms of growth statistics but in terms of opportunity, describing graduates waiting for the economy to make room for their ambitions. Economic policy, he suggested, should ultimately be judged by whether it expands human possibility.

The speech amounted to an invitation to investors and development partners, but on Botswana’s terms. The country is not seeking rescue, Gaolathe said, but partnerships that help build lasting productive capacity. The next sixty years, he said, should be remembered not for the discovery of diamonds, but for Botswana discovering ‘the full measure of itself’.

The government has blamed Botswana’s first-past-the-post electoral system for the country’s persistently low representation of women in Parliament.

The admission is contained in Botswana’s National Report on the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa (Maputo Protocol) submitted to the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights.

According to the report, women occupied only 8.7 percent of seats in the National Assembly following the 2024 general elections. The report says only three of the six women sitting in the National Assembly were elected during the 2024 elections, while the other three were specially appointed.

The government says Botswana currently has no legislative quotas requiring political parties to ensure a minimum level of female representation in the National Assembly, although some political parties have adopted voluntary quotas.

The government also links the poor representation partly to the electoral system.

‘The low representation of women may be attributed to Botswana’s first-past-the-post (FPTP) electoral system,’ the report states.

It says the system has been criticised for limitations in promoting popular representation, inclusiveness and consensus-building, which it identifies as key indicators of a robust democracy. The government consequently recommends that Botswana critically consider electoral reforms, arguing that the current system has failed to deliver equal representation for women, youth, persons with disabilities and other vulnerable groups.

‘Noting that the employed electoral system of First Past the Post has not yielded the desired results of equal representation for Women, Youth, Persons with Disabilities and other Vulnerable populations; there is need to critically consider electoral reforms that reflect Batswana’s core values of inclusion,’ the report says.

It further calls for attention to power relations arising from the patriarchal structure of Botswana society. The report says electoral reform should be people-driven and reflect the interests of citizens, arguing that greater fairness and inclusivity would strengthen the rule of law, participatory democracy, transparency and accountability.

Botswana’s poor political representation of women is also reflected at local government level. Following the 2024 elections, women held 116 of 762 council seats, representing approximately 15 percent of elected local government positions.

The report contrasts Botswana’s performance with the 2024 Global Gender Gap Index, which ranked Botswana 125th, with a score of 0.088 on the political empowerment measure cited in the report.

Mozambique, meanwhile, was ranked the highest African country at eighth globally, with a score of 0.542, while Iceland ranked first globally with 0.972 points.

Despite the political representation gap, the report points to significant progress in women’s representation in senior public-sector positions.

In 2024, women accounted for 40 percent of Permanent Secretaries, 48 percent of Directors and 64 percent of Magistrates. Botswana also recorded several firsts, including its first female President of the Court of Appeal, first female Permanent Secretary to the President, who was deputised by a woman, and its first female Commissioner of Police.

Within the judiciary, women accounted for 19 percent of judges and 69 percent of magistrates in 2022, according to the report.

Women’s representation on the Independent Electoral Commission has also increased substantially. Women now account for 50 percent of electoral commissioners, or three of the six commissioners, compared with one of seven, or 14.3 percent, in 2011.

The government says it continues to work with civil society and other stakeholders to build the capacity of women seeking political office.

For the 2024/2025 financial year, US$3.46 million was allocated for political party funding to strengthen democratic principles. However, the report acknowledges that the funding was not gender-disaggregated, meaning it was not specifically tracked according to its benefit to women and men.

The report suggests that while women have made significant advances in professional and public-sector leadership, their presence in elected political institutions remains considerably lower.

The historic change of government has strengthened Botswana’s democratic credentials but has not yet delivered the sweeping reforms and institutional improvements expected from the political transition.

This is according to the United Nations Sustainable Development Cooperation Framework for Botswana (UNSDCF 2022-2026) Final Evaluation Report released this year. The UN recognises the country’s first peaceful transfer of power since independence but warns that the new administration faces a substantial reform agenda over jobs, inequality, governance and human rights which remain unresolved.

The report describes Botswana as internationally recognised for political stability, democracy and the rule of law. It says the 2024 general elections resulted in the first change of governing party since independence and demonstrated the continuity of Botswana’s democratic processes under a stable constitutional framework.

While the report did not mention the Umbrella for Democratic Change (UDC) by name, the UN notes that; ‘The new government has purposed itself as ‘human rights focused government’ hence is undertaking reforms geared towards strengthening access to justice.’

‘However, challenges persist in public sector efficiency, youth political participation, and local governance,’the report says. It adds that; ‘Anti-corruption perceptions have fluctuated, with citizens expressing concerns over service delivery and resource management.’

Unemployment emerges as one of the country’s most serious socio-economic challenges identified by UN. The report puts the official unemployment rate at 27.6 percent in 2024 with the situation worsening in early 2025. It says young people are bearing the heaviest burden.

