PNP sees no further threat to DOJ, Senate after IEDs recovered

The Philippine National Police (PNP) maintained that there was no further threat to the Department of Justice (DOJ) and the Senate following the recovery of suspected improvised explosive devices (IEDs) outside the two buildings.

‘It’s still under investigation, the IEDs we saw,’ PNP public information chief Col. Allen Rae Co said in a press briefing in Camp Crame on Tuesday.

‘The area’s been secured. There is no further threat, especially to the area concerned,’ he noted. The suspected IED outside the DOJ exploded past midnight on Monday, while the suspected IED outside the Senate was discovered during a routine security inspection along the center island of Diokno Boulevard later on Monday morning.

This came hours before President Ferdinand Marcos Jr.’s fifth State of the Nation Address (Sona) and the opening of the second regular session of the 20th Congress.

PNP chief Gen. Jose Melencio Nartatez Jr. previously said the IEDs placed outside the DOJ and the Senate had a ‘big possibility’ of being connected.

Although Co noted that it was still too early to pinpoint a single individual or group behind the IEDs, he explained, ‘The timing, the placing, they were both somewhat placed at the same time.’

‘Perhaps, there is no other reason but to create fear during the day itself, before the president’s Sona,’ he added. ‘That’s the most logical we can think of.’

As for the Senate, which has its own sergeant-at-arms, Co said the PNP continued to monitor security outside the chamber’s premises since tensions began over a leadership dispute last May.

‘Perhaps, we will make some small tweaks or adjustments to deal with this new threat,’ he added. /das

Why aerial spraying is the wrong answer to sugarcane pest infestations

The debate over whether pesticides should be sprayed on a large scale from aircraft to control the red-striped soft scale insect, or RSSI, in Philippine sugarcane fields has intensified in recent months.

At first glance, aerial spraying may appear to be a modern and efficient solution to a widespread pest problem. However, a closer examination of the ecological, economic and agronomic conditions shows that the approach is neither logical nor effective.

The rainy season naturally causes RSSI populations to decline, while biological control agents are already present and increasing. Chemical intervention also cannot reverse damage in severely infested fields. Redirecting the proposed ?200 million budget toward farmer compensation and biological control programs would represent a more rational and sustainable approach.

Seasonal dynamics play a critical role in the life cycle of RSSI, although the timing and severity of population peaks vary among regions.

The pest thrives during the dry months from February through May, when hot and arid conditions intensified by El Niño accelerate RSSI reproduction and honeydew secretion.

By contrast, conditions during the rainy season, from June through October, are naturally unfavorable to the pest and suppress its population. Frequent rainfall may kill RSSI crawlers, while high humidity favors entomopathogenic fungi, or EPF. The absence of extreme heat also favors the survival and activity of parasitoids.

In this context, nature itself helps control RSSI, making chemical spraying redundant and unnecessary. Conducting large-scale aerial spraying during the rainy season would work against ecological processes that are already benefiting farmers.

Aerial spraying is also ineffective in terms of agronomic outcomes. Severely damaged fields cannot be restored because the damage is irreversible.

With harvest only two months away, spraying cannot reverse yield losses and could contaminate cane intended for milling. Trials have also shown that RSSI populations can rebound within two to three months after spraying because of parthenogenetic reproduction.

Although contact and systemic insecticides have been used, the screening of truly effective formulations remains incomplete. Investing heavily in aerial spraying under these conditions would direct resources toward a short-lived and uncertain solution.

The environmental and health risks of aerial spraying are significant. Chemical drift can affect nearby rice fields, aquaculture systems and residential areas.

Indiscriminate chemical application also harms nontarget organisms, including pollinators, beneficial predators and livestock. Human exposure poses risks of respiratory and neurological effects, threatening community health and safety.

In a country where rural communities are closely integrated with agricultural landscapes, the collateral damage from aerial spraying cannot be ignored.

Economically, large-scale aerial spraying would be a wasteful use of public funds. The proposed ?200 million budget is disproportionate to the program’s short-lived effects.

Farmers’ unions and provincial leaders have argued that direct cash assistance would be more beneficial because it would help households recover from catastrophic losses.

Recurring expenses for fuel, aircraft services and insecticide procurement would drain resources without strengthening farmers’ resilience. Compensation programs, by contrast, would provide immediate relief and allow farmers to make adaptive decisions for the next planting season.

Biological control offers a sustainable alternative. Parasitoids are already present in Philippine sugarcane ecosystems, and their populations tend to increase during the rainy season, steadily suppressing RSSI.

