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Based on the book Strength to Love by American Civil Rights Activist and Christian preacher Martin Luther King, first printed in Great Britain by Hodder and Stoughton in 1964, (copyright 1963 by Martin Luther King Jr) we today look at the concept what love means in everyday action and how a nation could change when this philosophy is used in policy making.

In line with our adjoining article on ‘cultivating a mind of love,’ we can reflect what ‘Love in Action’ would mean for Sri Lanka which has suffered for around three decades facing bombs, gunfire and death.

What could a nation do to instill Love in Action to create equality, happiness, togetherness, contentment and economic as well as social stability?

We are continuing from last two weeks in appreciating this book as relevant to the times we are living in.

We turn to chapter four titled Love in Action which begins with the words Jesus Christ uttered from the cross.

‘Father, forgive them for they know not what they do.’ (Luke 21:34).

This phrase proved love ‘at its best,’ points out Martin Luther King. Jesus matched words with action, he emphasizes. Here we can understand that Jesus who was a social reformer, standing up against the religious hypocrisy and oppression of the time, all carried out in the name of ‘God.’

Martin Luther King then points to hypocrisies of our lived in world. ‘On the one hand, we proudly profess certain sublime and noble principles, but on the other hand, we sadly practice the very antithesis of these principles,’ he states. It is pertinent to mention that he preached and wrote at a time when racial segregation was the policy in the United States where the insanity of social discrimination and segregation was the everyday ‘norm.’

He thus shows the world, just as Jesus did, the paradoxical nature of how we live where we claim one thing and do another, which holds true to what we see in some parts of the world today.

‘We talk passionately about peace, and at the same time we assiduously prepare for war.’

‘We make our fervent pleas for the high road of justice and then we tread unflinchingly the low road of injustice.’

‘This strange dichotomy, this agonizing gulf between the ‘aught’ and the ‘is,’ represents the tragic theme of man’s earthly pilgrimage,’ notes Martin Luther King.

Pointing out to the consistency of Jesus in matching words with deed, he brings our attention to how Jesus talked passionately about forgiveness during his ministry in the villages of Galilee.

It is thereafter explained how Jesus answered his disciple, Peter, who wanted to know ‘how many times,’ he should forgive his neighbour, inquiring if seven times was sufficient.

‘Until seventy times seven,’ Jesus had answered, indicating the permanent attitude of forgiveness humans should possess.

We can now try and understand how these preaching and writings of Martin Luther King influenced peace, in a context of the civil rights movement where African origin Americans were struggling for equal rights in America. Martin Luther King could have created a hate based agitation, using religion for division as is calamitously the norm in this world. Yet, he stressed on forgiveness, stressed on the parable of the Good Samaritan explaining that a neighbour is anyone in need and not based on religious or any other criteria.

‘Generations will rise and fall; men will continue to worship the god of revenge and bow before the alter of retaliation, but ever and again, this noble lesson of Calvary will be a nagging reminder that only goodness can drive out evil and only love can conquer hate,’ reiterates Martin Luther King.

He further highlights that the second lesson to us on the prayer of Jesus on the cross on behalf of his murders, points to the awareness of Jesus on man’s spiritual and intellectual blindness.

Martin Luther King thereby brings our attention to societal ignorance described as blindness. Those who shouted out for Jesus to be crucified were not ‘bad’ men but rather blind men, he clarifies. In this we understand that society at the time had considered hypocrisy and discrimination as part and parcel of eulogizing ‘God,’ just as we see in the world throughout history, to date, on how many a war has a ‘religious’ root or justification.

Martin Luther King then shifts to how history killed wisdom, giving the example of philosopher Socrates, referring however to him as a ‘sage.’ Through this we can understand the thin line of linguistics along the bridge of merging themes such as cosmology, divinity, rationality and philosophy. Those who called for Socrates to end his life by drinking hemlock were not ‘bad’ men with demonic blood running through their veins but rather the generally respectful and sincere citizens of Greece, he states.

Let us now take a detour and return to the Sri Lankan context. Let us go back to the July 1983 ethnic riots. Those who burnt and killed fellow humans were not ‘bad’ or ‘demonic.’ They were ordinary devoutly religious Sri Lankan majority population. This brings us to how the dominant mindset cultivated in any nation steps from national policies that mould individual thinking and action. Let us now take another long detour to Japan. The world is mystified by how Japan remains spotlessly clean everywhere in the country despite there being no visible trash cans. This is due to the national policies of that country that has taught citizens to be respectful to all beings resulting in them carrying anything to be disposed while traveling, until they can dispose of it responsibly.

