Category: The Nation – Nigeria

It is with profound gratitude to God and deep admiration that I join family, friends, associates, compatriots, and countless admirers across Nigeria and the world in celebrating the centenary anniversary of our father, my principal, an extraordinary patriot, elder statesman, democracy activist and Afenifere leader, Chief Reuben Famuyide Fasoranti.

Reaching the age of one hundred is itself a rare divine blessing; attaining it with such dignity, and enduring relevance to national life is even more remarkable. Baba’s life represents a century of sacrifice, courage, integrity, and unwavering commitment to justice, good governance, and the advancement of the Yoruba people within a united, democratic Nigeria.

Personally, Baba Fasoranti has been much more than a revered leader of Afenifere. He has been a father figure, teacher, mentor, counselor, and moral compass. Over the years, I have benefitted immensely from his wisdom, encouragement, and steadfast belief in principled leadership. In moments of political uncertainty and national turbulence, Baba remained one of those rare voices whose convictions never shifted with convenience. His guidance has consistently reinforced the values of courage, moderation, discipline, and service to the people.

Chief Fasoranti’s lifelong commitment to education and human development is evidenced in his enduring legacies in education and incredible impact on all of us who were privileged to be his students. He remained a father figure and moral compass to us till date. As a young man, Chief Fasoranti knew early the value of education, he graduated from the then University College Ibadan (now University of Ibadan), acquired a post graduate certificate in Education and a Master’s degree in Education Administration and School Management from the University of Hull, United Kingdom and Maguire University, Australia, respectively. As a teacher, administrator, and community leader, he understood early that the future of any society rests on the quality of its education and the moral character of its citizens. His life of simplicity, humility, and service continues to inspire generations of leaders.

Baba was an astute politician, a believer in the vision of Chief Obafemi Awolowo and a frontline figure in the struggle for democracy. He was actively involved in the Action Group in the First Republic and later in the Unity Party of Nigeria during the Second Republic where he served as an incomparable Commissioner for Finance in the administration of late Chief Adekunle Ajasin in the old Ondo State. Baba Fasoranti stood firmly on the side of justice during some of the darkest moments in Nigeria’s political history.

Through the difficult years of military dictatorship, he remained resolute in defending democratic freedoms, constitutionalism, and the rights of the people. His courage, alongside that of other patriots within Afenifere, helped sustain the democratic spirit that eventually culminated in the rebirth of democratic governance in Nigeria.

Beyond politics, Baba Fasoranti’s contribution to the development of the Yoruba nation is immeasurable. He has been an enduring symbol of unity, cultural pride, communal progress, and intellectual advancement.

Through his leadership in Afenifere, he preserved and strengthened the ideals of fairness, federalism, education, and people-oriented governance that have historically defined Yoruba progressive politics. He has consistently advocated restructuring, equity, and true federalism, not as abstract political slogans, but as necessary foundations for national stability and inclusive development. His interventions on national issues have always reflected uncommon patriotism and a sincere desire for a peaceful, prosperous, and united Nigeria.

At 100years, Baba Fasoranti remains a towering symbol of integrity in public life. In an era where values are increasingly contested, his life remained a testament to the fact that true leadership is measured not by power or position, but by sacrifice, consistency, and fidelity to principle.

As we celebrate this historic milestone, we do not merely honour the longevity of an individual; we celebrate a century of purposeful living and national service. We celebrate a man whose life has enriched Nigeria’s democratic journey and strengthened the voice and aspirations of the Yoruba people.

On behalf of my wife, Bisi, and the rest of our family, I warmly congratulate our father, Chief Reuben Fasoranti on this remarkable centenary celebration. May the Lord continue to grant him peace, strength, and joy. Amen!

It is with profound deep sense of historical responsibility that I have to share felicitations with my compatriots today on this momentous occasion marking the centenary of Pa Reuben Fasoranti who was born on May 11, 1926 – a man whose life, over the span of a century, has come to embody discipline, moral clarity, and an unwavering commitment to the ideals that define the Yoruba nation.

A hundred years in the life of such a man is not merely a passage of time; it is a living archive of struggle, sacrifice, and steadfast adherence to principle. In celebrating Baba Fasoranti, we are not only honouring longevity but also acknowledging a consistency of purpose that has endured through shifting political seasons and changing national circumstances.

His life invites reflection-not of sentiment, but of responsibility. It compels us to look beyond celebration and to confront, with clarity and honesty, the condition of the people and the ideals to which he has devoted himself. It is from that standpoint that I invite us to reflect on a question that has followed the Yoruba nation across generations, shaping its politics, influencing its choices, and, at critical moments, determining its trajectory-the question of unity.

That reflection leads us inevitably to the question of unity-an aspiration that has endured, but one that has repeatedly been tested in most confusing circumstances.

In the dark days of the 19th century, we lived in constant fears of wars, of invasions and of destabilizations. Even when Oyo Empire collapsed, the Ibadan war mongers resisted the occupation of the Fulani jihadists through Ilorin with the Parapo checkmating the excesses of the Ibadan at the Kiriji battles! The disunity that ensued made the British colonization a walkover.

