Category: Sunday Standard

The dissolution of the Botswana Housing Corporation (BHC) Board may be linked to mounting frustration within government over the corporation’s failure to advance the flagship Kgale housing development project. It is alleged that both the board and executive management failed to deliver despite the availability of investors willing and financially capable of funding the development.

According to a source familiar with discussions held during a staff general meeting on Friday, the Minister of Water and Human Settlement Onnetse Ramogapi expressed dissatisfaction with the pace of progress at BHC, particularly regarding the Kgale project. The project has failed to move beyond preliminary stages more than a year after key decisions were expected to have been made.

A source who attended the meeting said the Minister expressed his frustration that nearly one year and two months after efforts to advance the project began, BHC had not only failed to commence implementation but had also struggled to conclude the process of selecting a preferred development partner.

‘The concern was not only that the project has not started, but that even the process of identifying and selecting the most suitable company has taken far too long,’ the source told this publication.

The allegations emerged a day after the Ministry announced the dissolution of the BHC Board through a press release issued on June 4, 2026. The statement cited powers granted to the minister under Section 6(3) of the Botswana Housing Corporation Act but did not provide specific reasons for the decision.

However, sources contend that concerns over project execution, strategic leadership and institutional performance formed part of the dissatisfaction that led to the board’s removal.

The Minister is said to have told staff that the board had failed to provide the strategic direction required to advance government’s ambitious target of delivering 100,000 housing units. Sources further alleged that the board did not effectively drive key aspects of BHC’s mandate and failed to take decisive action against individuals perceived to be obstructing progress within the organisation.

The minister is also said to have reminded staff that government had actively supported both the executive committee and the board by providing guidance on potential delivery models, including partnerships with private investors capable of financing and accelerating housing developments. While these proposals were reportedly accepted in principle and documented, sources claim implementation never followed.

‘The minister’s view was that there had been support and guidance from government on how to unlock delivery, including bringing in investors, but the agreed interventions were not translated into action,’ another sourcen who attended the meeting said.

The Kgale development is regarded as one of BHC’s most strategic projects and is expected to make a significant contribution to housing delivery, job creation and economic growth. Sources say investors with access to capital have expressed interest in participating in the project, leading to the government’s frustrations about why progress has remained slow despite apparent market appetite.

In announcing the dissolution of the board, the Ministry thanked the outgoing directors for their service and assured the public that service delivery at the corporation would not be affected. The ministry also indicated that a new board would be appointed in due course.

Neither the Ministry nor BHC has publicly linked the dissolution of the board to the Kgale project. Efforts to obtain official comment on the allegations and the current status of the development were unsuccessful at the time of publication.

Bo.Plug, Botswana’s newest advertising enterprise has officially launched, bringing a bold promise to revolutionise both informal trade and advertising in the country through professionally built workstations that double as advertising platforms.

On 25th of May 2026, the enterprise kicked off its landmark Re A Go Plug’a! activation where they partnered with 7 informal traders in the CBD and Main Mall to use the very first set of workstations. ‘Informal traders are the backbone of the everyday economy. They serve thousands of people daily providing affordable essentials, supporting families, and keeping communities moving. Yet most of them trade from improvised and unstable setups,’ said Bakang Sethole, Bo.Plug Business Developer, on the reasoning behind this venture. ‘These makeshift setups don’t reflect the scale of the traders’ effort or the economic value they create.’

With a vision to empower the informal sector, Bo.Plug developed a local solution with national impact through the design, manufacture, and maintenance of durable, professionally-designed workstations that give traders the structure and support they deserve, while creating shared value for brands and cities.

The message is simple; if you hustle, you deserve a proper workstation. Each table is locally fabricated, giving traders a professional platform while creating a circular business model that benefits brands, traders, and Gaborone city alike.

The Re A Go Plug’a! activation is expected to continue into 4 other areas of Gaborone’s highest-traffic zones, engaging a further 8 informal traders. ‘Every trader who signs up is proof that this product is needed. The activation is more than just a deployment, it’s a live demonstration of market demand, and the beginning of a movement to raise the standard for every informal trader in the country,’ concluded Sethole.

Bo.Plug not only acts as a product provider, but as a long-term partner in strengthening Botswana’s informal economy, innovating marketing efforts for corporates and local businesses alike, and creating cleaner, safer environments for Batswana to live and work in.

Bo.Plug is a Botswana-based advertising enterprise that designs, manufactures, and maintains durable workstations for informal traders. By combining practical design with social purpose, Bo.Plug creates a circular model where community empowerment, responsible branding, and urban improvement work hand in hand designed, built, and maintained right here in Botswana.

Every June, the world erupts in rainbow colours. Corporate logos transform overnight. Development partners such as UN family and International Cooperations issue carefully worded statements about diversity and inclusion. Social media fills with declarations of allyship that, come July, quietly disappear.