In the book Strength to Love, Martin Luther King moves from the example of the citizens of Greece who through ignorance called for the death of Socrates to Saul. ‘Saul was not an evil intentioned man when he persecuted Christians (before he became Paul and an ardent Christian).

Referring to the former mental state of ‘Saul’ it is pointed out that he was far from being an evil intentioned man when he persecuted Christians but rather a conscientious devotee of Israel’s faith.

This keeps reminding us how national policies create either blindness or an enlightened state.

As we pause the serializing of this book for today, let us look at collectively working towards national awakening. We can start by everyday acts which match the overall spiritual principles we claim to follow. As we do we can make a special rumination of what the month of May should mean to us Sri Lankans.

Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya underscored the pivotal role of rural youth in driving Sri Lanka’s agricultural transformation, addressing the ‘National Youth Agripreneur Showcase’ and Business-to-Business Connect event in Colombo.

The initiative, organised by the Smallholder Agribusiness Partnerships Program (SAPP) with support from the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD) and the Government of Sri Lanka, highlighted how targeted support can enable young entrepreneurs to build a more productive, resilient and market-driven agriculture sector while strengthening food security.

‘Youth are central to transforming our agriculture sector into one that is more productive, resilient and market-driven and ensure food security,’ she said. ‘The success of SAPP demonstrates that with the right support, young people can lead this transformation.’

The forum brought together 400 young agripreneurs, Government leaders and development partners to a flagship event highlighting the growing role of youth in driving innovation, productivity and resilience in Sri Lanka’s agriculture sector. It also provided a platform to connect rural youth with markets, financial institutions and private sector partners.

Agriculture, Livestock, Land and Irrigation Minister K. D. Lalkantha, who was also present at the forum, said: ‘Investing in young agripreneurs is critical to boost country’s agriculture sector. Through programs like SAPP, we are creating opportunities for youth to engage in modern, market-oriented agriculture while strengthening rural livelihoods.’

Since its launch in 2017, SAPP has supported nearly 5,000 young agripreneurs through a structured model combining skills development, access to finance and market linkages. The programme has shown how targeted investments in youth-led agribusiness can improve productivity, unlock new markets, generate sustainable incomes and contribute to rural transformation.

IFAD Country Director for Sri Lanka and Maldives Sherina Tabassum, highlighted IFAD’s commitment to placing youth at the centre of rural transformation.

‘Investing in youth agripreneurs is not simply a development priority, it is one of the most powerful investments we can make in building sustainable, inclusive and resilient food systems,’ she said.

The event featured presentations from young entrepreneurs, policy discussions on climate-resilient agriculture, digital innovation and financial inclusion, and a business-to-business platform to strengthen market linkages and partnerships.

It also highlighted the importance of South-South and Triangular Cooperation (SSTC), with participation from Rural Enterprise Acceleration Project (REAP), an IFAD co-financed project in India. The exchange enabled cross-country learning on youth entrepreneurship models and scalable approaches to agribusiness development.

‘It has been inspiring to see how young agripreneurs in Sri Lanka are building successful businesses. Exchanges like this allow us to learn from each other and adapt solutions that work across our countries,’ said REAP project participant Arjun Mehra.

Bhagya Liyanaarachchi, a young agripreneur from Ruwanwella and founder of Saubhagya Agro, said: ‘With the support of SAPP, I was able to turn my passion for agriculture into a growing business and reach international markets. Today, I am proud to create opportunities for women in my community while promoting Sri Lankan products globally.’

By strengthening partnerships between government, the private sector and rural communities, IFAD continues to support pathways for young people to engage in agriculture as a viable and profitable livelihood.

Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya yesterday outlined Sri Lanka’s ambition to deepen economic engagement with Vietnam, setting a bilateral trade target of $ 1 billion by 2030, while positioning the country as an export-driven and investment-friendly economy ready for its next phase of growth.

Addressing the Sri Lanka-Vietnam Trade, Investment and Tourism Cooperation Forum at Hilton Colombo, she said the two countries are entering a new chapter in bilateral relations, moving beyond traditional diplomatic cooperation towards a more dynamic and economically integrated partnership.

She acknowledged the role of the Vietnam Chamber of Commerce and Industry, the Vietnamese Embassy in Sri Lanka, and the Sri Lanka Export Development Board (EDB) in organising the forum, describing it as a platform to transform long-standing political goodwill into tangible economic outcomes.

‘Our shared ambition is to work towards achieving a bilateral trade target of $ 1 billion by 2030, with a strong focus on diversifying our product basket,’ the Prime Minister said.

Dr. Amarasuriya’s remarks came after bilateral discussions with Vietnamese President To Lam, where both sides explored avenues to further strengthen trade, investment and sectoral cooperation.