Even in the era of the sage, Obafemi Awolowo, when the Western Region stood as a model of purposeful governance, unity proved more complex than it appeared. The rupture between Awolowo and Samuel Ladoke Akintola began as a strategic disagreement but, left unmanageable, escalated into a crisis that contributed to the Nigerian instability preceding the military incursion and the Nigerian civil war. It remains a defining reminder that internal fractures rarely remain contained.

By the Second Republic, this pattern had evolved rather than disappeared. During the 1979 and 1983 elections, Awolowo’s presidential bids did not command unanimous Yoruba alignment, as elements within the Yoruba political class found accommodation within alternative national coalitions. What should have been a moment of consolidated regional influence instead reflected a divided strategic posture.

The June 12 experience offered both inspiration and caution. The candidacy of Moshood Abiola drew widespread Yoruba support and national legitimacy, yet following the annulment of the Nigerian 1993 presidential election, responses within the Yoruba elite were not entirely uniform. While many stood resolutely in defence of that mandate, others adopted more cautious or divergent approaches, revealing once again the difficulty of sustaining unity beyond shared aspiration.

The Fourth Republic presented perhaps the most striking contradiction. In 1999, the Yoruba political mainstream rallied behind Olu Falae, while another Yoruba son, Olusegun Obasanjo, emerged through a different national coalition. By 2003, the

political structure of the South-West was fundamentally altered, as the existing regional leadership was largely displaced. It was a moment that underscored a persistent dilemma: how a people could produce national leadership yet remain regionally fragmented.

These episodes are not distant memories; they are enduring lessons. They demonstrate that the challenge of Yoruba unity has never been theoretical-it has been tested repeatedly at critical moments, and too often, it has faltered where alignment mattered most.

Is Yoruba unity under threat?

It is against this historical background that we must now ask, with clarity and sincerity, whether Yoruba unity is under threat.

For me, the answer is yes-not as a declaration of alarm, but as a sober assessment of present realities.

The pressures we face today are less dramatic, but more diffuse. Political divergence has deepened, with partisan affiliations and competitive interests frequently overshadowing shared identity and long-term collective goals.

Yoruba actors increasingly engage one another not as partners in a common project, but as rivals within fragmented political arenas. At the same time, ideological differences regarding the future of Nigeria have become more pronounced. Positions now range from firm commitment to national integration to growing advocacy for autonomy and even secession.

The agitation for a Yoruba nation, while rooted in legitimate grievances, has itself introduced new internal complexities, particularly around questions of feasibility, method, and

timing. These tensions are further compounded by a gradual erosion of shared cultural anchors. The ethos that once regulated conduct-discipline, respect, restraint, and communal responsibility-no longer binds with the same consistency.

Trust has become less instinctive, misunderstandings more frequent, and generational differences more pronounced.

Even our traditional institutions have not been entirely insulated. Moments of public strain involving revered stools, including the Ooni of Ife and the Alaafin of Oyo, have at times mirrored broader societal tensions.

Taken individually, these issues are manageable. Taken together, they suggest a deeper structural weakening of cohesion.

If history teaches us anything: it teaches that moments of political advantage do not automatically translate into collective progress. They must be recognized, properly interpreted, and deliberately utilized.

We have, in the past, found ourselves at the centre of national power without corresponding regional cohesion. The experience of 1999, and even more pointedly the political realignments of 2003, demonstrated that the presence of a Yoruba leader at the helm of the Nigerian state does not, in itself, guarantee the alignment of Yoruba interests or the preservation of Yoruba political structures.

Leadership at the centre, where it is not complemented by coherence at home, can exist alongside fragmentation-and in some cases, even accelerate it. Some of us who were active participants in that period do not speak of it from abstraction, but from lived experience. We saw, first-hand, how quickly a region can lose strategic ground when internal alignment is weak, and how difficult it is to rebuild once that cohesion is disrupted.

It is precisely in the light of that experience that the present moment must be approached with greater clarity.

In the leadership of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, we are not simply confronted with another instance of Yoruba representation at the national level. What distinguishes this moment is the character of the political process that produced it. This is a leadership forged within the complexities of Yoruba political evolution itself-one that has, over time, navigated internal differences, built coalitions, and sustained relevance across changing national contexts.

This distinction is not merely historical; it is strategic.

For perhaps the first time in a long while, there exists a realistic possibility that alignment at the centre can be matched by coherence within the region. But that possibility will remain unrealized unless it is supported by a deliberate shift in conduct among Yoruba political actors-away from zero-sum competition and toward coordinated purpose.

It must therefore be said, with a sense of responsibility, that the opportunity before us will not implement itself. It will require restraint in moments of rivalry, maturity in the face of disagreement, and a conscious willingness to subordinate immediate advantage to longer-term collective interest.

