N’Assembly and the business of taking a little more time off

For a Parliament that spends much of its time telling Nigerians that there is no time to waste, the National Assembly appears to have found a little more time after all.

The Senate and House of Representatives were expected to return from their annual recess on September 15. Instead, lawmakers have been given another two weeks.

The new date is September 29.

The explanation, this time, is renovation. According to a statement issued by Kamoru Ogunlana, the Clerk to the National Assembly, , the extension was approved by Senate President Godswill Akpabio and Speaker Tajudeen Abbas to allow the completion of ongoing rehabilitation work in the two chambers.

‘This postponement, as directed by the President of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives, is to allow for the completion of the ongoing rehabilitation work in the two chambers,’ Ogunlana said.

There is, of course, nothing unusual about a Parliament adjusting its calendar when circumstances demand it.

The National Assembly has a legislative recess every year, and the break is not technically a holiday in the conventional sense. Committees are expected to continue working, lawmakers are expected to undertake constituency engagements and oversight activities, while the machinery of Parliament continues outside the chambers.

The problem is what happens when the scheduled return itself begins to look negotiable.This is not the first time.

And it is becoming difficult for Nigerians to distinguish between a Parliament taking a necessary break and one that appears increasingly comfortable extending it.

The 2026 annual recess has already lasted for weeks. The latest two-week extension means lawmakers will spend even longer away from plenary before returning to the chambers.

The National Assembly’s own legislative calendar shows that recesses are built into the parliamentary year.

The current calendar, for instance, provides for annual recess as part of the legislative programme.

But the issue is not whether lawmakers should have recess. They should.

The issue is whether a legislature that has already scheduled its working year should repeatedly move the goalpost whenever the return date approaches.

The answer has increasingly been yes.

In September 2025, for instance, both chambers were originally expected to resume on September 23 after their annual recess. That date was pushed back to October 7, effectively adding another two weeks to the break.

The official notice did not initially give a reason for the postponement, although it was at the time linked the delay to committee work, consultations and the October 1 Independence Day celebrations.

That was not an isolated incident.

In January 2025, the National Assembly shifted its resumption from January 28 to February 4 to allow lawmakers to complete budget defence sessions.

Three months later, the Senate and House again extended their break, moving the resumption of plenary from April 29 to May 6. The extension came after the chambers had gone on Easter and Eid-el-Fitr holidays.

The pattern goes further back.

In September 2024, the House of Representatives postponed its resumption from September 17 to September 24. The chamber said it would use the period to prepare for the inauguration of committees and other legislative business when members returned.

And in April 2024, the National Assembly also extended its recess.

So, by the time another two-week extension arrives in September 2026, Nigerians have enough history to ask a reasonable question:At what point does an extension stop being an exception and become part of the calendar?

It is important to make the distinction. A parliamentary recess is not inherently wasteful.

Lawmakers are not expected to sit in plenary 365 days a year. Parliamentarians have constituency responsibilities. Committees conduct hearings, investigations and oversight outside plenary. There are international parliamentary engagements, consultations and legislative drafting that happen away from the floor.

The National Assembly has also repeatedly argued that its lawmakers remain busy during recess.

When the House postponed its 2024 resumption, its spokesman, Akin Rotimi, said members had used the recess for constituency outreach and oversight of ministries, departments and agencies.

That is legitimate parliamentary work.But it raises another question:how much of that work can Nigerians see, measure and evaluate?

Because the chamber may be empty while committees are busy, but the public still needs evidence that the Parliament is getting value from the time.

This matters particularly because the National Assembly has a long list of unfinished business.

Constitutional amendments remain on the table. State police has consumed years of legislative attention. Local government autonomy remains a major constitutional and political issue. There are bills awaiting concurrence between both chambers. Committees continue to investigate government agencies and public spending.

The work does not exactly appear to be waiting for them to return.

In July 2025, for example, the House threatened to stop considering Senate-sponsored bills because of what it described as prolonged delays in the Senate’s concurrence to more than 140 bills already passed by the lower chamber. The dispute offered a glimpse into how legislative business can pile up even while both chambers are formally functioning.

That is why the calendar matters.Every additional week away from plenary may look insignificant in isolation. Put together over several years, however, repeated postponements begin to raise questions about legislative efficiency.