Mass-rearing and augmentative-release programs could accelerate this natural control and support climate-resilient agriculture. Fungal biocontrol agents are also being produced in provincial laboratories, although production capacity remains limited.

These approaches enhance biodiversity, reduce dependence on chemicals and build long-term resilience against pest outbreaks.

Manned aerial spraying against RSSI may appear to be a modern solution, but it is ecologically unsound, agronomically ineffective, economically wasteful and socially risky.

The rainy season suppresses RSSI populations through crawler mortality, fungal pathogens, parasitoid activity and predatory insects. This makes chemical spraying largely redundant.

Even when insecticides temporarily reduce RSSI populations, parthenogenetic reproduction allows the pest to rebound within two to three months. Chemical drift, meanwhile, harms pollinators and threatens rice fields, aquaculture systems and rural communities.

Spraying cannot repair severely damaged fields or recover yield losses so close to harvest. Instead, it risks contaminating cane intended for milling.

The proposed ?200 million budget would also be consumed by recurring expenses for fuel, aircraft services and chemicals without building long-term resilience. Rural households would remain exposed to respiratory and neurological risks, while farmers would be disempowered by a centralized spraying program instead of receiving direct compensation.

Biological control through parasitoid wasps, predatory insects and EPF offers gradual but sustainable suppression, environmentally sound outcomes, moderate costs and greater community safety.

Parasitoid wasps attack RSSI by laying eggs inside or on the scale insect. The developing larvae consume the host’s tissues until it dies. This parasitism can cause mortality rates of up to 70% in RSSI populations.

Parasitoids become more effective during the rainy season, when reduced pesticide use allows their populations to rebound.

Predatory insects, including lady beetles and lacewings, complement parasitoids by feeding directly on RSSI crawlers and nymphs. Their predation reduces early-stage populations before heavy infestations can become established.

Because these predators are generalist feeders, they can also help regulate other soft-bodied pests in sugarcane ecosystems.

Entomopathogenic fungi such as Metarhizium anisopliae and Beauveria bassiana infect RSSI when their spores attach to the insect’s cuticle, penetrate the exoskeleton and proliferate inside the host. This process can kill the insect within days.

Infected insects often become covered in fungal mycelia, which release new spores that infect other individuals. High humidity during the rainy season accelerates this process.

Together, parasitoids, predatory insects and EPF kill RSSI directly and reduce honeydew secretion. This limits the growth of sooty mold and helps restore the photosynthetic capacity of sugarcane leaves.

Investments in biological control infrastructure – including parasitoid mass production, predatory insect conservation, fungal laboratories and farmer-cooperative implementation – would support integrated pest management principles and strengthen the industry’s resilience against future outbreaks.

Policy recommendations emerge clearly from this analysis.

In the immediate term, severely damaged fields should be harvested early to salvage their remaining value.

In the medium term, the proposed ?200 million budget should be redirected toward compensation for severely affected farmers.

In the long term, investments should focus on biological control infrastructure and integrated pest management systems combining cultural practices, monitoring and biological releases.

Such a strategy would address the current RSSI outbreak while building resilience against future pest threats.

Manned aerial spraying of pesticides against RSSI in Philippine sugarcane is a costly, harmful and ineffective response. The rainy season naturally suppresses RSSI populations, biological control agents are increasing, and chemical intervention cannot restore severely damaged fields.

Redirecting funds toward farmer compensation and expanding biological control programs would offer a more rational and resilient path forward. By aligning policy with ecological conditions and farmers’ needs, the Philippines can strengthen its sugarcane industry while protecting communities and ecosystems.

How RSSI reduces sugar yield

The claim projecting a 40% loss across 250,000 hectares, equivalent to 100,000 hectares, is overstated and does not align with the biological and seasonal dynamics of RSSI.

By July, the rainy season is underway and relative humidity in sugarcane fields is high. These conditions suppress RSSI populations by reducing survival, encouraging the proliferation of fungal pathogens and allowing parasitoid species to rebound.

Under such conditions, the pest cannot sustain the explosive growth observed during the dry months from February through May, particularly under El Niño conditions.

Yield reductions are more realistically estimated at 20% to 30%, or possibly less, depending on field conditions and management practices.

Although severe damage in some fields is irreversible, it does not amount to total crop failure across affected areas.

As discussed earlier, manned aerial spraying at this stage would be redundant because natural ecological forces are already suppressing the pest. Chemical spraying could also harm nontarget organisms, contaminate cane close to harvest and waste resources that could instead support farmer compensation or biological control programs.

RSSI infestation reduces sugarcane yield through a combination of physiological stress, biochemical disruption and secondary microbial interactions.