Highlighting Sri Lanka’s economic recovery, the Prime Minister said the country has emerged from a period marked by global shocks, macroeconomic instability, debt restructuring and climate-related disruptions, and has now regained economic momentum.

She noted that Sri Lanka recorded real GDP growth of 5% in 2025, marking the second consecutive year of expansion, while per capita GDP has recovered to approximately $ 5,000. She also pointed to improving inflation trends, stronger foreign reserves, healthier external balances and rising investor confidence as indicators of renewed macroeconomic stability.

Tourism, she added, has rebounded strongly, with visitor arrivals reaching 2.36 million in 2025, while multilateral institutions such as the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank have acknowledged Sri Lanka’s progress in economic stabilisation, fiscal reform and rebuilding credibility.

‘We are now decisively transitioning from economic stabilisation to growth transformation,’ Dr. Amarasuriya said, referring to the Government’s national development vision centred on inclusive growth, innovation and broad-based economic opportunity.

Turning to Vietnam, the Prime Minister described the country as one of Asia’s most compelling development success stories, citing its achievements in industrialisation, export expansion, logistics integration and global market connectivity.

She said Sri Lanka sees Viet Nam not only as a trusted bilateral partner, but also as a strategic gateway to Southeast Asia and broader regional value chains, expressing interest in learning from Vietnam’s development experience in trade facilitation, industrial policy and export competitiveness.

Bilateral trade between Sri Lanka and Vietnam reached approximately $ 324 million in 2025, reflecting growth of over 16% compared to the previous year. Sri Lanka’s exports to Vietnam increased by nearly 31%, while imports from Vietnam rose by around 14%, reflecting stronger commercial engagement between the two economies.

Dr. Amarasuriya also noted that Sri Lankan businesses have already established around 30 investment projects in Vietnam, underscoring the confidence of Sri Lankan enterprises in Vietnam’s stable and business-friendly operating environment.

She noted that during President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s State visit to Vietnam last year, discussions were initiated with leading Vietnamese business leaders, some of whom are now actively exploring investment opportunities in Sri Lanka.

Promoting Sri Lanka as a regional investment hub, the Prime Minister highlighted the country’s strategic location along major Indian Ocean shipping routes, modern port infrastructure, skilled workforce and liberalised economic framework.

She said the Government is implementing targeted reforms to improve the ease of doing business, streamline regulations, strengthen governance standards and enhance investor protection to build long-term confidence among foreign investors.

Dr. Amarasuriya invited Vietnamese enterprises to explore opportunities across sectors including trade, manufacturing, education, agriculture, food processing, logistics, aviation, electronics, information technology and critical minerals.

‘Economic diplomacy today is no longer defined by agreements alone. It is defined by connectivity, trust, and the ability to integrate economies through people, capital and innovation,’ she said.

She urged both countries to sustain business-to-business engagement through regular delegations, reciprocal visits and continued private sector dialogue, calling for Sri Lanka and Vietnam to emerge as a model of practical and mutually beneficial regional cooperation. (CdeS)

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The National Chamber of Exporters of Sri Lanka (NCE) marked its 40th anniversary by honouring its past presidents, with special recognition extended to its Founder President and President Emeritus, the late Patrick Amarasinghe, whose initiative in establishing the Chamber in 1986 laid the groundwork for four decades of organised representation for Sri Lanka’s export community.

The tribute, held at the Chamber’s 40th Annual General Meeting and anniversary celebration, on the 27 March 2026, acknowledged the collective contribution of all past presidents, leaders who, across successive terms, worked closely with governments, engaged with policymakers and advocated for conditions that supported export growth in Sri Lanka.

Amarasinghe founded the NCE at a time when Sri Lanka’s exporters had no unified platform to represent their interests. Already an established exporter himself, having built Woodplex from a small operation into an internationally recognised, award-winning export business, he understood the gap first hand. His vision was straightforward and it was to bring exporters together under one body that could engage with the State, address industry challenges and push for policies that reflected the realities businesses faced in global markets.

As Founder President, he held the position for a record 15 years, from 1986 to 2002. During that time, he established the Sri Lanka Exporter Magazine, launched the Annual NCE Export Awards Scheme in 1992, and served on the boards of the Sri Lanka Export Development Board and the Board of Investment, ensuring the exporter’s voice was present at the national level. Woodplex itself won four National Export Awards between 1975 and 1985, and Amarasinghe was later conferred the national honour of Deshabandu by the President of Sri Lanka for his socioeconomic contributions to the country.

The NCE and the export community believe that the strength of the Chamber lies in the foundations that were laid at its inception and remain thankful for their efforts, as well as the commitment of those who followed that continue to serve exporters across the country.