Pride Month arrives dressed in celebration. But for many ordinary LGBTIQ people in Botswana, it arrives dressed in something far more complicated; a question we cannot stop asking ourselves:

What, exactly, are we celebrating?

I ask this not as an outsider looking in. I ask it as someone who stood at the heart of one of Botswana’s most defining moments in the struggle for queer rights, as one of the litigants in the landmark Thuto Rammoge case against the Government of Botswana, the case that compelled the state to legally recognise LEGABIBO after it had refused to do so simply because the organisation represented lesbian, gay and bisexual people.

I was in those courtrooms. I know what hope felt like in those rooms. And I know what it feels like now, over a decade after the Thuto Rammoge judgment, and years after the decriminalisation ruling, to still be waiting for that hope to reach the people it was supposed to free.

Botswana has, without question, made historic strides. Our courts have delivered progressive rulings that would be remarkable in any context on this continent. In 2019, the High Court decriminalised same-sex relations, striking down colonial-era provisions that criminalised intimacy between consenting adults. The Court of Appeal upheld that decision, affirming that human dignity cannot be selective. Our judiciary has shown genuine constitutional courage, repeatedly and publicly. These were not small victories. They were seismic. They changed the legal architecture of this country, and they deserve to be named as such.

But here is the uncomfortable truth that my extensive years of working with communities; in homes, in clinics, in community halls, in government offices and in international development agencies has taught me: a right that exists only on paper is not a right. It is a promise the state made and has not kept.

Today, many queer people are still navigating rejection at home. Many still fear violence. Many are still denied jobs and quality, non-discriminatory healthcare not because the law permits it but it does not but because no institution is actively ensuring the law is enforced. Many still sit silently at family gatherings where pastors and relatives casually preach hatred in the name of morality. Many still shrink themselves to survive workplaces, churches, schools and communities that remain hostile because nobody in authority has told those communities that the constitution applies here too.

The law decriminalised queer existence. But it did not and cannot on its own decriminalise queer people in the minds and hearts of society. That second transformation requires something the courts alone cannot deliver: intentional, sustained implementation.

And that is precisely what has been missing.

Decriminalisation without implementation is like building a road that leads nowhere. The infrastructure exists. But the people it was meant to serve cannot get through.

We know from decades of human rights practice across Africa and globally that legal reform is the beginning of the journey, not the destination. The moment a law changes, the harder work begins: training healthcare workers to treat queer patients with dignity; sensitising police officers who are often the first point of contact for queer people experiencing violence; ensuring schools have the frameworks to protect LGBTIQ learners; equipping civil society with resources to hold institutions accountable.

This is not abstract theory. This is the practical infrastructure of equality. And Botswana has not built it with any urgency.

Meanwhile, the opposition to queer inclusion is loud, organised and politically motivated. Religious leaders and conservative voices remain deeply invested in policing queer existence. Figures like former Cabinet Minister Biggie Butale have positioned opposition to LGBTIQ rights as a rallying cry. The commentary surrounding ongoing same-sex marriage debates has been deeply revealing, spend even a few minutes in those spaces online and you encounter levels of anger, disgust and obsession directed at queer people that are, candidly, frightening. And perhaps what is most painful is not simply the opposition itself, but the intensity of the hatred.

Which raises a question that I think we are often too polite to ask in public: what is the source of that pain?

Why does the existence of queer people provoke such emotional outrage? Why does another person’s identity feel like a personal attack on people who have never met them? Why do some people experience constitutional equality as though it were an act of aggression against themselves?

These are not legal questions. They are social, psychological and spiritual questions and they point to the reality that homophobia is rarely truly about queer people. It is about fear. Fear of difference. Fear of change. Fear generated by rigid, inherited frameworks of masculinity, gender and morality. It is often unresolved anxiety projected outward and it is consistently weaponised by those who find political or religious power in keeping communities divided.

Understanding this does not excuse it. But it is important, because it tells us that legal change alone was never going to be sufficient. You cannot litigate prejudice into extinction. You have to meet communities where they are, engage them honestly, and rebuild understanding from the ground up. That is the work. Long, slow, unglamorous work and it requires government, civil society, institutions and ordinary citizens to all be part of it.

True equality is not measured by what courts declare. It is measured by whether a queer child can grow up without shame.

I want to be honest about where I am sitting emotionally as I write this, because I think honesty is what this moment demands.

For the first time in a long time, I carry real hope. President Advocate Duma Boko has, throughout his public life, stood with minorities, defended constitutional freedoms and spoken about the dignity of all people including queer people. For many LGBTIQ persons in Botswana, this matters enormously. Leadership that recognises your humanity changes the emotional atmosphere of a country. It signals to institutions that they are expected to follow. It signals to communities that equality is not optional.