The pest inserts its stylet into phloem tissue and feeds on sap containing sucrose and other metabolites. This direct feeding reduces the allocation of photosynthates to storage tissues, resulting in stunted growth and lower cane weight.

RSSI also excretes honeydew that coats leaf surfaces and provides a substrate for sooty mold fungi. The black fungal growth blocks sunlight, reducing photosynthetic efficiency and carbohydrate production.

At the biochemical level, RSSI feeding causes four interrelated responses.

Sucrose depletion

Continuous feeding on phloem sap depletes sucrose reserves that would otherwise be transported to the internodes for storage. This lowers juice quality and reduces sugar recovery during milling.

Oxidative stress

Infestation causes reactive oxygen species, or ROS, to accumulate in plant tissue.

Although plants activate antioxidant enzymes such as superoxide dismutase, catalase and peroxidases, prolonged stress can overwhelm these defenses. This impairs cellular metabolism and reduces the plant’s growth potential.

Hormonal imbalance

RSSI feeding alters phytohormone signaling. Elevated ethylene and abscisic acid levels promote premature senescence and stomatal closure, while reduced auxin and cytokinin activity suppresses tillering and vegetative growth.

These hormonal imbalances further weaken the plant’s ability to maintain biomass accumulation.

Secondary infection

Honeydew secreted by RSSI encourages the growth of sooty mold fungi, which coat leaf surfaces and block sunlight.

This fungal colonization reduces chlorophyll activity and photosynthetic efficiency, compounding the decline in carbohydrate production and accelerating leaf senescence.

The cumulative effects of these disruptions include lighter stalks, less millable cane per hectare and lower sucrose concentrations in harvested juice.

Quantitatively, sucrose depletion may account for an 8% to 12% yield loss, oxidative stress for 5% to 8%, hormonal imbalance for 3% to 5%, and fungal colonization for 6% to 10%.

Yield reduction does not result from a single catastrophic mechanism. It is the cumulative consequence of sucrose depletion, oxidative stress, hormonal imbalance and fungal colonization.

Together, these mechanisms explain more realistic yield reductions of 20% to 30%, rather than the losses of 40% or more claimed by some industry leaders.

During the rainy season, high humidity and natural enemies such as fungal pathogens and parasitoids suppress RSSI populations, preventing catastrophic losses and making chemical spraying largely redundant.

How natural enemies suppress RSSI

Fungal pathogens such as Metarhizium anisopliae and Beauveria bassiana, together with parasitoid wasps under the order Hymenoptera, are among the most important natural enemies suppressing RSSI populations.

They infect, parasitize and ultimately kill the pest, particularly during the humid conditions of the rainy season that favor their proliferation.

Fungal pathogens

Entomopathogenic fungi such as Metarhizium anisopliae and Beauveria bassiana have been identified in Philippine sugarcane fields as effective biological control agents.

Their spores attach to the RSSI cuticle, penetrate the exoskeleton and multiply inside the host. The fungi consume the insect’s internal tissues, causing death within days.

Infected insects often become covered in white or green fungal mycelia. These growths release new spores that infect other scale insects.

High humidity accelerates the cycle, making the rainy season an ideal period for natural suppression.

The Sugar Regulatory Administration confirmed that these fungi multiply rapidly and can kill adult RSSI and their eggs, providing a sustainable alternative to chemical spraying (Digicast Negros, 2025; INQUIRER.net, 2025).

Parasitoid wasps

Parasitoid wasps under the order Hymenoptera, including Coccophagus scutellaris and Coccophagus semicircularis, also play a critical role in suppressing RSSI.

The wasps lay their eggs inside or on the scale insect. The developing larvae consume the host’s internal tissues and eventually kill it.

Studies in Egypt and India have documented parasitoid-induced mortality rates of up to 70% in RSSI populations, while similar endemic species have been identified in the Philippines.

Parasitoids become more effective during the rainy season, when reduced chemical spraying allows their populations to rebound and exert natural control (El-Serwy, 2003; Department of Agriculture, 2026).

The mechanisms of suppression include:

Direct mortality: Fungi and parasitoids kill individual RSSI, reducing the pest’s population density.

Population regulation: High humidity favors fungal infection cycles, while reduced pesticide use allows parasitoid populations to recover.

Secondary effects: Dead or weakened RSSI produce less honeydew, limiting sooty mold growth and helping restore the photosynthetic capacity of sugarcane leaves.

The combined action of entomopathogenic fungi and parasitoid wasps provides a natural and ecologically sustainable check on RSSI populations.

Their suppression mechanisms – fungal infection and parasitism – are most effective during the rainy season, making chemical spraying largely redundant.