Thus, the recognition at the anniversary extended to all past presidents, acknowledging that the NCE’s standing today is the result of sustained effort across multiple leaderships. Successive presidents built on Amarasinghe’s foundation, maintaining the Chamber’s engagement with government, managing periods of economic uncertainty and expanding the NCE’s reach to support a broader cross-section of the exporting community.

‘This moment of recognition celebrates their invaluable contributions and lasting legacy, which continue to guide the Chamber’s work in supporting exporters and contributing to national growth,’ the NCE noted.

The Chamber was privileged to have several past presidents present at the occasion. Their presence on the evening was a reflection of the continued investment past leadership has in the Chamber and the exporting community it serves. Certain past presidents, such as Ravi Jayawardena and Sarath De Silva, who were unable to attend due to prior engagements, conveyed their apologies. The NCE also solemnly remembers the late past President Felix Yahampath, in recognition of his distinguished service and lasting legacy.

NCE President Indhra Kaushal Rajapaksa, re-elected for a further term at the same AGM, acknowledged the responsibility that comes with that history. ‘Our role has never been limited to simply representing exporters. It is also to serve as a bridge between policy and practice,’ he said.

The Chamber reaffirms its appreciation for all past presidents and notes that the principles on which the NCE was built, representation, engagement and support for exporters, remain at the centre of its work going forward.

Transparency International Sri Lanka (TISL) yesterday expressed its deep concern over the sudden death of a primary individual connected to the Airbus prosecution.

Issuing a statement said: This incident represents a serious setback to the pursuit of accountability and raises urgent concerns regarding the safety and protection of persons connected to high-profile corruption cases, particularly where judicial or investigative processes are ongoing. The Government has a clear responsibility to ensure the integrity of the justice process and ensure all persons connected to high-profile investigations and proceedings can participate in a safe and secure environment.

The incident involves the death of Kapila Chandrasena, the former Chairperson of SriLankan Airlines and a key suspect in the 2013 Airbus procurement corruption scandal. While the Police Media Spokesperson has indicated the death is a suspected suicide, TISL notes with grave concern that the loss of a central figure in such a nationally significant corruption case, particularly immediately after the granting of bail and the subsequent issuance of an arrest warrant, has serious implications for the pursuit of truth, accountability and justice.

Regardless of the circumstances surrounding his death, the outcome is deeply damaging to the justice process.

This not only prevents the public from learning the full extent of systemic corruption, but in high-stakes litigation, deaths under such circumstances could be interpreted as obstruction of justice if foul play is proved to be involved.

The vulnerability of those involved in grand corruption prosecutions is a matter of urgent concern. The State has a heightened duty to ensure that the accountability process does not collapse before justice can be delivered. Accordingly, TISL calls on the Government to ensure a full, transparent and credible investigation into the circumstances of this death, irrespective of the preliminary classification of the incident. The public must be assured that the highest level of scrutiny will be applied and that the pursuit of accountability in the Airbus corruption case will continue without obstruction or delay.

Be that as it may, the death of former CEO of SriLankan Airlines, Kapila Chandrasena was always likely to trigger something beyond ordinary public mourning. In today’s Sri Lanka, where institutional trust has steadily deteriorated over decades, almost every high-profile death linked in any way to controversy risks entering dangerous territory – the territory where rumour, speculation and political mythology begin competing with fact itself.

And perhaps that alone should deeply concern the country.

Because once citizens stop trusting systems, almost everything eventually becomes vulnerable to conspiracy theory.

The world has seen this phenomenon before. More than six decades after the assassination of John F. Kennedy, the arguments still continue. Entire bookshelves remain filled with competing explanations, hidden actors, missing truths and unanswered questions. The official findings never fully settled public suspicion because the issue was never simply evidence alone. The issue was trust – trust in institutions, trust in government and trust in whether the full truth had ever really emerged.

Public trust

Sri Lanka today increasingly appears to suffer from a similar erosion of confidence.

Not because the circumstances themselves are identical.

Former SriLankan CEO

Kapila Chandrasena

But because public trust in official systems, investigations and accountability mechanisms has weakened so profoundly that many citizens no longer instinctively believe official narratives irrespective of who occupies office.

And that is where the conversation surrounding Kapila Chandrasena’s death becomes far larger than one individual.

Because his story intersects directly with Sri Lanka’s long and deeply uncomfortable history of political power, state enterprise governance and allegations of corruption that have stretched across administrations and political generations alike.

The transactions and procurement decisions that would eventually become central to the Airbus controversy surrounding SriLankan Airlines took place during the presidency of Mahinda Rajapaksa. That era, depending on one’s political persuasion, is remembered either as a period of ambitious national infrastructure expansion or as a period where executive power became increasingly concentrated and allegations of corruption expanded alongside it.