Perhaps, for the first time, many queer people in this country are beginning to imagine futures beyond mere survival. And that imagination and the ability to plan, to dream, to consider what a full life might look like is itself a kind of justice.

But hope is not a policy. And good intentions at the top do not automatically translate into changed conditions at the bottom. The gap between progressive leadership and transformed lived realities must be bridged deliberately, with resources, with accountability mechanisms, with a national plan that treats LGBTIQ inclusion not as a politically sensitive afterthought but as a constitutional obligation.

That plan does not yet exist. And so we must name that absence.

Botswana now stands at a crossroads that we have, frankly, been standing at for too long. We can continue congratulating ourselves for our progressive courts while doing nothing to translate those victories into changed conditions. Or we can begin the harder, more necessary work of changing institutions, building social support structures, funding community education and ensuring that every organ of the state understands that the constitution it swore to uphold applies to every single citizen, without exception.

Because this is what equality actually looks like in practice: a queer child in a rural village grows up without shame. A lesbian woman can rent a home without discrimination. A gay man can walk into a clinic without humiliation. A trans person can exist without becoming a spectacle. A queer couple can plan a future together without negotiating their own safety at every step.

That was the Botswana many of us were fighting for when we walked into those courtrooms. It is the Botswana my late Best friend and Comrade Thuto Rammoge was hoping and fighting for. It is the Botswana we have not yet built.

Pride is not simply a celebration. It is a reckoning. It is the refusal to pretend we have arrived when we clearly have not.

This is why Pride Month still matters , not because we have fully arrived, but precisely because we have not. It matters because visibility remains an act of courage in a country where queer people still navigate daily hostility. It matters because somewhere, a young person in a small village in Botswana needs to know they are not alone and that their country’s constitution says they deserve to be here just as fully as anyone else.

But Pride must also be a moment of unflinching honesty. Honest about the gap between our legal progress and the lives people are actually living. Honest about the work that has not been done. Honest about the fact that celebrating legal victories while people suffer is a form of dishonesty; comfortable for those of us who can afford to celebrate, but meaningless for those still waiting.

Botswana’s democracy has proven it can produce progressive law. The question this Pride Month is whether it is ready to do the harder thing: produce justice.

Not justice in theory. Justice in daily life. Justice you can feel.

That is what we were fighting for. And that fight is not over.

Botswana’s private sector is expected to face even more challenges in 2026. A new report from Business Monitor International (BMI) warns that increased government borrowing could make it harder for businesses to get loans in an already tight credit market.

The report describes an economy that is having trouble bouncing back after shrinking by about 0.7 percent in 2025. BMI predicts only a small recovery, with growth of 1.5 percent in 2026, due to weak global demand for diamonds, ongoing uncertainty in mining, and rising financial pressures.

While much of the report focuses on the banking sector, the implications extend far beyond bank balance sheets and directly affect businesses, entrepreneurs, and ordinary citizens seeking access to credit.

‘With fiscal buffers eroding and financing requirements increasing, the government is likely to maintain a significant presence in domestic debt markets,’ BMI said.

The report warns that the effects could be serious.

‘This raises the risk of crowding out private sector credit, as banks allocate a larger share of their balance sheets to government securities.’

Put simply, banks might choose to lend more to the government instead of businesses, since government loans are seen as safer and more reliable. This could make it harder for companies to get the money they need to grow or run their operations.

This warning comes when Botswana’s private sector is already in a tough spot. BMI expects household incomes to stay under pressure in 2026, which will lower demand for goods and services. Companies are also likely to delay investments because of the uncertain economy.

‘Corporates are likely to delay investment decisions amid uncertainty,’ the report states, adding that banks will continue prioritising lower-risk lending while maintaining cautious credit standards.

These sentiments come at a time when local economist Dr Keith Jefferis of Econsult has raised similar concerns in his recent reviews. He warned that increased government borrowing could further drain liquidity from the financial sector and crowd out private sector lending. With banks already operating under tighter liquidity conditions and rising credit risk, increased government absorption of available funds could limit credit extension to productive sectors, undermining private-sector-led growth.

The BMI report also points out that rising interest rates are having an impact.

Following a sharp rise in inflation, driven largely by higher global energy prices linked to the ongoing US-Iran conflict, the Bank of Botswana raised its benchmark interest rate by 200 basis points to 5.5 percent in April 2026.

BMI expects inflation to average 9.7 percent this year, well above the central bank’s target range, with another interest rate increase likely before year-end.

This means that loans will become more expensive for both households and businesses.

‘Higher lending rates will suppress credit demand and reduce affordability, particularly among households,’ BMI noted.

Businesses already facing weak sales and higher costs may find it even harder to expand or create jobs if borrowing becomes more expensive.