Industry claims of catastrophic losses without spraying overlook these natural controls, which are scientifically documented and validated in the field. /dm

Survey: Public concern over graft, corruption in PH highest since 2021

Public concern over graft and corruption has reached its highest level since 2021, according to Octa Research’s Tugon ng Masa survey conducted from July 4 to 11.

Based on face-to-face interviews with 1,200 adults, the survey showed that 32 percent identified graft and corruption as the most urgent concern, a six-percentage-point increase from 26 percent in the previous survey conducted in March 2026. Researchers noted that the survey period coincided with the formal opening of the Senate impeachment trial of Vice President Sara Duterte and the arrest on plunder charges of prominent Duterte ally Senator Rodante Marcoleta, both of which occurred on July 6.

Duterte’s articles of impeachment also cited the alleged misuse of the vice president’s P612.5 million confidential fund, while Marcoleta’s case stemmed from a P75 million campaign donation that state prosecutors said he failed to include in his campaign and financial disclosure.

‘Concern about fighting graft and corruption in government increased significantly during the second quarter of 2026,’ Octa said in a summary of its findings released to the media on Tuesday.

‘The rise in concern over graft and corruption coincides with heightened media coverage of the flood-control fund scandal, the opening of the Vice President’s impeachment trial, and the arrest of a sitting senator on plunder charges,’ researchers also said.

Concern over the government’s fight against graft and corruption was highest in Metro Manila at 56 percent, followed by Balance Luzon at 32 percent, Mindanao at 26 percent and the Visayas at 21 percent.

Nationwide, the figure stood at 32 percent. It had already reached 31 percent on September 25, 2025, before dropping by five percentage points to 26 percent in the previous survey period.

The increase, researchers said, may reflect ‘renewed public attention to governance and accountability.’

Despite this, graft and corruption ranked only third among Filipinos’ most urgent national concerns.

Ondo NASS tickets crisis: Disquiet in APC over Aiyedatiwa’s alleged ADC alliance

FRESH cracks may be emerging within the Ondo State chapter of the All Progressives Congress (APC) amid allegations that Governor Lucky Aiyedatiwa has initiated alliance talks with the African Democratic Congress (ADC) after some of his preferred aspirants failed to secure the party’s National Assembly tickets.

It was gathered from credible party sources that the National Working Committee (NWC) of the APC is closely monitoring the governor’s alleged growing romance with the opposition, particularly the ADC, ahead of the 2027 general elections.

The development, according to sources, has upset the national leadership of the ruling party, especially after photographs surfaced showing Aiyedatiwa with the ADC’s Ondo Central Senatorial candidate for the 2027 election, Senator Ayo Akinyelure, shortly after a church service at the Government House Chapel, Alagbaka, Akure, on Sunday.

It was learnt that the governor allegedly attended Akinyelure’s 70th birthday celebration recently, a development some party leader interpreted as a sign of deepening political rapprochement.

Party insiders, however, maintained that while the APC leadership was not attempting to dictate who the governor should associate with, but at the same time could not ignore what they described as ‘disturbing alleged political alliance between the governor and members of the opposition party in his State.

The party leadership was said to have observed that Akinyelure, the ADC candidate is now frequently seen with governor Aiyedatiwa after his preferred aspirant for the Ondo Central Senatorial ticket, Dr. Taiwo Fasoranti, who was recently reappointed as Secretary to the State Government (SSG), lost the APC ticket to incumbent Senator Niyi Adegbonmire.

A chieftain of APC, who spoke on condition of anonymity because of the sensitivity of the matter, alleged that the governor had not concealed his grievances over the outcome of the party’s National Assembly primaries.

The source said, ‘We are aware of the games of Mr. Governor since his preferred aspirants lost the party tickets. We are aware that he instigated some of the aspirants to challenge the decision of the party in court. He also directed some of his loyalists to contest on other parties, while also romancing the ADC in the state.

‘One thing Aiyedatiwa has failed to understand is that he became governor due to the benevolence of our great party and our national leader, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. If the decision of the party didn’t favour him this time around, he shouldn’t be the person working against the interest of the party and President Tinubu’.

However, a statement issued on Monday by the governor’s Chief Press Secretary, Prince Ebenezer Adeniyan, described the claims as ‘false, misleading and a deliberate attempt to manufacture controversy.’

According to Prince Adeniyan, the Government House Chapel is a public place of worship open to all citizens irrespective of political affiliation.

‘The Government House Chapel is a public place of worship. Just like the Mosque within the Government House premises, the Chapel is open to all citizens, religious leaders and public officials who wish to worship.