Rumours circulated then. Investigations followed later. International inquiries emerged. Court proceedings arose in foreign jurisdictions.

Yet years afterward, Sri Lanka still appears trapped in that familiar and exhausting grey zone between allegation and final legal conclusion.

And perhaps that is precisely the deeper national problem.

Sri Lanka has become a country where accusations are politically abundant but legal finality remains strangely elusive.

Every political movement that secured power over the past two decades promised accountability. Every administration arrived pledging investigations, anti-corruption drives, clean governance and consequences for abuse of power. Every opposition campaigned insisting public money had been stolen, state institutions weakened and political privilege abused.

And yet somehow the system itself survives largely intact beneath the changing slogans.

Governments change. Ministers change. Committees change. Investigations change.

But meaningful institutional consequence often appears remarkably slow, selective or incomplete.

That reality has now produced a dangerous national cynicism where almost every investigation immediately becomes interpreted not as a legal process but as political warfare.

The moment a new administration investigates the conduct of a former administration, the same phrases emerge almost automatically:

‘political victimisation.’

‘witch hunt.’

‘revenge politics.’

Sri Lanka has heard these phrases so frequently that they now function almost as institutional reflexes.

But one is often left wondering what exactly is meant by ‘revenge.’

Because if public money was genuinely abused, if procurement systems were manipulated, if state enterprises were politically exploited or if losses were ultimately transferred onto ordinary taxpayers, then who precisely are the victims?

The politicians?

Or the public?

Who paid for the losses?

Who endured the taxes?

Who absorbed inflation, pension erosion and economic collapse while state institutions bled money through years of alleged mismanagement and politically connected decision-making?

The answer, of course, is painfully obvious.

It was the citizens.

And that perhaps is the great irony of Sri Lankan politics. The actual stakeholders – the public itself – often appear reduced to spectators while political elites rotate endlessly between the roles of accuser, defender and victim depending entirely on who currently controls power.

Meanwhile, the deeper structural weaknesses remain largely untouched.

And that is why the present administration led by Anura Kumara Dissanayake faces a challenge far larger than simply revisiting old allegations or opening old files. The real challenge is whether Sri Lanka can finally rebuild systems strong enough to produce accountability that is timely, transparent and independent of political cycles themselves.

Because many of Sri Lanka’s failures stem not merely from individual conduct but from the long erosion of checks and balances. Over time, constitutional changes, political culture and institutional weakening created an environment where the Executive Presidency accumulated enormous power while many accountability structures became increasingly vulnerable to influence, patronage or paralysis.

Once systems become personality-driven rather than institution-driven, accountability itself becomes unstable.

And unstable systems inevitably produce unstable public trust. That is precisely the environment Sri Lanka now inhabits.

A country where almost every major scandal becomes politically contested territory rather than cleanly resolved legal territory.

A country where every investigation is viewed through partisan suspicion.

A country where delay itself breeds conspiracy.

And perhaps that is the most dangerous consequence of all.

Because once institutional trust collapses deeply enough, every unexplained event begins attracting mythology. Every death becomes suspicious. Every prosecution becomes political. Every acquittal becomes doubted. Every explanation becomes negotiable.

That is an extraordinarily dangerous place for a democracy to arrive.

And perhaps that is the deeper warning hidden beneath the reaction now surrounding Kapila Chandrasena’s passing.

The tragedy is not merely that conspiracy theories may emerge. The tragedy is that so many citizens now find them emotionally believable.

Not necessarily because evidence exists. But because institutional trust no longer does.

Until Sri Lanka rebuilds systems capable of delivering consistent, independent and credible accountability regardless of political colour, the country risks remaining trapped inside the same exhausting cycle: allegation, outrage, investigation, delay,

political theatre, and eventually public exhaustion.

Meanwhile, the public continues paying the price.

Often literally.

Surveying our evolution post- 1948, every prospect can only displease, a landscape of ruts left of failed plans and schemes of the various governments, a malformed junkyard of shattered hopes and broken promises. We remember these governments in their days of power; vainglorious, sanctimonious and gaudy. Their big talk: they had ‘gifted’ free education, free health, five-star democracy, public honesty and sterling leadership to the people. These words still echo, rehashed in new terms by the succeeding Sri Lankan politics; fundamental rights, a good life, digitisation, and transparency.

Bravado and eventual failure, a repeating theme.

Passing time has clarified their highfalutin claims. Every statistic gives the lie to the empty boasts; our leaders stand denuded today, their incapabilities and above all the triviality of their personalities now in plain sight. On all these given parameters (education, health, democracy), our neighbouring countries have overtaken us. We had a head start, and that lasted until these other countries organised themselves. Our standards now lag behind; this third decade of the 21st century, we operate with a mid-20th century mindset; Statist, bureaucratic and corrupt!