The banking system is also under pressure because there is still not enough cash available.

Even though the central bank stepped in and the government spent more in 2025, BMI says there are still big problems in the system. These include most deposits being held by a few banks, a reliance on short-term funding, and some banks having much more cash than others.

BMI expects loans to customers to grow by only 4.2 percent in 2026, which is much lower than the 10-year average of 7 percent.

The report is also worried about Botswana’s worsening financial situation. Lower mining income and less money from the Southern African Customs Union are putting more strain on government finances. Public debt has already hit the legal limit of 20 percent of GDP, which means the government has less room to spend and must rely more on borrowing within the country.

BMI notes that government securities already account for around one-fifth of banking sector assets.

‘Further increases would limit the availability of credit to households and businesses, reinforcing the weak credit growth outlook,’ the report warned.

While Botswana’s banks remain well-capitalised and financially stable, BMI cautions that their ability to support economic recovery will become increasingly constrained.

What it means for households, businesses, and banks?

The economy is likely to grow slowly in 2026. Households will have to deal with higher costs of living and borrowing, businesses will struggle to get affordable loans, and banks will be more careful about lending. All of this could slow down economic activity and job growth.

Many people in Botswana may have a tougher year ahead. Higher interest rates will make it more expensive to borrow for homes, cars, and personal needs. At the same time, rising prices will keep pushing up the cost of living, so families will have less buying power. As businesses slow down hiring and investment, there may also be fewer job opportunities.

It may become harder and more expensive for companies to get loans from banks. As the government borrows more, banks might prefer lending to the government since it is seen as a safer bet. This could slow down business growth, reduce investment, and limit job creation, especially for small and medium-sized businesses.

Botswana’s banks are still stable and have enough capital, but they are becoming more careful. With more government borrowing, less cash available, and ongoing uncertainty, banks will probably lend less freely. While banks might gain from holding more government debt, this could mean less support for private businesses and a slower economic recovery overall.

Botswana’s financial sector is at a critical point. Higher interest rates have helped keep deposits stable and support the economy, but they are also making it harder for people and businesses to get loans. At the same time, the government’s need for more money could make cash even tighter and make it even harder for the private sector to borrow.

Botswana athletics legend Isaac Makwala has taken another significant step in giving back to society through the establishment of the Isaac Makwala Foundation.

The foundation, which will be officially launched on 19 June at the Gaborone International Convention Centre (GICC), aims to preserve the sprinter’s legacy, while creating opportunities for young people across the country.

Further to this, the foundation aims to empower communities through sport development, education, mentorship, youth empowerment and social impact programmes.

Minister of Sport and Arts, Jacob Kelebeng, will officiate at the foundation’s launch, which is expected to attract stakeholders from the sporting fraternity, government, the corporate sector and the wider community.

Collen Kebinatshipi

According to the foundation, its mission is to use sport as a tool to inspire positive change, develop talent and create opportunities for young people while promoting sporting excellence throughout Botswana.

Makwala, an award-winning athletics star who has represented Botswana with distinction on the international stage, says the foundation reflects his desire to contribute to the development of future generations.

In his enduring sporting career, the solo runner, as Makwala is often remembered, became one of Africa’s most recognised sprinters. His career on the track earned him numerous accolades and brought pride to Botswana.

His influence and achievements have inspired many young athletes across sporting codes in the country. His push-up celebratory routine can often be seen imitated by the country’s upcoming stars, including the likes of Collen Kebinatshipi and rising tennis star Ntungamili Raguin, an indication to his impact on the country’s sport landscape.

The foundation seeks to build on that inspiration by providing practical support to aspiring sportsmen and women. Among the key objectives of the foundation is to nurture and amplify the enduring legacy of its founding trustee. The organisation also aims to empower young people by providing opportunities to develop skills, confidence and leadership through sport.

The foundation will focus on promoting the development of upcoming athletes in Botswana by creating programmes that support talent identification and growth. Young beneficiaries will have access to life skills training, coaching and mentorship initiatives designed to prepare them not only for sporting success but also for life beyond the field of play.

Another important objective is to encourage participation in sporting activities and foster greater community engagement. Through various programmes and events, the foundation hopes to use sport as a platform to bring communities together while promoting healthy lifestyles and positive social values.

Ntungamili Raguin

The organisation also intends to implement educational and social impact programmes aimed at addressing challenges faced by young people. These initiatives are expected to complement its sporting activities by helping beneficiaries develop important personal and professional skills.

The foundation’s leadership believes that investing in young people through sport and education can contribute significantly to national development. By creating opportunities and providing guidance, the organisation hopes to help young people realise their full potential.

A key feature of the initiative is its partnership with Precious and Partners, an award-winning Pan-African corporate law practice. The partnership is expected to provide strategic support to the foundation as it rolls out its programmes and expands its reach across Botswana.

