11th Senate presidency and the burden of allegiance

Barely three months before the January 16 National Assembly elections, the battle for the presidency of the 11th Senate is already gathering steam, with aspirants facing the first crucial test of winning senatorial seats before entering the high-stakes contest for the coveted office.

Beyond the political manoeuvring, the contest raises a defining question of whether the next Senate President would defend the independence of the legislature and the interests of Nigerians, or serve the political interests of the ruling party and the president.

For Nigerians who have watched the 10th Senate operate since June 2023, the question is particularly important. BusinessDay reports that the legislature is constitutionally expected to check the excesses of the executive, scrutinise public expenditure, protect citizens’ interests and ensure that government policies reflect the needs of the country.

However, critics and analysts have consistently accused the current Senate of surrendering too much of its independence to the executive, earning it the appellation of a rubber-stamp legislature.

Abubakar Kari, professor of Political Sociology at the University of Abuja, has described the trend as a threat to democracy. Kari said it was unfortunate that the legislature had become ‘a refuge for benchwarmers and people who are more interested in hefty pay.’

In a telephone interview with our correspondent, Kari expressed particular concern over the Senate, which he said had become ‘a retirement hall’ for former governors.

‘In a cycle of four years, you find that nothing is heard of some of them; they don’t even move any motion or contribute to debates,’ he said.

Kari said that many lawmakers rarely sponsor bills or perform their representational duties, adding that ‘they have an entirely different reason for going there.’

He said, ‘They are not performing, and they don’t even intend to perform. They are only representing their interests.’

The emerging ambitions of Godswill Akpabio, Senate President and former governor of Akwa Ibom State; Adams Oshiomhole, senator representing Edo North, former governor of Edo State, former national chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC) and former president of the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), and Hope Uzodimma, governor of Imo State and chairman of the Progressives Governors Forum (PGF), extend beyond the battle for the number three citizen.

It raises questions about legislative independence, executive influence and whether the next Senate will offer Nigerians a stronger institution or merely reproduce the existing political arrangement.

Although the three politicians have different political histories, their ambitions converge around the same institution and the opportunity to influence the direction of national governance.

All three have secured APC tickets for their respective senatorial districts ahead of 2027, setting the stage for a high-stakes succession battle.

On October 15, senators endorsed Godswill Akpabio for another term, declaring ‘no vacancy’ in the next Senate leadership if the incumbent returned.

Akpabio and the politics of continuity

For Akpabio, Senate President since June 2023, retaining his seat is as much about political influence as continuity. His unwavering loyalty to President Tinubu has, however, fuelled criticism that the Senate under his watch has become a rubber stamp for the executive.

Akpabio has publicly assured Tinubu of the National Assembly’s support, including for his second-term ambition. On another occasion, he declared that Nigerians could say whatever they liked, but the Senate would not fight the president; a remark that reinforced concerns about legislative independence.

Critics point to the Senate’s swift approval of presidential loan requests, confirmation of controversial nominees and passage of contentious bills, including the restoration of Nigeria’s old national anthem, as evidence of its reluctance to challenge the executive.

Dissenting lawmakers have also faced disciplinary action. Abdul Ningi, senator representing Bauchi Central, was suspended in March 2024 after alleging discrepancies in the 2024 budget. Ali Ndume, senator representing Borno South, was removed as Senate Chief Whip in July 2024 after criticising Tinubu’s handling of economic hardship.

While Akpabio’s supporters argue that cooperation with the presidency promotes stability and facilitates governance, critics warn that excessive loyalty risks reducing the legislature’s constitutional oversight role to political allegiance.

With Nigerians battling rising living costs, insecurity and unemployment, the central question is whether the Senate can hold the executive accountable while maintaining a working relationship with the president. For Akpabio, the pursuit of continuity must contend with growing scrutiny of the independence of the institution he leads.

Oshiomhole: The unbending labour leader in the Senate

Oshiomhole built his reputation as a fearless labour leader, known for confronting powerful interests and refusing to back down under pressure. His challenge to Akpabio over the Senate Standing Orders amendments in May 2026 reinforced that combative image.

The amendments sought to restrict Senate leadership positions to lawmakers with at least two consecutive terms but were later rescinded amid concerns over their implications.

Oshiomhole’s opposition exposed the political stakes in controlling the Senate and raised questions about legislative independence.

His record as a former governor, party chairman and labour leader suggests a politician unafraid of confrontation. The greater test, however, is whether he would translate that reputation into institutional reform.

Observers have asked whether he could protect minority rights, strengthen oversight of executive spending, encourage robust debate and resist attempts to turn the Senate into an extension of the presidency if given the mandate.

Oshiomhole’s greatest test would be to prove that his resistance to pressure extends beyond political battles to defending the Senate’s independence, even when doing so conflicts with the interests of his party or the executive.

Uzodimma and the presidential connection

As Chairman of the Progressives Governors’ Forum (PGF) and prominent APC figure, Uzodimma commands political networks that could shape the contest for the next Senate presidency.

He represented Imo West in the Senate from 2011 to 2019 before becoming governor in January 2020. But his ambition raises a question of timing.

His tenure as governor ends in January 2028, while the 11th National Assembly is expected to be inaugurated in June 2027. To take his Senate seat, he would have to address the constitutional prohibition against simultaneously holding both offices, potentially leaving the governorship early.

The Senate presidency offers considerable influence over legislative priorities, committee assignments and negotiations with the executive. For Uzodimma, it could provide a platform in national politics beyond Imo State.

However, his close ties to President Tinubu raise a fundamental question of whether that relationship would strengthen legislative-executive cooperation or weaken the Senate’s independence.

Analysts argue that while presidential access could ease negotiations over legislation and policy, it cannot substitute for independent oversight.

The real test is whether Uzodimma would scrutinise executive borrowing, budgets and appointments, and defend senators who challenge presidential decisions even within his own party, if given the mandate.

Weighing the contenders

Tahir Monguno, Senate Chief Whip representing Borno North, and Cyril Fasuyi, senator representing Ekiti North, had endorsed Godswill Akpabio for a second term as Senate President during plenary.

Monguno declared that ‘there is no vacancy,’ while Fasuyi said the Senate presidency was ‘not open to any contest’ as it was ‘already occupied by Senator Godswill Akpabio,’ expressing optimism that Akpabio would win the senatorial poll and return to the Senate.

But Jackson Lekan Ojo, a political analyst, has described Adams Oshiomhole as the ‘lesser evil’ among the three potential contenders for the Senate presidency, arguing that his courage and independence could help protect the legislature from executive interference.

In a telephone interview with BusinessDay, Ojo said Oshiomhole would be better positioned than Hope Uzodimma to assert the Senate’s independence if President Bola Tinubu secures a second term.

‘The three of them are birds of a feather, but among them, Oshiomhole can be a better Senate president because he may not be cowed by any president,’ he said.

Ojo described Oshiomhole as bold enough to take principled decisions, warning that Uzodimma’s emergence could weaken the legislature further.

‘If Uzodimma becomes Senate president and Tinubu becomes president again, they will close down the Senate. Senators will be meeting at the Banquet Hall of the Presidential Villa. The three of them are not good, but Oshiomhole is the lesser evil,’ he added.

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