Today, anybody who can afford the cost, will educate the children overseas, while Singapore or India are the preferred medical destinations, even for the Minister for Health. A damnable vote of no confidence on his own responsibility! The parliamentarians have probably covered themselves (the cover paid for with public money) insurance policies that provide medical services in expensive Singapore hospitals.

The loss of faith on the part of our youth is made plain by the throng at the Passport Office.

In some quarters, it is fashionable to advance the proposition that leaders of an earlier era, soon after independence, were superior to the present crop of politicians. There are reasons to consider this; they have had an education in English; thus, a wide world opened for them. They read the texts in the original language, lessening the inevitable inaccuracies and the confusions that occur when books and ideas of a different civilisation are translated. They also enjoyed the advantage of observing firsthand how institutions are run; the required integrity, maintaining high standards, report writing and accounts keeping.

Yet, it was not a genuine conversion, only a superficial mimic. A pretension that worked to the advantage of the mimic while its practice carried some weight. With every passing year these institutions/concepts lose their vigor, receding into a mere formalistic exercise. Centuries of isolated social evolution in a small, barely noticed country, distant from the imperial power in every sense, cannot be turned sharply by a brief interlude of an occupation.

For the present-day Sri Lankans, the character of their early independence leaders remains mainly unknowable. Most of what is written about this era are panegyric, subjective interpretations by interested parties or hack writers. Looking at the sorry state of the country, its overall failure, the attempt to portray that era as an epic, makes no sense.

I have in my possession two books which may help shed some light on the kind of leadership this country had in these years: ‘From the Third World to the First’, by the legendary Lee Kuan Yew of Singapore, an astute observer of men and events ( It is noteworthy that no Sri Lankan leader has written books on his life and career. Even if an attempt was made, in all probability it would turn out to be a facile self-justification), the other is ‘The Brown Sahib’ by our own Tarzie Vittachi, a well-regarded writer/editor in the 1950s and 60s.

Two writers above flattering or ingratiating themselves with their subject.

I will produce random extracts from their writings from which the reader may draw his conclusions.

Lee Kuan Yew

During his defining career, Lee Kuan Yew visited and met Several Sri Lankan leaders.

‘SWRD Bandaranaike was a brown ‘pukka sahib’, English educated and born a Christian, he had decided on nativism and converted to Buddhism. A dapper little man, articulate, and he spoke as if he was still in the Oxford Union Debating Society!’ (1956)

(A life-long state of immaturity, perhaps reflected even in the melee called ‘big matches’, re-enacting teenage diversions preferred over adult)

Felix Bandaranaike, a controversial politician of 1960s and 70s, was the ’eminence grise’ in the Sirimavo Bandaranaike Government. Thrown into political wilderness by the UNP sweep of 1977, spurned by his own political party, in the later years of his life I believe he became a lay preacher. ‘Felix was bright but not profound. He claimed the good fortune of geography and history had blessed Ceylon with peace and security so that only 2.5% of the Budget was spent on Defence!’ Felix Bandaranaike did not live to see the military conflagration that engulfed the country later.

In 1966 Lee Kuan Yew met Prime Minister Dudley Senanayake. ‘He was a gentle if resigned and fatalistic elderly man’ They had a round of Golf at the Colombo Golf Club. The Prime Minister apologised for the encroaching squatter huts and the goats and cows on the fairways. Yew also visited Nuwara Eliya, staying at the ‘Lodge’, former British Governor’s hill residence. ‘It was dilapidated. Once upon a time it must have been well maintained’, ‘the tea plantations were in a deplorable condition. The locals who had been promoted were not as good supervisors as their British predecessors’

‘J. R. Jayewardene wanted to start an airline because he believed it was a symbol of progress. Singapore Airlines employed a Sri Lankan captain. Would I release him? But how could an airline pilot run an airline?’

A later President even though his retired tea planter brother-in-law could turn around the ruinous airline!

‘It was flattering to have Sri Lanka model their country after Singapore. They announced that they would adopt the Singapore-style Area Licencing scheme to reduce traffic entering the city. But it did not work. They started a housing program in 1982 based on ours, but there was no financing’

‘Jayewardene retired in 1988, a tired man. He had run out of solutions’

Tarzie Vittachi

A well-regarded journalist, Tarzie Vittachi had a ring side view of the frolics and the follies of our early decades of independence (The Brown Sahib-1962)

‘Take away the sing-song intonation of the Brown Sahib and you will believe that he is a product of one of the British public schools. His vocabulary is fairly extensive, his tastes are carefully cultivated, his values conform to the British public-school tradition and his manners are as good or as bad as those of the average educated Briton.’