The collaboration demonstrates the growing role of the private sector in supporting community development initiatives and youth empowerment projects. Foundation officials believe that strong partnerships will be critical to achieving the organisation’s long-term goals.

The launch at GICC on 19 June is expected to provide further details on the programmes that will be implemented in the coming months. Organisers say these initiatives will focus on creating opportunities for young people while strengthening Botswana’s sporting ecosystem.

For many observers, the establishment of the Isaac Makwala Foundation represents an important milestone in the athlete’s journey from sporting icon to community leader. It also highlights the growing trend of sports personalities using their influence and experience to make a lasting impact beyond their competitive careers.

Botswana has slipped in Africa’s industrialisation rankings, dropping six places over the past 14 years. This decline is linked to weaker manufacturing and a more specialised export base, according to a new African Development Bank (AfDB) report.

The Africa Industrial Investment Barometer (AfIIB) and African Industrialisation Index (AII) 2025 report shows Botswana’s position fell from ninth in Africa in 2010 to 15th in 2024, despite some recent improvements.

Botswana’s industrialisation score dropped from 0.6049 in 2010 to 0.5853 in 2024. Although there was a small improvement from 2023, the score is still much lower than in 2010.

The AfDB notes that Botswana is among the countries with the biggest drops in industrial competitiveness in Africa.

‘Libya, Lesotho, Cabo Verde, São Tomé and Príncipe, Niger, Botswana, Equatorial Guinea, Sudan, Seychelles, Mali, and Madagascar experienced the biggest drop in the ranking, losing five ranks or more,’ the report states.

The AfDB says Botswana’s decline is mainly due to weaker industrial performance, not changes in supporting conditions.

‘Botswana, Lesotho, Libya, and Seychelles exhibit a similar pattern of decline, driven exclusively by underperformance in the performance dimension,’ the report notes.

Despite this slip, Botswana is working hard to move its economy beyond diamonds and into areas like manufacturing, agriculture, and technology. Through the Botswana Economic Transformation Programme (BETP), the government is changing trade rules, strengthening ties with neighbouring countries, and investing in big infrastructure projects to become a strong player in global industry.

Top officials, have said that Botswana should stop exporting raw materials. The country now focuses on processing agricultural products, adding value to minerals and diamonds, and growing advanced manufacturing.

As part of the ongoing efforts, President Duma Boko and South African President Cyril Ramaphosa have recently agreed to work more closely on trade, coordinate their industrial policies, and make the most of important minerals needed for electric vehicles and clean energy.

Meanwhile, on the report, it also says that while Botswana made progress in other areas, it has seen a ‘significant decline in productive capacity and performance in manufactured exports.’

These findings are a setback for Botswana, which has tried for years to move its economy beyond diamonds by focusing on industrialisation and manufacturing.

The report lists Botswana as one of Africa’s most specialised economies. South Africa is the most diversified, with a score of 0.555, while Botswana, Angola, and Zimbabwe have ‘very high levels of specialization’ above 0.85.

Since 2010, only Mauritius, Namibia, and Mozambique have managed to diversify their exports. Most African countries, including Botswana, have become more specialised.

These findings come as Africa overall is making progress in industrialisation. The African Industrialisation Index 2025 shows that 41 out of 54 countries improved their scores from 2010 to 2024, leading to a six percent rise in overall performance.

However, the report warns that Africa still faces big structural challenges. The continent makes up less than two percent of global manufacturing output and only 1.4 percent of global manufacturing exports. Manufacturing value-added per person is also lower than before 2014.

One key finding is that Morocco has passed South Africa to become Africa’s top industrial economy. This is due to export diversification, industrial upgrades, and steady policy implementation.

The AfIIB says Africa’s industrial future depends on stronger economic integration, better trade corridors, quality infrastructure, and common standards under the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA).

AfDB Director for Industrial and Trade Development, Ousmane Fall, said the findings should be both a warning and a guide for policymakers.

‘This report is a roadmap as much as a diagnosis. It shows that 41 of our 54 countries are now moving in the right direction, but it also reminds us that industrialization at scale demands resilient infrastructure, value addition close to source, and finance mobilized on African terms,’ said Fall.

Dr. Harouna Kaboré, President of WITBA Invest, said Africa’s main challenge is not a lack of industrial strategies but the failure to implement them.

‘The continent’s real deficit is no longer the absence of industrial strategies. What is still lacking is execution discipline, continuity in public policy, and systemic coherence between financing, energy, infrastructure, human capital, governance, and industrial vision,’ he said.