What is at stake extends beyond the fortunes of any administration. It is, more fundamentally, a test of whether the Yoruba nation can align its internal dynamics with its external influence at a time when both appear, for once, to be within reach.

History, as always, will be unsentimental in its judgment. It will record not the opportunities we were given, but the choices we made in response to them.

In reflecting on this moment, the life of Pa Reuben Fasoranti provides both context and guidance. His role in the post-June 12 period, particularly within Afenifere, was defined not by the absence of disagreement, but by the insistence that disagreement must not be allowed to destroy the collective.

He represents a tradition of leadership rooted in steadfastness, discipline, and moral clarity – one that places the long-term interest of the people above transient advantage. That example is neither nostalgic nor abstract. It is directly relevant to the choices before us.

If unity is to endure, it must move beyond sentiment to reality. It must find expression in deliberate and sustained collaboration across economic, political, and institutional spheres.

Efforts at regional coordination, including the work of the Development Agenda for Western Nigeria Commission, demonstrate that cooperation, when institutionalized, can provide a foundation for broader cohesion. However, such frameworks must be strengthened, deepened, and supported by a renewed commitment to shared cultural values.

Without a revival of those values – respect, responsibility, and a sense of collective destiny-even the most well-designed institutions will struggle to endure.

The responsibility, ultimately, lies with us.

History has shown that the Yoruba are capable of unity, but often in response to crisis. The greater challenge, and indeed the more enduring test, is whether unity can be sustained in moments when the pressures are less visible but no less significant.

If we fail under such conditions, then we must accept that our divisions have become habitual. But if we succeed, then this moment may well be remembered as the point at which the Yoruba nation moved from episodic cohesion to deliberate alignment.

In reflecting on the journey, we have traced-from the early fractures of the dark ages, the First Republic, through the contested alignments of later years, to the hard lessons of more recent political transitions-we are confronted with a pattern that is both instructive and cautionary.

The Yoruba nation has never been short of leadership, intellect, or vision. At every critical point in our history, we have produced men and women of capacity, courage, and influence. Yet, time and again, the full weight of that capacity has been diminished by an inability to sustain alignment at decisive moments. That is the lesson history leaves with us-not as condemnation, but as responsibility.

In the life of Pa Reuben Fasoranti, we see the continuation of a tradition shaped in no small measure by the discipline and philosophical clarity of Obafemi Awolowo – a tradition that recognizes disagreement but refuses disintegration. It reminds us that unity is not convenience; it is discipline.

The present moment offers us a rare convergence of opportunity and experience. But, as history has shown, such moments do not endure indefinitely. They pass, and in passing, they leave behind either consolidation or regret.

If we choose alignment-deliberately and consistently-then this period may yet be remembered as the point at which the Yoruba nation reconciled its potential with the discipline required to realize it.

If we do not, then we will have added yet another chapter to a familiar story. The responsibility, in the final analysis, is ours.

And history, as always, will remember.

Veteran actors Sola Sobowale and Kanayo O. Kanayo have been honoured with the Industry Merit Award at the 12th Africa Magic Viewers’ Choice Awards on May 9, 2026.

The awards were presented during the ceremony at Eko Hotel and Suites in Lagos, recognising their decades of contribution to Nollywood and their status as two of the industry’s most celebrated screen figures.

Sobowale thanked God, the AMVCA organisers, her colleagues, fans, and her children for their support throughout her career.

She said the recognition affirmed her relevance and promised more work ahead.

‘I want to specially thank God Almighty for keeping till this day to have this. I thank my children. Thank you to all my colleagues. I thank my fans because without you ‘Ko si Shola’ (there’s no Shola) It truly is an honour. Thank you all for making me still relevant. Mi o ti de (Expect more from me). I love you all,’ she said.

Kanayo dedicated the award to film practitioners across Africa and spoke about the role of the entertainment industry in promoting unity on the continent.

The AMVCA recognises excellence in African film, television, and digital content creation and remains one of the continent’s major entertainment events.

The dictionary defines an inordinate ambition as an ‘excessive, immoderate or uncontrolled desire for power, wealth or recognition that ignores ethical limits, fairness, or the rights of others. It is characterised by self-promotion, selfishness, often resulting in personal, social, or national crises.’

Senator Ovie Omo-Agege’s insistence to return to the Nigerian Senate, barely three years after he left, is not short of an ‘inordinate ambition’, and unless he is quickly called to order, and the ambition itself nipped in the bud, it may portend crises for the ruling APC in the state.

Thankfully, Governor Sheriff Oborevwori, who is the undisputed leader of APC, has demonstrated wisdom, maturity, and tact in this matter, and he is well on top of the situation. There is no doubt that the governor’s defection from PDP was always going to upturn the political calculus in the state and necessitate some compromises.

But part of that compromise was not to sacrifice the entire structure of the APC on the senatorial ambition of Omo-Agege. It also did not include disrespect, disregard, and dismissal of the impact of the governor.