This is where the conversation becomes uncomfortable.

Members of the National Assembly continue to receive their statutory salaries and applicable allowances during recess.

There is no rule that says a senator or member of the House should stop being paid simply because plenary is not sitting. They remain elected public officials and, technically, their responsibilities do not disappear when the chambers adjourn.

But that is precisely why the public expects the work to continue.

The Revenue Mobilisation Allocation and Fiscal Commission, which determines the remuneration package for federal lawmakers, clarified in 2024 that a senator’s monthly salary and allowances under the statutory package amounted to N1,063,860.

The commission listed components including constituency allowance, vehicle fuelling and maintenance, domestic staff, personal assistant, entertainment, utilities, wardrobe and newspapers.

RMAFC also clarified that some other entitlements are paid periodically rather than monthly. Furniture allowance, for example, is listed at N6.079 million once during a tenure, while severance gratuity is also N6.079 million. A vehicle allowance of N8.106 million is described as an optional loan.

Those figures have remained controversial, especially because the public conversation around lawmakers’ pay has often gone far beyond the statutory figures.

The commission itself has repeatedly had to explain what is legally prescribed and what has been alleged as additional running costs.

So, when lawmakers extend a recess, the public does not merely see two extra weeks on a calendar.

It sees two extra weeks in which plenary is not taking place while the cost of maintaining the legislature continues.

That is why the National Assembly should not be surprised when Nigerians ask whether every extension is justified.

There is an easy temptation to make this a morality play: lawmakers are relaxing while ordinary Nigerians are working.

That would be too simplistic.

Lawmakers, like other public officials, are entitled to leave and breaks. And a senator travelling to his constituency to meet constituents may arguably be doing more useful work than sitting in the chamber for hours.

But Parliament is different from an ordinary office. Its output is not measured simply by attendance, it is measured by laws passed, oversight conducted, public spending scrutinised, government agencies held accountable and national problems confronted.

And that is where the National Assembly has a responsibility to show Nigerians that recess is not synonymous with inactivity.

If committees are working, let Nigerians see the reports.nIf lawmakers are conducting oversight, publish the findings. If constituency consultations are taking place, document them. If bills are being processed while plenary is suspended, make the progress visible.

If renovation is the reason for postponing resumption, explain what work is being done, how much it costs and why it could not be completed within the original recess period.

That is how a reasonable explanation becomes accountability rather than another announcement Nigerians are expected to accept.

There is also a subtle institutional problem.

Every time the National Assembly changes its resumption date, it sends a message about how seriously it treats the legislative calendar.

The public calendar is supposed to provide predictability. Government agencies, civil society organisations, journalists, lobby groups and ordinary citizens plan around it. Bills are scheduled. Hearings are anticipated. Constituents make arrangements to meet lawmakers.When the date moves, everyone adjusts.

The National Assembly has done this several times in recent years.

In 2025 alone, there were postponements around the January resumption, the April return and the September annual recess. In 2024, there were also extensions, including the April break and the September return.

That is enough to make the issue bigger than September 29.

It is about whether the National Assembly needs a more disciplined legislative calendar that leaves less room for last-minute adjustments.

For now, the new date is September 29.

By then, the renovation should be completed and both chambers should be ready for business.

And there will be plenty of it.

The 2027 political season is already beginning to cast a long shadow over national politics. Electoral reforms, constitutional amendments, budget preparations, oversight of government agencies, security concerns and economic pressures will all compete for legislative attention.

There is therefore a legitimate reason for Nigerians to expect the National Assembly to return ready to work. Not merely ready to sit, but ready to produce.

The danger is that the conversation around another postponed resumption becomes another two-day story: the chambers are empty, social media complains, lawmakers explain, and everybody moves on.

It should not. The more useful question is what the National Assembly intends to accomplish when it finally returns.

After all, Nigerians are not asking lawmakers never to rest.They are asking that when Parliament is working, it works.

And if the National Assembly needs another two weeks, the public deserves more than a new date. It deserves a clear sense of what those two weeks are buying.

At some point, ‘resumption has been postponed’ stops sounding like an administrative adjustment and starts sounding like a habit.

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