The report says youth unemployment was estimated at around 38-40 percent in 2025 with young people accounting for approximately 62 percent of the unemployed population.

The report says employment outcomes were expected to improve through economic transformation, skills development and enterprise-support initiatives. However, it states that these outcomes ‘have not yet materialised at the anticipated scale.’

Gender-based violence remains another major concern with the report citing evidence that one in three women experiences some form of GBV during her lifetime.

The UN also points to unresolved human rights issues. Although human rights protections are described as generally upheld, civil society continues to demand stronger protections for marginalised groups and greater media freedom.

The country is also among the few in Southern Africa yet to ratify the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. The report further highlights the status of the Ombudsman, which serves as Botswana’s national human rights institution but has yet to comply with the Paris Principles and be fully operationalised.

The UN assessment found that women held only 11 percent of parliamentary seats after the 2019 elections, with seven of 63 MPs being women. That figure fell to 8.7 percentfollowing the 2024 elections, when women occupied just six of 69 parliamentary seats. The report notes that this is below the 27 percent SADC regional average.

It identifies the absence of legislated quotas, barriers to campaign financing and entrenched gender norms as factors limiting women’s political participation. It says women own about 35 percent of formal private-sector firmsand account for more than half of businesses in the informal economy.

However, the UN says many women-owned enterprises remain concentrated in low-value sectors and continue to face difficulties accessing finance.

The UN notes that the economy has been hit by diamond-market volatility, the COVID-19 pandemic and global conflicts, including the war in Ukraine. It says a modest recovery was anticipated in 2025, supported by the Botswana Economic Transformation Programme, which seeks to diversify the economy, improve productivity and stimulate private-sector growth. Despite a substantial reduction in poverty over the past two decades, the UN says inequality remains exceptionally high. Botswana’s Gini coefficient is estimated at about 0.53, placing the country among the more unequal societies globally.

The UN evaluation also raises concerns about Botswana’s health outcomes. Non-communicable diseases are increasing while maternal mortality remains at approximately 166 deaths per 100,000 live births, above Sustainable Development Goal targets. In 2022, Botswana recorded 560 neonatal deaths. The leading causes included birth asphyxia and trauma at 27.1 percent, low birth weight at 25 percentand diarrhoeal diseases at 8.6 percent.

The UN says the evaluation process provided an opportunity for government, UN agencies and other stakeholders to reflect on implementation, identify missed opportunities and assess progress towards the Sustainable Development Goals and Botswana’s Vision 2036 agenda.

Botswana’s cattle industry faces an ‘existential threat’ as government restrictions on live cattle exports, financial problems at the state-owned Botswana Meat Commission (BMC) and foot-and-mouth disease disrupt the country’s beef producers, Botswana Congress Party Vice President Unity Dow said.

Dow said she had received complaints from cattle farmers, agricultural stakeholders and members of the public about government policies, with producers repeatedly telling her that ‘the sector is on its knees.’

She accused the government of maintaining policies that have left farmers dependent on an underperforming BMC while preventing them from accessing alternative markets.

Beef producers are required to sell live cattle to the BMC at government-set prices, while the commission does not consistently pay on time or at market prices, Dow said. Farmers sell cattle to the BMC for about P52/kg while the commission sells beef to the European Union for about P100/kg, she said.

‘The BMC is a failed and failing State Owned Enterprise kept afloat by the sweat of farmers and by the public purse (with the current economic situation, by loans!).’

Dow also questioned the commission’s finances, saying its books have not been audited since 2021 and alleging that the BMC classified European Union prepayments as profit last year. She called for the government to activate legislation passed in 2019 that was intended to liberalise the cattle industry and allow citizens to acquire shares in the BMC.

Dow said the government should also permit live cattle exports, arguing that South Africa is prepared to buy Botswana cattle and that exports could inject more than P2.5 billion into the economy. ‘Allowing live exports will lead to the injection into an ailing economy,’ she said.

The restrictions are particularly damaging because the BMC lacks the capacity to absorb all slaughter-ready cattle even if its facilities reopen, according to Dow. Keeping cattle in feedlots for as long as nine months is costly and could leave farmers facing mounting debts, layoffs and bankruptcy, she said.

‘Not allowing live exports under current circumstances means zero income to farmers, layoffs in the industry, over-feeding in feedlots and general aging of cattle. It means bankruptcy!’ Dow said foot-and-mouth disease had intensified an existing crisis rather than caused it, while warning that projected El Niño conditions could further pressure livestock producers.

‘FMD situation has exacerbated an already bad crisis, but the problem is not new,’ she said. ‘Not trading for 9 months is an existential threat for many farmers. Expect lay-offs, unpaid loans, over stocking, bankruptcy and sadly mental health issues.’

She argued that the BMC’s protected monopoly was ultimately undermining the industry it was created to support. ‘The continued protection of the BMC through maintaining as a monopoly, price-setting and expansion into local retail is destroying the beef industry and is directly responsible for the low salaries of farm workers.’