Unfortunately, in the past three months after the State Party Congress, the body language, words, and deeds of Omo Agege have been nothing short of dismissive of the party structure in the state. This was heavily manifest in his declaration statements for a return to the Senate, where he deliberately and premeditatedly omitted reference to Sheriff’s transformative governance of the past three years, and the goodwill and support he can draw from him in prosecuting his ill-advised third senatorial bid. Instead, he alluded to a non-existent Abuja connection and endorsements and to the President himself for legitimisation.

The essence of this write-up is to debunk certain falsehoods and narratives that Omo Agege’s attack dogs have manufactured to pave way for their principal’s ambition.

The first is the claim that Senator Ede Dafinone is a prodigy of Omo Agege’s political camp whom he groomed, up to his election to the National Assembly, and that Omo Agege stepped down for Dafinone to become Senator. Nothing could be further from the truth. Dafinone has been around for a long time, longer than most people are aware of. As far back as 2006, he contested for the Senate against the likes of the late Prof. Eferakeya for the PDP primaries. In 2011, he also contested the DPP senatorial primary with late Senator Pius Evwerido.

He technically won that primary but respected party decisions to field Evwerido He would later emerge as the candidate of the DPP for the Senate in 2013 following the painful demise of Evwerido. Contrast this with Omo-Agege, who in 2006 had just been elevated from his role as EA to the Governor, to Commissioner for Special Duties. He would then engage in a failed gubernatorial race in 2007 against the superior counsel of his boss, Chief James Ibori, just as he did again in 2011 and 2015. Thus, when Dafinone first aspired to the Senate in 2006, Omo-Agege had neither the political weight nor capacity to as much as the dream of being a Senator for Delta Central.

Omo-Agege’s ambitions have always left him exaggerating his own popularity and chances over and above those of others. In the 2023 elections, he left the Senate, where he had the chance to return as Senate President, to engage in contests with Oborevwori, which he lost. Since politics, just as nature abhors a vacuum, Dafinone filled the gap and has done exceptionally well, having just been appointed as the Chairman of the Committee on Federal Character and Inter-Governmental Affairs.

Unfortunately for Omo-Agege, the performance of the incumbent governor in his first term has humbled him and also foreclosed any further ambition to unseat him. Now faced with this discomforting stark reality, he then weaves a narrative that he gave up the Senate position to Dafinone to hold brief for him, which he would return to in the event of his failure to become Governor. Such stories can only be told to the gods.

A second falsehood is that there is a certain operational Western/Eastern Urhobo Division political formula that Oborevwori and Dafinone have upturned by virtue of their present offices; and which needs to be corrected; and which can only be corrected by no other person than Omo-Agege himself, and only by returning him to the Senate! One wonders why he didn’t choose to correct the supposed imbalance by instead unseating the governor.

This narrative goes further to hold that Dafinone and Oborevwori in their present positions are implementing a secret Okpe agenda to enslave, emasculate, and undermine the larger Urhobo people. Narratives like this can only emanate from certain minds, because Urhobo is one, there is nothing like Okpe and Urhobo, we are one entity, Omo-Agege’s quest for Senate comeback should not be used to create division in Urhobo Nation. Or is Omo-Agage and his supporters saying that Urhobos from Sapele are not Urhobo, yet he seeks to represent them? No wonder he didn’t site anything tangible in Sapele as the then DSP!

The architects and drivers of such divisive narratives must be seen as the real enemies of the Urhobo people seeking to set brothers at war. Neither Oborevwori nor Dafinone has a bias for Urhobo-speaking areas over Okpe-speaking areas in their development vision for Delta State and Delta Central, respectively.

None of the flyovers so far constructed is in Okpe land. Dafinone’s imprimatur is more visible in Urhobo-speaking areas than in Okpe. What is important is impact, visibility, accessibility, qualitative and effective representation, and passion to serve the people. These are qualities that Oborevwori and Dafinone have demonstrated in quantum degrees. If anything, it is Omo-Agege, who located all his landmark projects in Orogun that has played the clannish card and must now take a back seat.

There is nothing sacrosanct about the so-called Eastern/Western Urhobo divisions. These were British calibrations for effective colonisation and exploitation. Virtually all kingdoms in Western Urhobo are migrants from the East. There are no cultural and social divides between them. Oghara and Idjerhe trace their forbears to Agbarha; Okpe and Agbon to Olomu, and so on. An attempt to create a middle wall of partition will be tantamount to pitching brothers against one another to serve a personal political ambition.

A further danger in this narrative is that it awakens an already dying propaganda that Okpe is not Urhobo, an agenda that has been sponsored in the main, by neighbouring people to set Urhobo at war with themselves. No antidote has effectively weakened that falsehood more than the incumbent Okpe governor and senator representing the Urhobo exceptionally well. The sponsors of this narrative must now desist from this lowly propaganda that helps no one.