‘It is not an APC-only facility. To suggest otherwise is to misunderstand the purpose of Government House as the house of all the people of Ondo State,’ the statement said.

Adeniyan said that Senator Akinyelure attended the church service to worship and also thanked the governor for sending a delegation and goodwill message during his recent 70th birthday celebration.

‘Governor Aiyedatiwa remains committed to the APC and all its candidates. The Governor will work with all party structures to ensure that APC wins all elections in Ondo State’, the statement read.

Helping teenagers follow their dream careers

A career is a profession or occupation that a person chooses and develops over a long period of time. Every teenager has unique talents, interests, and abilities that should be nutured rather than ignored.

Unfortunately, many parents force their children into careers they do not enjoy. For example, a student who dreams of becoming a fashion designer or musician may be compelled to study medicine or law simply because of family expectations. Such pressure can make the child unhappy, reduce motivation, and prevent them from reaching their full potential.

There is an instance of a young lady that came out on the internet recounting her experience of how she wanted to study advertising, but unfortunately she was forced by her parents especially her dad, to study law. It was very difficult for her to understand and pass the courses in law but she just made up her mind to make her parents proud. She eventually graduated with honours. Funily enough, she is, today, a director in an advertising agency.

Parents should guide their children instead of forcing career choices on them. They should identify their children’s strengths, provide support, and allow them to pursue careers that match their passion. When teenagers are encouraged to follow their dreams, they are more likely to succeed and contribute more positively to society.

Over 40 bandits killed as security forces repel attack on Katsina community

Over 40 suspected bandits, including eight senior commanders, were killed after a combined team of local hunters, the Katsina State Community Watch Corps (KSCWC) and troops of the Nigerian Army’s 17 Brigade repelled a large-scale attack on Guga Village in Bakori Local Government Area of Katsina State, on Sunday.

Security sources said the attack began at about 5:40pm on July 26, when more than 200 heavily armed bandits stormed the community in a coordinated reprisal assault.

The attackers were said to be led by bandit kingpin Idi Abasu Aiki and reinforced by fighters linked to the Ado Aleru criminal network operating from neighbouring Zamfara State.

According to reports posted by Zagazola Makama, intelligence indicated the gunmen had planned to overwhelm local hunters and KSCWC operatives guarding the area before extending the assault to Bakori town and surrounding communities.

Acting on prior intelligence, security operatives mounted a coordinated response that triggered a fierce gun battle, forcing the attackers to retreat after suffering heavy casualties.

Follow-up intelligence confirmed that 40 bandits were neutralised in the confrontation, among them eight senior commanders of the network.

One of those killed was identified as Iliya Mai Rasha, a commander linked to several deadly attacks in Tsafe Local Government Area of Zamfara State, who sources said had joined the assault at Aiki’s invitation. Aiki himself reportedly sustained life-threatening gunshot wounds, though his fate could not be independently verified at the time of filing.

The clash followed an earlier engagement on July 7 at Dawan Laila Village, where the same network reportedly suffered significant losses in a confrontation with local security volunteers.

Five members of the hunters’ team were killed during Sunday’s operation after being caught outside the frontline while attending to personal errands.

The Katsina State Government confirmed the incident, describing the slain hunters as courageous patriots who paid the ultimate price defending their communities, and extended condolences to their families.

Clearance operations have since begun in the affected area to recover weapons and equipment abandoned by the fleeing bandits, with surveillance intensified to forestall further attacks.

Authorities said normalcy has been restored to Guga and surrounding communities, reaffirming their commitment to sustained joint security operations across the state.

Relatedly, troops of the 17 Brigade Quick Reaction Force (QRF), working with the Civilian Joint Task Force (CJTF), recovered 126 rustled livestock, comprising 83 cows and 43 sheep, after ambushing suspected terrorists driving the animals through Yankwani Village in Bakori LGA at about 6am on July 26. The suspects fled into the bush on sighting troops, abandoning the livestock, which were handed over to the Chairman of the Bakori Peace Keeping Committee, Alhaji Tijjani Mohammed, for identification and return to their owners. Military sources described the operation as successful and free of casualties.

Also, troops of the 17 Brigade, in collaboration with the KSCWC, rescued a kidnapped woman in Karkata Village, Charanchi Local Government Area, at about 11:22pm on Sunday, after a distress call reached troops at Forward Operating Base (FOB) Radda. The team engaged the abductors before reaching the village, forcing them to abandon the victim and flee. The woman was reunited with her family. No security personnel were killed, while bandit casualties from the encounter could not be immediately ascertained.