When looking at the continent as a whole, Africa is poised for a significant transformation in both consumer markets and manufacturing. However, this transition will require time and concerted effort. The continent faces substantial challenges, such as inadequate infrastructure, fragmented markets, skills shortages, and inconsistent regulatory environments. Nevertheless, the potential benefits are considerable, and the outcomes of either success or failure will have far-reaching implications.

By 2050, Africa’s population is expected to reach 2.5 billion, with half of the population under the age of 25. This demographic trend positions Africa as one of the largest emerging consumer markets globally, characterised by increasing demand for modern goods, services, and economic opportunities.

Despite significant potential, Africa continues to rely heavily on imports of finished products. Although the continent is abundant in raw materials essential to global industries, including cocoa, coffee, cobalt, and other critical minerals, much of the value is realized outside Africa through processing and manufacturing. Currently, Africa contributes only 2% to global manufacturing output, which exposes many economies to external trade disruptions, currency fluctuations, and ongoing trade imbalances.

Establishing a robust manufacturing sector is not only an economic necessity but also a means to achieve long-term resilience and inclusive growth. Industrialisation generates employment, reinforces domestic value chains, and increases public revenues for investment in healthcare, education, and essential services. It contributes to higher living standards, poverty reduction, and the development of more balanced and self-sustaining economies. Furthermore, industrialisation supports community stability, promotes technological advancement, and provides young people with the skills required to succeed in a rapidly changing global economy.

The rationale for advancing industrialisation in Africa is increasingly compelling. The continent has the necessary resources, skilled workforce, and demographic advantages to emerge as a major manufacturing center. The primary challenge lies in converting this potential into sustained economic transformation.

Despite high-level diplomatic engagements and commitments to deepen economic cooperation, tensions between Botswana and South Africa over agricultural import restrictions remain far from settled.

it has since emerged that the issue resurfaced during the Sixth Session of the Bi-National Commission (BNC) held in Gaborone on May 21, 2026, where South African President Cyril Ramaphosa led his country’s delegation and agricultural trade emerged as one of the most sensitive issues on the agenda.

South African Minister of Agriculture John Steenhuisen used the meeting to voice Pretoria’s growing frustration over Botswana’s handling of restrictions on South African agricultural exports, particularly vegetables, saying producers and exporters have faced border restrictions without prior formal communication.

The remarks signal that the dispute, which has periodically strained relations between the two countries, remains unresolved despite previous understandings reached during the 2022 BNC process.

‘We believe that trade matters affecting our two countries should always be addressed through constructive engagement, transparency, mutual respect and amicable bilateral solutions,’ Steenhuisen said.

The minister said South Africa remained concerned about reports that agricultural products were being blocked at the border without adequate notice, creating uncertainty for farmers, exporters and retailers operating across the regional market.

In an effort to contain future disputes, the commission endorsed a Communication Protocol and approved the establishment of a Bilateral Agricultural Trade Task Team by June 2026.

According to Steenhuisen, the new mechanisms are intended to improve communication between the two governments, strengthen institutional cooperation and resolve trade concerns before they escalate into larger diplomatic disputes.

‘Greater coordination and transparency will provide increased certainty to producers, exporters, retailers and agricultural stakeholders on both sides of the border while strengthening the long-term agricultural relationship between our countries,’ he said.

Botswana has in recent years pursued an import-substitution strategy aimed at increasing domestic food production and reducing dependence on foreign agricultural products. The policy has resulted in restrictions on imports of several vegetables and other produce traditionally sourced from South Africa.

While Botswana maintains that the measures are necessary to support local farmers and improve food security, South African producers have repeatedly argued that abrupt restrictions undermine regional trade commitments and disrupt established supply chains.

The latest comments from Pretoria suggest that the matter remains a source of irritation despite broader efforts by the two countries to deepen economic integration.

Beyond the trade dispute, the BNC also focused heavily on cooperation in combating Foot and Mouth Disease (FMD), which both countries regard as a major threat to livestock production and agricultural exports.

Steenhuisen welcomed the endorsement of a comprehensive 2026-2028 Action Plan aimed at strengthening cross-border disease management and called for urgent implementation of coordinated vaccination campaigns and improved maintenance of border fences.

‘With FMD posing an ongoing regional threat to livestock production, rural livelihoods and agricultural trade, it is clear that no country can defeat this disease in isolation,’ he said.

Francistown City Council(FCC) is currently in dire need of an estimated P335 million to revive its crumbling infrastructure. Heavy rains experienced between February and April 2026 have also worsened the situation leaving a trail of destruction causing significant damage to the Francistown roads and other associated infrastructure.

As an interim measure the City Council requires approximately P12 million for pot hole patching and related maintanence works. The city council already has in place 7 000 bags of cold asphalt premix sufficient to to patch approximately 3 500m2 of potholes. Current works are focusing on major roads including Martin Luther King, Junior Road, Dinokwe Road, Diselammapa Road, New Bridge Road, Blue Jacket Road and Boipuso Road. However the A1 Central Police Road which has been closed for some time due to maintenance is now open for traffic.