It is quite instructive that Olorogun Jaro Egbo, Chairman, Ughelli North LGA has shown generous support for Dafinone’s Declaration, which was held Sunday, April 26, 2026, at the Oharisi Primary School. It is within Jaro’s right and freedom to support whom he will. And if anything, it is a further pointer to Omo-Agege’s dwindling political following that a politician of Jaro Egbo’s standing, who once stood with Omo-Agege, has now pitched tent with Dafinone

We may conclude with this: Omo-Agege and his media men should be the last people to argue for equity and fairness. The two higher institutions he flaunts as having influenced Delta Central are located in his village. That is not a federalist disposition. Furthermore, his involvement with the Urhobo sections of the pipeline surveillance contracts is still shrouded in secrecy and controversies, whereas the Ijaws spread the benefits of theirs to all their people. And even if we accept, without conceding, that another Senator for Delta Central was necessary, does it reflect equity and fairness for Omo-Agege to have a third term in a Senatorial District that boasts sterling intellectuals and political heavyweights? Is the lawyer from Orogun right for the Delta Central Senatorial position?

It is wisdom to leave the scene when the ovation is loudest. Omo-Agege has had his time. He must now leave the scene for others to make their impact. We wish Dafinone a successful outing as he takes his turn after what has been touted as the ‘Mother of all Declarations’.

A former Lagos lawmaker who represented Alimosho I Constituency under the All Progressives Congress (APC) at the Lagos State House of Assembly between 2011 and 2023, Hon. Bisi Yusuf, has said the party has successfully built a formidable grassroots political structure by adopting consensus candidates ahead of the 2027 general elections.

Yusuf, who is also the Director-General of the Grassroots Movement for Tinubu 2027 (GMT), made the remark during the APC Alimosho Federal Constituency meeting held at the Mosan-Okunola community on Saturday.

According to him, Alimosho remains a critical political bloc whose strength is rooted in unity, discipline and loyalty to the progressive ideals that shaped Lagos State.

‘I have always believed that Alimosho is not just a political constituency; it is a living political organism whose strength lies in unity, discipline and loyalty to the progressive ideals that built Lagos State.

‘When Alimosho speaks with one voice, Lagos listens; when Lagos stands firm, Nigeria moves forward. That is why we have collectively endorsed consensus candidates for the 2027 elections, beginning with the re-election of our leader and President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, Bola Ahmed Tinubu,’ he said.

Yusuf added that Tinubu’s leadership continues to reflect the progressive philosophy that transformed Lagos State and is now being deployed to reposition Nigeria.

Speaking on Lagos politics, he said members of the Alimosho Federal Constituency had also endorsed the Deputy Governor of Lagos State, Dr Kadri Obafemi Hamzat, describing him as loyal, competent and experienced enough to sustain the progressive legacy in the state.

He further stated that the constituency had aligned behind what he described as credible candidates who understand the aspirations of the people.

The endorsed candidates, according to him, include Hon. Ganiyu Adele Ayuba for the House of Representatives, Hon. Luqman Orelope for Lagos State House of Assembly, Alimosho Constituency I, and Hon. Kehinde Joseph for Alimosho Constituency II.

‘Over the years, we have nurtured a political family here one that grew from the vision of Bola Ahmed Tinubu and expanded through generations of progressive leaders who understand that Alimosho is central to the stability and future of Lagos politics.

‘Recently, I had the privilege of joining my dear sister and co-leader, Her Excellency Former Lagos State Deputy Governor, Adejoke Orelope-Adefulire, a strong member of the Governance Advisory Council in Lagos alongside other party elders and stakeholders, to convene a crucial meeting of leaders of the APC in Alimosho Federal Constituency.

‘The objective was simple but profound: to confront our past honestly, mend the cracks that once weakened our collective strength, and chart a decisive path toward 2027.

The former lawmaker said that as someone who has walked the political streets of Alimosho for decades, he understood that every political family occasionally faces internal tremors.

He said that those tremors, if not addressed with sincerity and courage, could widen into cracks.

‘In the past electoral cycle, those cracks became visible. Differences of opinion, competing ambitions, and moments of misalignment tested the cohesion that had long defined Alimosho.

‘But leadership is not measured by the absence of challenges; it is measured by the ability to confront them and rebuild stronger foundations.

‘From the conversations held across wards, local governments, and party structures, one truth became clear: the people of Alimosho desire unity more than anything else,’ he said.

He said that the type of leadership Alimosho wanted is a leader that rises above personal interests and protects the collective political heritage all people inherited.

According to him, that is why our recent gathering was not merely a meeting; it was a moment of political recalibration.

‘Together, we resolved that the unity of Alimosho is non-negotiable.

‘This resolution did not emerge from convenience, it emerged from experience. We examined the fractures that had appeared within our structure and agreed that the future of Alimosho requires deliberate reconciliation, deeper consultation, and disciplined alignment with the progressive ideology that defines Lagos State,’ the party leader said.

Yusuf also added that the leaders’ commitment was to rebuild Alimosho into an even stronger political fortress-one that reflected the spirit of loyalty, organisation, and grassroots strength that has always distinguished Alimosho constituency.