What’s inside: Greenbelt 2 reopens 1st floor as retail replace restaurants

Makati’s Greenbelt 2 mall is reopening its ground floor after two years of renovations.

The mall closed its ground level in January 2024 with plans to turn its al fresco restaurants into retail spaces.

This change means bidding farewell to some iconic dining spots, especially the flagship branch of Mary Grace Cafe, which opened in 2011.

A Mary Grace can still be found in nearby Greenbelt 5 as does Italianni’s, which used to be in Greenbelt 2. Manam moved to Greenbelt 3, while The Perfect Pint and Sugi are no longer in the mall complex.

Greenbelt 3 cinemas were given an upgrade. Greenbelt 1 was demolished in July 2024 and is set to be reopened in 2028 as a new modern retail complex.

While retail stores are what can now be found in the newly-reopened ground floor of Greenbelt 2, more brands and dining areas will make their way soon like Maison Margiela 6, CDG3, Maison Kitsuné, and Omotesando Koffee.

A famous Cebu-born restaurant is just one of more establishments the Makati mall has yet to unveil.

101 free Honor gadgets! No follow needed

Honor Philippines is giving away 101 gadgets to its growing community with its biggest giveaway yet!

Known for continuously surprising consumers with blockbuster promotions, from giving away luxury vehicles to exclusive rewards, Honor is once again raising the bar by putting 101 Honor devices up for grabs in a nationwide giveaway, including the latest Honor 600 Series.

This celebrates the overwhelming support of HONOR fans while making the brand’s innovative technology more accessible to everyone. Joining is as easy as it gets. Participants simply need to comment on the official giveaway post-no follow required!

‘Our fans have always been at the heart of everything we do. This giveaway is our way of thanking them for their continued trust and support while giving more Filipinos the opportunity to experience Honor technology,’ said Stephen Cheng, VP of Honor Philippines.

NDC appeals to Hanga, Gaya over planned defection to APC

The Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC) has appealed to Kano Central Senator, Rufai Sani Hanga and former governor Kabiru Ibrahim Gaya to reconsider their alleged planned defection to the All Progressives Congress (APC), describing the move as a potential setback to the party.

The appeal followed the visit of the Deputy Senate President Barau Jibrin and the two politicians to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu at the State House in Abuja on Sunday.

The APC National Chairman had earlier visited the homes of Hanga and Gaya, fueling talk of imminent defection.

Speaking to Daily Trust on the development, Kano NDC Chairman, Hussaini Isah Mairiga admitted that the party is unsettled by the reports.

‘The story that the ruling APC is trying by all means to woo Kano Central Senator Rufai Sani Hanga and former Kano Governor Kabiru Gaya is everywhere. Up till now, none of them has confirmed to us about the planned defection, although even yesterday we saw them visiting President Tinubu. This shows that it could be true,’ he said.

Mairiga stressed that the party values its relationship with the two chieftains and would be disappointed if they were to defect.

‘As leaders of the party, we won’t be happy if they defect, because we won’t be happy even if it is ordinary members who defected, not to talk of chieftains like them. We have a good relationship with them and we respect each other,’ he added.

He urged the party stalwarts to suspend the idea and open a line of communication with the party leadership. ‘Since they have not yet officially announced their defection, we ask them to please have a rethink and suspend that idea. Let us come and discuss if there is any way we have offended them,’ Mairiga said.

The chairman acknowledged that Hanga had recently voiced complaints of unfair treatment within NDC, but noted that the party leader Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso had deliberately held back from responding immediately.

‘Kwankwaso said the reason he didn’t reply him was because he (Hanga) was angry, so he was waiting for him to calm down before meeting him,’ Mairiga explained.

Despite the visible courtship by APC, Mairiga insisted that the party still considers Hanga and Gaya as their members.

‘As far as we are concerned, we still see them as members. We see their recent courtship with the APC as mere courtesy as individuals,’ he said.

Consequences for NDC and Kwankwasiyya

The unfolding drama points to a high-stake politicking in Kano politics ahead of the 2027 election.

Hanga, once a close ally of Kwankwaso, commands loyalty in Kano Central. His departure would deprive the movement of a strategist capable of mobilising the metropolitan axis.

Gaya is also very important to the NDC, a former governor and four-term former senator, his influence in Kano South stretches across traditional institutions, business elites, and rural communities.

His return to APC would mean that NDC loses one of its most paramount figures in the region, leaving Kwankwasiyya exposed in an area where historically, it asserted dominance.

The consequences of these defections, if it materialise is that NDC’s grassroots structures would be depleted, as both men control extensive ward-level machinery that cannot be ignored.