‘His bathroom is out of a lush home-decorator’s journal. His proudest boast is that he has a bathroom for every bedroom, and a ‘bidet’ for every bathroom’

‘The highest honour available was a knighthood. On every New Year’s morning and on the birthday of the Queen so many knights were created that they would have to eat buffett at Arthur’s round table! An Englishman had to risk this life repeatedly during the war to win recognition. The road to knighthood was long, narrow and straight. It took a Don Bradmon to earn a knighthood for Cricket and a John Gielgud for his contribution to drama.

Did the Commonwealth Relations Office never realise that knighthoods were showering down in South Asia faster than the autumn leaves in Vallambrosa? They all knew.

But the new Dominions were extremely sensitive to any flights from London.

On one or two occasions a British Governor tried to whisper a word or two about the necessity of maintaining high standards of capacity and dignity in the Honours List. He asked tentatively whether it would not be advisable to drop Mr. Distiller, Mr. Hotelier and Mr. Pill-Pusher’s nominations for knighthoods since their unsavoury reputations had penetrated even the Government House?

He must have wished he had never spoken. The devastating retort was ‘Do you want to go back to doing your own washing-up in South Kensington?’

‘Bandaranaike was a classmate of Anthony Eden at Oxford. That entitled him to a great deal of respect for his frequent ‘obiter dicta’ on global politics- not because he had shown any practical skill in applying his knowledge, or any will to apply his theoretical appreciation of the laws of governing but rather because he being an Oxford man was entitled to special attention. There were people who even claimed for Bandaranaike that he was of a higher intellectual stature than big brother Nehru because Bandaranaike hailed from Oxford, an older and therefore more cultured than Nehru’s Cambridge’

On a black-tie occasion at the Delhi Gymkhana Club Tarzie Vittachi met an Indian ‘Black Knight’ with a manner both pompous and affable.

‘When were you up, my boy’ asked the Indian Black Knight

‘Beg pardon?’ I said, dimly aware I was getting out of my social depth.

‘You must have been up about the same time as my nephew,’ said the Black Knight

I still did not catch on.

‘He was at Balliol, of course’ he explained.

With clear eyes Vittachi took in the watershed of 1956, the fun and the frolics included.

‘In Ceylon the dam burst in 1956, washing the regime of Rt.Hon. Sir John Kotalawala CH, KCMG, and its attitudes into a limbo. When the Bandaranayake Government romped into office the entire Cabinet insisted on being sworn in wearing national dress with a blue bandolero’

‘A Sinhalese newspaper ran a story about a provincial cultural society resolving to campaign for making Sinhalese the official language of the United Nations. The editor, with no hint of the sardonic, rated the story big enough for a major headline.’

‘Bandaranaike was a popularly elected Asian Prime Minister trying to preserve his Party’s incredibly inept parliamentary sway, with the cost of living soaring every hour, his industrial and agricultural plans swamped in apathy, incompetence and corruption’

And some things never change.

National mendicancy- ‘The begging bowl and the out-stretched palm have been symbols of the Orient for over 2000 years. But they have always been symbolic of individual penury. In the first decades of independence mendicancy has been raised to national scale’

The words- sometimes in English, mainly in Sinhala, they keep coming- ‘nation building too often been distorted by excessive passion and diffused by magniloquent but meaningless verbiage, Bandaranaike was adept at this’

To play the roles; ‘Prime Minister’, ‘Member of Parliament’, ‘Head of Department’, ‘Policeman’, in fact all so called high positions, there are plenty of zestful volunteers. We almost forget that these roles evolved and were defined in a very dissimilar culture. In addition to their legal definitions, these roles are validated by certain assumptions and carry certain connotations which are primarily unwritten. In their absences, the role (the position) becomes a caricature.

Brown Sahib or the brown plebeian, who may deliver?

Karl Marx suggested that history repeats, first as tragedy and then farce. In Sri Lanka, the sequence could well be a reverse, first the farce and then the tragedy.

Two sides of the same coin? Surely, in their nature, beliefs and capabilities, there are more commonalities than differences between them.

As the nation continues on its anguished search for the ‘Sugar-Candy Mountain’, we are reminded of the last paragraph of George Orwell’s immortal ‘Animal Farm’.

‘Twelve voices were shouting in anger, and they were all alike. No question, now, what had happened to the faces of the pigs. The creatures outside looked from pig to man, and from man to pig, and from pig to man again; but already it was impossible to say which was which.’

One Galle Face (OGF) has expanded its international brand portfolio and continues to elevate the retail experience for customers with the launch of the first-ever Wilson retail store at the Mall.