He noted that Alimosho remained the largest voting bloc in Lagos State saying Its voice carries weight not only within Lagos but within the national political landscape.

Thousands of Eti-Osa residents in Lagos at the weekend declared their support for President Bola Tinubu, governorship hopeful Obafemi Hamzat and a member of the State House of Assembly, Noheem Adams ahead of the forthcoming elections.

Those who attended the event included the Central Working Committee of the All Progressives Congress (APC) in Eti-Osa headed by Engr. Murphy Adetoro, a member of the Governance Advisory Council (GAC).

Others are the chairmen of the three local government areas of Eti-Osa constituency 1, APC ward chairmen, traditional rulers and the Lekki Residents Association who had all earlier adopted Adams, a majority leader of the Lagos Assembly, as the party’s consensus in the area.

Speaking at the event, the Central Working Committee declared ‘no vacancy’ at the presidency and the House of Assembly while maintaining its support for Hamzat as Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu’s successor.

They declared that unlike in 2023, Tinubu will win Lagos in 2027 as the people have become more resolute in their support for the president.

Commending the crowd at the rally, Adetoro said the Central Working Committee of APC in Eti-Osa axis and all the LG chairmen in the constituency had written to the party endorsing Noheem Adams

‘Thus, on the day of the primaries, we will all be behind him. What we are doing today is a rehearsal of what is going to happen on the day of the primary election,’ he said.

‘We are publicly declaring our support for President Tinubu whose achievements speak volumes. We have also started working to ensure the victory of Engr. Obafemi Hamzat who will take over from our active governor.

‘Some days ago, we all wrote to the APC leadership in Lagos endorsing our son, Noheem Adams, as consensus.

‘We are again confirming our decision that he remains our recognised candidate. We have seen what he has done at the House of Assembly and we can attest to the fact that he has done wonders, beyond our expectations,’ he said.

Another leader and former lawmaker, Yahaya Dosunmu, expressed hope that the next Speaker would emerge from the constituency. ‘If we have number one and two outside, we are supposed to have three.

‘I have been attending campaigns since I was 30, but this level of support is exceptional and confirmation that you truly love Noheem and are ready to continue to support him at the primary and general elections,’ he said.

On his part, Alhaji Sulyman Bello, President of the Lekki Estates Residents and Stakeholders Association (LERSA), said the lawmaker enjoys the support of the entire residents of the constituency.

According to him, Adams has become a rallying point for residents in Eti-Osa.

‘What many do not understand is that Noheem Adams is not just for Eti-Osa but the entire Lagos State. There was an estate that was to be demolished. He stood for us and ensured that the estate was not demolished.

‘With his position at the House, it is dangerous to send a fresh member. By God’s special grace, we want to see him beyond the seat of Majority Leader,’ he declared before the crowd while confirming an earlier letter the association sent to the APC endorsing him.

Meanwhile, the Arewa group in the constituency said they had mobilised 1500 members from the three councils in the area to support the lawmaker.

In his remark, Adams thanked the leaders, traditional rulers and constituents for their support describing the endorsement as a challenge to do more when re-elected.

He also thanked Tinubu for opening up the constituency with a coastal road adding that this feat has earned the President ‘massive love from the people of my area.’

The immediate past Minister of Power, Chief Adebayo Adelabu has formally announced his intention to contest the 2027 governorship election in Oyo State under the platform of the All Progressives Congress (APC).

In an official invitation issued ahead of the event, Chief Adelabu invited party leaders, stakeholders and members of the public to his public declaration scheduled for Tuesday, May 12, 2026, at 10:00 a.m. in the Main Bowl of Liberty Stadium.

The former Minister said the declaration would mark the beginning of a renewed political journey aimed at returning the state to what he described as progressive leadership under the APC.

Adelabu, who flew the APC governorship flag in the 2019 election, recalled that he narrowly lost the contest under what he termed challenging political circumstances, adding that he was returning to the race with ‘renewed strength, deeper experience and greater determination’ to serve the people of the state.

He expressed confidence that the APC would reclaim power in the state in 2027 through unity, commitment and the support of party faithful and residents.

According to him, the aspiration is driven by a vision to build a better Oyo State anchored on ‘proven capacity, passion, competence and experience.’

The declaration event is expected to attract top APC chieftains, political associates, traditional leaders, youth groups and supporters from across the state and beyond.

It was gathered that the uniform cloth (Aso ebi) for the event is currently being distributed to party members and those to grace the occasion in a show of solidarity and support for Adelabu’s gubernatorial declaration.

The Nation reports that, the former minister is seeking to contest for the party’s gubernatorial ticket with the likes of the Senator representing Oyo South Senatorial District, Sharafadeen Alli, Akeem Agbaje, Akeem Alao (Allow Alao), Dr Adewale Kolapo Kareem (AKK), former deputy governor Rauf Olaniyan, Muyiwa Gbadegeshin among others.

Recall that Adelabu recently resigned as Minister of Power to pursue his 2027 gubernatorial ambition.