Kwankwasiyya, which thrives on loyalty and cohesion, would also face an image crisis. The red cap movement has always projected unity, but the exit of trusted lieutenants would puncture that narrative.

For APC, by embracing Hanga and Gaya, the party will build on its gains in the state, which was already strengthened by Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s alignment earlier this year.

Frequent defections could affect NDC, Kwankwasiyya in Kano – Analyst

Speaking on the development, a political analyst and lecturer at Bayero University Kano (BUK), Dr. Saidu Ahmad Dukawa, has warned that frequent defections of prominent politicians could weaken the NDC and its Kwankwasiyya movement.

Dukawa explained that the strength of any political party lies in the number and quality of its members.

‘In the first place, it is a collection of people that makes a political party. And the more the number, the stronger the party, and therefore the more impactful. So, in that regard, any political party that has the number, becomes stronger,’ he said.

He noted that while defections are common in Nigerian politics, their impact depends on the political weight of those leaving.

‘The impact of the people, either leaving or joining, depends on their political weight. If they have serious political weight, then they are likely to impact the party negatively. But if they lack the political weight, then it will only affect the party marginally. This is the formula,’ Dukawa explained.

The draft NGO law casts a wide net to build an architecture of oppression

The draft law to ‘register and supervise’ NGOs, circulated in July 2026, evokes a sense of déjà vu. Why? Because the NPP Government is recycling the law drafted by the Ministry of Public Security headed by Tiran Alles during the Ranil Wickremesinghe Government.

Why should you care about it? Because it applies to a wide range of organisations- microfinance non-Governmental organisation, trusts, companies limited by guarantee, associations, councils, community hostels, foundations, movements, international organisations not established via an inter-Governmental agreement and a group formed by not less than five persons to serve the general public and engage in any voluntary social service or non-profit oriented activity.

The Government’s argument is that this law is required to adhere to the standards set by the Financial Action Task Force (FATF), the global, inter-Governmental watchdog tasked with countering terrorist financing and money laundering. Yet, the draft NGO law is incompatible with FATF standards, especially Recommendation 8 on non-profit organisations. This has been pointed out both publicly via articles, and privately via letters to the President and relevant ministers several times.

Yet, the Government has disregarded these interventions. Its disregard demonstrates that the intent to control any non-Governmental activity through the weaponisation of FATF standards is a systemic strategy that does not change despite change in Government. It should be noted there was no consultation with civil society during the drafting of the law, either during the Ranil Wickremesinghe Government or the Anura Kumara Dissanayake Government.

Why is the NPP, that critiqued the Wickremesinghe’s oppressive policies and practices when in Opposition, now seeking to enact the repressive law that Wickremesinghe and Tiran Alles put forward? Are the anti-NGO elements in the JVP driving this or is the Government being misled by bureaucrats who are entrenched in a system that has been shaped by the security sector which views dissent and critique as a national security threat?

What does the proposed NGO law aim to do?

The draft law makes it mandatory for the extensive list of organisations previously mentioned to register and be subject to monitoring by a Competent Authority (CA). Hence, the law, if enacted, will be applicable to many types of organisations NOT ONLY to organisations traditionally viewed as NGOs in Sri Lanka. Non-registration is an offence under the proposed law.

The draft law bestows the Competent Authority with substantial powers to review, monitor and interfere with the functions, projects and activities of registered organisations. The Competent Authority and Police have the power to enter the premises of any registered organisation without a warrant and upon prior notice, to access or examine its records. This empowers the Government to prevent any activities that it wishes.

Current Government disregard demonstrates that the intent to control any non-Governmental activity through the weaponisation of FATF standards is a systemic strategy that does not change despite change in Government. It should be noted there was no consultation with civil society during the drafting of the law, either during the Ranil Wickremesinghe Government or the Anura Kumara Dissanayake Government. Why is the NPP, that critiqued the Wickremesinghe’s oppressive policies and practices when in Opposition, now seeking to enact the repressive law that Wickremesinghe and Tiran Alles put forward?

The registration issued by the CA is valid for only three years after which it has to be renewed via a fresh application. Issuing registration for only three years will prevent an organisation from long term planning, which will adversely impact its programmes, staffing, efficiency and financial security.

According to the proposed law, every registered NGO shall not ‘Engage in any activity that adversely affect (sic) sovereignty or territorial integrity of Sri Lanka’ or ‘ Induce or cause to induce any public disorder which affect (sic) safety and interests of the general public.’ These are broad, undefined terms that can be interpreted broadly to label any activity that is critical of the Government or seeks to hold the Government accountable as a prohibited activity. For example, a collective of media professionals that conducts a protest condemning an act of the Government that undermines media freedom could be viewed as inducing public disorder. If that happens, their registration could be suspended because the proposed law allows the suspension of an organisation’s registration for engaging in activities contrary to the provisions of the Act.