Francistown Mayor Gaone Majere made the revelation when addressing a full council meeting last week.

In yet another shocking revelation, Majere expressed frustrations over the current dilapidated water infrastructure in Francistown under Water Utilities Corporation which dates as far back as the 70’s spanning close to 50 years. The aging infrastructure has also not been properly maintained over the years resulting in frequent pipe bursts and water leakages affecting parts of the city such as Blocks, Gerald Estates, Area S, Area W,Light industrial, Dumela Industrial and Minestone.

‘Records from Water Utilities Corporation indicate that more than 1 200 leakages have been reported. The main cause remains aging asbestos cement installed during the 1970’s,’ he said.

He however said in the short term Water Utilities Corporation continues to prioritize repairs and is in the process of outsourcing certain repair works to improve response times. Meanwhile the Mayor stated that the Greater Francistown Master Plan project estimated at around P3 billion under the National Development Plan 12 remains the city’s priority project. This Master Plan(2024 – 2048) maps out the region’s 24-year urban transformation into a leading logistical gateway and model city. The goal is to accommodate an anticipated population boom while driving economic revitalization of the city.

Street lighting illumination in the city currently stands at 45 percent against the required 90 percent. Majere said despite challenges such as vandalism, cable theft and shortages of materials improvements are expected following installations of solar streetlights under the Road Levy Funding Programme which commenced on 21 May 2026. On diversification of the city’s economy he said they remain committed to transforming Francistown into a resilient, competitive and sustainable economic hub aligned with Botswana’s aspiration under Urban Development Plan 5, National Development Plan 12 and vision 2026. In this regard he said the city remains committed to diversifying its economy through sectors such as tourism particularly sports tourism and the promotion of Francistown Heritage Trail. These initiatives are intended to position the city as a vibrant tourism and and investment destination while creating employment and business opportunities for local communities.

For the second year running, Vice President and Finance Minister Ndaba Gaolathe’s budget is facing a crisis of confidence after international institutions once again projected economic growth far below treasury forecasts, raising questions about whether government is budgeting on optimism rather than economic reality.

The latest blow comes from the African Development Bank (AfDB) whose African Economic Outlook 2026 report projects Botswana’s economy will grow by just 1.2 percent in 2026 before improving to 3.5 percent in 2027. The forecast stands in sharp contrast to the far more optimistic outlook presented by Gaolathe in his February budget speech, where he projected economic growth of 3.1 percent.

The gap is more than a statistical disagreement. It raises uncomfortable questions about whether the country’s chief economic manager is underestimating the depth of Botswana’s economic crisis or overselling the prospects of a recovery that remains stubbornly out of reach.

The caution from the AfDB adds to a growing chorus of international institutions warning that Botswana’s economic recovery will be weaker and slower than government projections suggest. The World Bank reported that GDP growth is projected to reach 2.7percent in 2026 and average 3.2 percent in 2027-28. This outlook reflects a modest recovery in diamond sales (albeit remaining well below historical values), gradual improvements in electricity supply, and an improved business climate supported by trade, financial, and administrative reforms. Poverty, at the US$3 per day (2021 PPP) line, is projected to remain broadly unchanged at19.7percent(around 513,000 people) in 2026.

Rating agency SandP Global was equally pessimistic when it downgraded Botswana’s sovereign credit rating earlier this year, forecasting growth of only 2.5 percent in 2026 while warning that structural problems in the global diamond market remain far from resolved.

Fitch Solutions has also revised down its expectations for Botswana, forecasting growth of just 2.3 percent for 2026 and describing any recovery as narrow, fragile and heavily dependent on a turnaround in mining rather than broad-based economic expansion.

Taken together, the forecasts paint a troubling picture. Virtually every major external institution sees a weaker economy than the one being projected by the Ministry of Finance.

More significantly, this is becoming a pattern. Last year, Treasury projections were similarly oversold the recovery narrative. During his maiden budget speech in 2025, Gaolathe optimistically forecasted a 3.3% economic expansion for the year, anticipating a strong rebound in diamond demand. However, the government was forced to revise its projections dramatically downward to nearly zero growth by mid-year.

By the end of the year, the ministry had to adjust the forecast further into negative territory, ultimately projecting an overall economic contraction of almost 1% (-0.9%) for 2025.

In its African Economic Outlook 2026 report, the AfDB thinks the economy will come out of recession, but warns that the recovery depends a lot on things Botswana cannot control, especially the global diamond market.

‘The main downside risk remains uncertainty in the diamond market and the Middle East conflict,’ the report says, warning that outside shocks could easily disrupt Botswana’s recovery.