Amidst funfair, cheers and jubilation, the former Minister was received at the Alakia, Ibadan airport by supporters and members of the party, barely 24hours after he resigned from the Federal Executive Council (FEC).

He has visited his local government, Ibadan South East, to declared his intention to run for Oyo governor in 2027.

Also, last Tuesday, he met with APC state executives at the Oke-Ado party secretariat to inform them of his intention to contest for governorship.

Last week Wednesday, the former Deputy Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) also met executives of APC at Ward level, seeking their backing for the realisation of his gubernatorial ambition in 2027.

Nigeria and Morocco have set in motion plans to deepen relations in Areas of mutual interest.

The Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, Amb. Bianca Odumegwu-Ojukwu held a warm, productive telephone conversation with the Minister of Foreign Affairs, African Cooperation and Moroccan Expatriates of the Kingdom of Morocco, H.E. Mr Nasser Bourita.

Both Ministers, according to a statement by the spokesperson, Nigeria’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Mr Kimiebi Imomotimi Ebienfa, expressed their shared commitment to strengthening cooperation in areas of strategic mutual interest.

He noted that a major focus of their discussion was the Nigeria-Morocco Gas Pipeline (NMGP), also known as the African Atlantic Gas Pipeline (AAGP), a significant infrastructure project along West Africa’s Atlantic coast.

The Ministers, according to the statement, emphasised the project’s importance in advancing regional energy security and economic integration.

The statement added, ‘They noted that the pipeline project is based on the partnership between the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPC Ltd) and Morocco’s National Office of Hydrocarbons and Mines (ONHYM). The Ministers further observed that, following the completion of preliminary technical studies by the relevant agencies, an Intergovernmental Agreement is expected to be signed by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and His Majesty King Mohammed VI in the last quarter of 2026.

‘Beyond energy cooperation, both sides discussed opportunities for collaboration in fertiliser production and distribution, recognising the sector’s critical importance to food security across Africa.

‘On the diplomatic and economic front, Nigeria indicated it is considering hosting the second session of the Nigeria-Morocco Bilateral Joint Commission (JC).

‘The session would help revitalise the bilateral agreements signed in June 2018 during former President Muhammadu Buhari’s visit to Morocco.

‘Both Ministers also emphasised the importance of re-establishing the Nigeria-Morocco Business Council as a crucial platform for promoting bilateral and continental economic cooperation, whilst utilising the opportunities presented by the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) and the treaty on the avoidance of double taxation between the two countries.

‘Odumegwu-Ojukwu expressed appreciation for the warm invitation extended by Minister Bourita for an official visit to Morocco at a mutually convenient time

.

‘ The proposed visit is expected to further strengthen bilateral relations and promote the shared vision of a strong Nigeria-Morocco partnership in support of Africa’s development.’

The Nigerian Correctional Service (NCoS) has announced that it had sanctioned 147 officers, destroyed 1,167 mobile phones and other prohibited items and seized more than N2m in cash in a nationwide clampdown on contraband in correctional centers. According to the comptroller-general of the service, Sylvester Nwakuche, the seizures point to the scale of indiscipline and connivance of some staff in breaking the laws.

Besides the staff of NCoS, the comptroller-general alleged that there are external collaborators like visitors and contractors who often dubiously hide some contraband in food items and clothing. He claimed that some of the offenders had in the past been apprehended and handed over to the police or the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) for prosecution.

While we commend the NCoS for the seizures and what they described as ‘sanctioning’ of the guilty personnel, we find the different offences committed curious and the sheer number of allegedly guilty officers mind-boggling.

Correctional facilities across the world are not run by perfect humans. There have been reports of some personnel compromising the security of inmates or even engaging in amorous liaisons with inmates. However, these reports are often rare and when the offenders are caught, their matters are so publicised in a way that it deters other workers from being found wanting in their duties.

Prisons are institutions for confinement of individuals who have been remanded in custody by a judicial authority for crimes against the society. It is usually defined by the large scale denial of certain freedoms, especially that of communication with the outside world except on designated days/time, and often done with prison facilities under strict supervision. Confinement is the ultimate mechanism for depriving individuals of their liberty for crimes they have committed.

So, in essence, prison officers and other alleged individuals that avail inmates of contraband are primarily contemptuous of courts that had declared such individuals guilty and sentenced them to various jail terms. It therefore means that the so-called sanctioned officers might have merely gotten a pat on the wrist.

The NCoS did not disclose the type of sanctions they received and it might be safe to assume that the problem might not be ending soon.

When the comptroller-general alleges that some visitors and contractors might have been found guilty, we are forced to assume that he understands his assertion is a self-indictment. A prison is what it is because of the strict guarding of every movement in and out of the facilities. There ought to be a chain of checks and balances backed by well-trained and alert officers, given that they are dealing with those that courts have adjudged as criminals. There seems to be a lapse in vigilance if 147 officers were caught on the wrong side of the law, breaking their oaths of office.