Wilson Sporting Goods is a globally recognised leader in high-performance sports equipment based in the US. This is the first US concept store in South Asia and offers customers premium products across racket sports and basketball, together with an immersive brand experience.

Located on the ground level of the mall, the store will cater to the growing sports culture in Sri Lanka with products covering tennis, padel, pickleball, and basketball.

OGF General Manager Sachin Dhanawade said: ‘At OGF, as the leader in Sri Lanka’s modern retail landscape, we are constantly seeking new ways to enhance the shopping experience for our valued customers. One of the ways of achieving this is by bringing the world’s best brands into our Mall so that customers have an increasingly wider selection of high-quality brands under one roof. We are proud to have been picked by Wilson Sporting Goods to open their very first store in Sri Lanka as well as the first concept store in South Asia.’

Wilson Regional Brand Head Desiree Huang said: ‘Sri Lanka represents an exciting and emerging market for racket sports and active lifestyles. The opening of our store at OGF marks an important step in Wilson’s expansion across South Asia. We are committed to bringing our global innovation and premium sporting experience closer to local communities, while supporting the growth of the sport at every level.’

Wilson’s local operations are managed in partnership with Trident Distributors, a company that is headquartered in Sri Lanka and focuses on bringing internationally reputed brands to the local market.

Trident Distributors Managing Director Yasser Farook said: ‘The Wilson US Concept Store at OGF is established as a premier destination for sports enthusiasts, whether they are just starting out, striving to elevate their performance, or pursuing a professional path. Our goal is to be part of every individual’s sporting journey, supporting them as they achieve their ambitions, both recreational and competitive. Together, we aim to inspire a stronger, more vibrant sporting culture in Sri Lanka, fuelling passion, unlocking potential, and shaping the champions of tomorrow.’

The Government will shortly introduce amendments to the National Environment Act (NEA) to address current legal and institutional issues and give more powers to the Central Environmental Authority (CEA).

The draft National Environment (Amendment) Act was approved by Cabinet and will be presented to Parliament shortly.

The amendments to the National Environment Act, No. 47 of 1980, will include reforms to the current governance structure of the CEA, including modernising the Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) process to enhance transparency and efficiency, strengthening compliance and enforcement mechanisms to tackle emerging environmental threats, and improving public participation in decision-making to ensure community-based conservation.

It will also strengthen laws on the management of solid waste, including measures for waste minimisation, waste segregation, waste conversion or treatment, processing, and final disposal in the most beneficial manner.

The amended law will also implement a mechanism for Extended Producer Responsibility (EPR) in respect of prescribed goods or products, either independently or in conjunction with any other person, while licences issued by the CEA will be reviewed regularly, and those acting in violation of stipulated conditions will face cancellation of licences as well as enhanced fines.

The introduction, in particular, of Extended Producer Responsibility should be welcomed. This is one area that has been lacking in the country and has led to significant environmental damage.

Extended Producer Responsibility (EPR) is a policy approach that makes producers responsible for their products throughout the entire lifecycle, including the post-consumer stage. This specially designed environmental policy shifts the burden of managing certain end-of-life products from municipalities and taxpayers to the producers who place those products on the market.

In Sri Lanka, one can see waterways, roadsides, etc., littered with beer cans and bottles, yoghurt cups, plastic coverings of different kinds, food containers, etc. There is no system where producers bear any responsibility for the harm caused to the environment by their products, with many washing their hands of responsibility after selling them. But that needs to change, and the enhanced NEA will hopefully do just that.

Take the case of elephants in certain areas of the country. There have been several deaths of these animals from ingesting polythene and plastic waste at open landfill sites near wildlife habitats. Hungry elephants search for food in garbage dumps, consuming non-degradable plastic bags, wrappers, and containers that cause severe gastrointestinal blockages, sometimes resulting in death.

According to the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP), the EPR approach is designed for producers to bear significant responsibility-physical or financial-for the environmental impacts of their products throughout their entire lifecycle, particularly at the post-consumer disposal stage. It promotes eco-design, waste reduction, and circular economy goals.

Plastic pollution has become a pressing global issue threatening the environment, including humans, wildlife, and habitats, and Sri Lanka needs to do its part to safeguard the environment and the natural resources with which the country is blessed.

While the Minister of Environment and his officials must be lauded for enhancing the related laws, especially the EPR framework, much will depend on implementation. Once the law is passed, authorities must ensure that they engage with producers, particularly those manufacturing mass-market products, so that they not only minimise the use of materials that harm the environment but also understand that profits come at a price. While counting their profits, producers should invest a significant amount of money in keeping the environment safe from the impact of their products.