The bank says growth will be helped by new investments in mining and more activity in other sectors, especially services. There will also be investments in agro-processing, digital technology, renewable energy, and tourism.

The AfDB expects Botswana’s fiscal deficit to reach 8.9 percent of GDP in 2026, then drop a little to 8.0 percent in 2027. The growing budget gap will likely be covered by borrowing, which puts more strain on public finances as borrowing costs go up.

Inflation is expected to average 6.2 percent in 2026, then fall to 4.7 percent in 2027 because of strict monetary policy.

The current account deficit is expected to grow to 6.4 percent of GDP next year, then shrink to 4.5 percent in 2027. This shows ongoing problems in external trade, even though diamond exports are expected to recover.

The report also questions whether Botswana can fund its development goals.

The AfDB says Botswana struggles to raise large amounts of development money because of its small tax base, heavy reliance on minerals, limited capital markets, and higher borrowing costs. Recent credit rating downgrades have made it even harder and more expensive for Botswana to get long-term loans, even though its public debt is not very high.

To improve its finances, the bank suggests Botswana should widen its tax base, collect more non-tax revenue, cut down on illegal financial flows, and make public investment more efficient.

The AfDB also urges the government to develop local capital markets, get pension funds involved in infrastructure projects, and speed up reforms of state-owned companies.

Besides financial issues, the report also highlights serious social problems.

About 17 percent of people in Botswana still live in extreme poverty, and unemployment is high at 27.6 percent. Youth unemployment is even worse at 38.2 percent. The bank says slow growth in real GDP per person has held back inclusive development, even though Botswana has a fairly high Human Development Index score of 0.731. The report suggests that while leaders expect growth to return, many people in Botswana may still face tough times for years.

A week ago, on the 26th May 2026, Botswana National Olympic Committee (BNOC) announced the immediate provisional suspension of 800m runner Letlhogonolo Mokgethi.

The athlete is alleged to have tested positive for a prohibited substance, 19-norandrosterone, during in-competition tests conducted on 04 April 2026. His suspension comes at a volatile time when the country is watching a court ‘doping saga’ involving four other track athletes. The four concerned athletes are Lydia Jele, Refilwe Murangi, Zibane Ngozi and Karabo Mothibi.

Worse still, it adds to the increasing number of local athletes serving suspensions for doping offenses. The global list of ineligible persons, as well as the latest sanctions for doping and non-doping violations, both published by the Athletics Integrity Unit (AIU), shows nine (9) names of Botswana athletes on its lists.

Names featured in the global list of ineligible persons, which was published on 01st May 2026 are Laone Ditshetelo, Galaletsang Gabalotlegwe, Jele, Naledi Lopang, Tshepang Manyika, Ditiro Nzamani, Boipelo Pertunia Gaegopolwe and Murangi. The ninth name, that of Ngozi, appears in the latest sanctions for doping and non-doping violations which was published in May this year.

All the athletes in the list were given 3 years ineligibility sanction, with the exception of Ngozi and Jele, who were given 4 years and 8 years respectively. Jele’s 8 years ineligibility sanction comes as she had previously served another doping sanction.

Interestingly, the name of Mothibi, who along with Ngozi, Jele and Murangi are challenging their results in court, is not yet in the list. As the only athlete of the four who has contested his results, his case is still under review.

From this list however, Lopang’s suspension came to an end on the 26th May 2026 (this past month), while Ditshetelo’s will come to an end on 07th August 2026. Lopang’s samples had tested positive for 19-norandrosterone as well as Metandienone, while Ditshetelo had tested positive for Methandriol.

With regards to Jele, her latest suspension comes after she tested positive for stanozolol. Her first positive test, which occurred in January 2017, returned positive for Metandienone. Stanozolol is the same substance alleged to have been detected in Nzamani and Ngozi’s samples. Further to this, Ngozi’s samples are also alleged to have contained

As for Manyika, Murangi and Gabalotlegwe, the AIU list shows that their samples were found to contain oxymetholone. Oxymetholone is derivative of testosterone, and is alleged to significantly increases muscle mass. It is however said to possess adverse health risk as quick increase in muscle mass can lead to a tendon rupture from the increased load. It is also alleged that it can be ‘toxic to the liver, can supress anticlotting factors and can cause irreversible virilisation including deepening voice, acne and excess hair growth.’ In addition, Gabalotlegwe’s samples were found to contain metandienone.

The publishing of the results, more especially the addition of the trio of Jele, Murangi and Ngozi, which occurred this past month is expected to add a new twist to their ongoing court case.

By publishing the names of substances they are alleged to have taken, the AIU is literally stealing the thunder off their argument that their samples have not returned positive findings. The athletes’ argument has always been that their results show ‘no results,’ which they believe indicated nothing was found in their samples.