Smuggling of contraband is not just wrong on all levels, it is even a danger to the officers themselves, the society at large and an enabling strategy for criminals to widen their networks while in prison.

The various jailbreaks in the country have had allegations of outsider influences. Communication is the bedrock of every relationship. Convicted criminals are often not solo criminals, some actually operate in cells, groups and gangs. A phone in the hand of the convicted ones is a sure way of strengthening those outside and in most cases, jail breaks are planned through such clandestine communication.

Most convicted criminals are sent into prison bare of any items. They are often searched and given prison uniforms that are sown not to have any pockets just so they don’t provide spaces for hiding contraband, some of which are dangerous to them and others. To have the prisons across the country having phones and other electronic gadgets in such huge numbers is scandalous.

Calls are not made non-verbally so how come it took the raids to seize so many phones? It all points to not just one-off mistake but a perennial system of inefficiency and negligence.

While the comptroller-general seems enthusiastic announcing the transfer of the seized money to the Federal Government, the announcement of the burning of the phones and other electronic gadgets seems a wrong step. We would want to know if they were burnt after some investigations and forensic analysis of the contents.

In other climes, those gadgets would be studied over time; certain investigations into the criminality of those jailed ought to be of interest to the security forces. This is why most crimes in other climes are often unravelled even decades after. Investigating the calls and texts on the phones could point to certain useful intelligence that can be used not just to apprehend accomplices but as teaching aids for officers and other students.

It could even provide Intel on the psychology of the inmates.

While we commend the NCoS for setting up the ‘Special Crack Team’ to enhance intelligence gathering and surveillance across the custodial centres, we appeal to the Federal Government to assist in funding the required modern surveillance technologies while encouraging inter-agency collaborations.

In most developed countries, private individuals and companies run prisons in partnership with governments. It might be good to try this out with a few facilities. Private participation in such ventures always have positive outcomes.

In most developed countries, prisoners have the opportunity of acquiring good education or other vocational skills in ways that totally engage them and also provide economic leverage for the facilities through the sale of their works. The NCoS might do well to improve on the welfare of prisoners to make them more productive. That is a sure way of engaging their minds and taking them off connivance with guards to bring in and hide contraband.

Prisons are essential parts of society so they must be made to perform the roles they were set up for, part of which is a reasonable denial of freedom and access to communication gadgets. Prison staff must be trained and retrained to learn modern technology which aids surveillance of not just the prisoner but also the personnel. The system must be made more functional for things like the ones under review to stop. Space and electricity is an issue too.

The essence of the new nomenclature, correctional facility means that prisons are not meant to totally obfuscate the inmates. Certain levels of comfort must be availed them. It is time to really make the facilities more human-friendly without indulging the inmates with contraband.

The National Forum of Former Legislators, Ekiti State chapter, has said it is mobilising support across the grassroots to ensure Governor Biodun Oyebanji secures no fewer than 500,000 votes in the June 20, 2026, governorship poll and to boost President Bola Tinubu’s re-election bid ahead of the 2027 presidential poll.

The state coordinator of the forum, Dr. Ifeoluwa Arowosoge, disclosed this during the inauguration of the forum’s 16 local government chapters in Ado Ekiti.

Arowosoge said members of the forum had been transformed into campaign councils across the state to intensify mobilisation for the re-election of Oyebanji and Tinubu.

He explained that the inauguration of the Ado Local Government chapter completed the establishment of the forum in all the 16 local government areas of the state.

Arowosoge disclosed that members across the 177 wards in Ekiti had already commenced campaigns and aggressive mobilisation ahead of the governorship election.

He said: ‘As part of our strategic political engagement, we have constituted campaign councils ahead of the June 20 governorship poll. We expect that the charge given to our members to deliver a minimum of 500,000 votes will be fully realised, considering the fact that our members across the 177 wards have already commenced campaigns in earnest.

‘I am confident that both our governor and Mr President, who have been overwhelmingly endorsed for second terms by former councillors, former members of the State House of Assembly and former members of the National Assembly, will benefit immensely from the activities of the forum through improved voter mobilisation and reduction in voter apathy.’

Arowosoge noted that the objectives of the forum extended beyond politics and elections, adding that the body was committed to collaborating with legislative institutions in promoting quality legislation, good governance and policy development.

He added that the forum would also mentor aspiring lawmakers through seminars, workshops and training programmes aimed at strengthening democratic governance.

He commended local government coordinators for mobilising members across wards for the inaugurations and urged newly inaugurated officials to ensure landslide victories for the APC candidates in future elections.

He also lauded the Chief of Staff to the President, Femi Gbajabiamila, whom he described as the convener of the forum, for initiating the platform.

Arowosoge further praised the National Coordinator of the forum, Hon. Raphael Nnanna Igbokwe, for his role in inaugurating the Ekiti chapter of the body.

Also speaking, a former Speaker of the Ekiti State House of Assembly, Olubunmi Adelugba, and a former lawmaker, Gabriel Ogundele, described the forum as a strategic platform capable of reshaping the political landscape of the state.