The CA has the power to suspend registration of a NGO on prima facie evidence of money laundering, terrorist financing or financial irregularity, without a judicial order, as well as where their activities or existence are ‘prejudicial or a threat to national security, territorial integrity, sovereignty’. The phrase, ‘prejudicial or a threat to national security, territorial integrity, sovereignty’ is undefined, broad and can be interpreted any way the state wishes. Hence, it can be used to shut down any activity the Government wants, such as anything it views as critical of it, without following due process or a judicial order.

Building an architecture of oppression: How is the NGO law connected to recent legal reforms?

The amendments to the Convention on the Suppression of Terrorist Financing Act, the Financial Transactions Reporting Act and the Prevention of Money Laundering Act under the guise of adhering to the standards of FATF, along with the proposed NGO law, can be used to stifle and even altogether stop any activity the Government deems unacceptable or not to its liking.

For instance, the Financial Transactions Reporting Act extends the period the Financial Investigation Unit (FIU) can suspend a person’s or organisation’s financial transactions from seven days to fourteen working days (nearly three weeks), combined with ex parte High Court procedures and in-camera hearings. This raises serious concerns about due process and transparency, and risks enabling arbitrary restrictions on financial transactions, which can adversely impact people’s livelihoods and commercial activity.

The amendment requires banks to report all transactions above a yet unspecified threshold. This introduces a blanket reporting obligation that is not based on reasonable suspicion and departs from FATF’s risk-based and proportionate approach. It also imposes significant administrative burdens on banks.

The draft law makes it mandatory for the extensive list of organisations previously mentioned to register and be subject to monitoring by a Competent Authority (CA). Hence, the law, if enacted, will be applicable to many types of organisations NOT ONLY to organisations traditionally viewed as NGOs in Sri Lanka. Non-registration is an offence under the proposed law

The amendment permits extensive information-sharing by the FIU, including with international entities, but does not establish adequate safeguards on data retention, protection of privileged information or deletion of personal data, raising significant privacy and cybersecurity concerns.

The amendment to the Convention on the Suppression of Terrorist Financing Act has similar provisions on freezing orders by the police without judicial oversight.

The amendment to the Prevention of Money Laundering Act confers wide and unguided discretionary powers on investigative and enforcement authorities, particularly in relation to freezing, forfeiture and investigative measures. It lacks adequate procedural safeguards and permits intrusive interference with property rights, livelihood and lawful financial activity through expansive freezing and forfeiture powers.

It contains vague and overbroad provisions, including undefined standards governing ‘special investigation techniques’, derivative property freezing and expands the scope of ‘unlawful activity’. The law creates investigative mechanisms that undermine the presumption of innocence and protections against self incrimination through compelled affidavits and penal consequences arising from purported contradictory statements.

The amendment authorises extensive sharing of financial and personal information with foreign agencies without adequate safeguards relating to necessity, proportionality, accountability or oversight. Concerningly, it permits regulations to come into operation prior to Parliamentary approval, thereby undermining Parliamentary control over delegated legislation.

Debunking Government justifications for weaponising FATF requirements

The Government is using FATF standards to justify enacting repressive laws that will have an adverse impact on the freedom of association and expression amongst other rights. For example, it has included new clauses on anti-money laundering and countering financing terrorism in the draft NGO law that allow the Competent Authority to monitor NGOs to detect money launder/financing terrorism and suspend the operations of a NGO. Yet, FATF requires governments to implement focused, proportionate, and risk-based measures to protect vulnerable non-profit organisations from being exploited only with regard to financing terrorism and not money laundering.

FATF Recommendation 8 states that of all organisations that fall within the FATF definition of NPOs, only a small portion may be at ‘high risk’ of terror financing abuse. However, the proposed law uses a highly securitised framework that treats all organisations as carrying the same level of risk of terrorist financing as well as money laundering abuse. System change, this is not

The draft NGO law and amendments to the three laws discussed above are contrary to FATF standards, as FATF requires oversight measures to be proportionate and targeted, based on identified risks rather than blanket requirements. A centralised monitoring entity is not required nor endorsed by FATF, which does not require supervision of non-profit entities either.

FATF Recommendation 8 states that of all organisations that fall within the FATF definition of NPOs, only a small portion may be at ‘high risk’ of terror financing abuse. However, the proposed law uses a highly securitised framework that treats all organisations as carrying the same level of risk of terrorist financing as well as money laundering abuse. System change, this is not.