Unipolarism, in the context of international political order, is when a single nation holds superior military, economic and technological powers over other nations. Without a counterforce, unipolarism is liable to serve purposes other than good. This is because man, whether as individual or head of institution, tends to be evil in the absence of checks and balances. Pax Britanica, 1815-1914, was the first instance of unipolarism in the modern time. The opposite is bipolarism.
In ‘Africa and the International Political System,’ Professor Lawrence Baraebibai Ekpebu defined bipolarism as a system of Balance of Power based on two opposing blocs of alliance that must not necessarily be confrontational (Ekpebu:159). Nevertheless, it carries with it the seed of its own destruction as seen in the deadly rivalry between the Nato Bloc and Warsaw Bloc. The collapse of the USSR in 1991 led to the reemergence of the extant unipolar world in which the United States, the surviving Super Power, reigns supreme (Ekpebu: 160). On 3rd January 2026, the US unilaterally invaded Venezuela and abducted President Nicolas Maduro.
The watchword is ‘apex’ in configuring Ohanaeze as the most powerful socio-cultural organization for the Igbo at home and in the Diaspora. Its superiority over other associations like the World Igbo Congress, Aka Ikenga, Ekwe Nche, Ndigbo Lagos, etc, effectively created a unipolar Igbo world where the body cannot be censored. There is no opposing counterforce to check and balance it.
I propose to tender two documents showing instances of how Onanaeze’s inactions impacted negatively on the Igbo interests.
Document One: NMGP/AAGP
The first document contains particulars of a suit filed by the leadership of the Ijaw Nation Forum, INF, titled, ‘In The Community Court of Justice of The Economic Community of West African States (Ecowas) Holden At Abuja, Nigeria: Case Number: ECW/CCJ/APP/20/26; Case Title: 1. Kabowei Akamande. 2. Felix Tuodolo PhD (Applicants) AND 1. The Federal Republic of Nigeria (Respondent); dated 20th May 2026.’ The Applicants are challenging the genocidal Nigeria-Morocco Gas Pipeline, NMGP, (also known as the African Atlantic Gas Pipeline, AAGP) as resource terrorism against the Ijaw.
This is the historical background of the suit: In 1591, Moroccan Arabs conquered Black African Songhai Empire at the Battle of Tondibi and imposed their suzerainty over much of what is today’s West Africa. From that date the Islamic world recognized West Africa as Moroccan exclusive sphere of influence. The INF leaders are grounded on this Islamist history and rightly saw the trap in Morocco building this pipeline without even bothering to talk to the apex Ijaw National Congress, INC. Before going to court, the Applicants protested to Europe in whose name Morocco is building the pipeline (see Dr Felix Tuodolo and Kabowei Akamande’s ‘Nigeria-Morocco Gas Pipeline is Crime Against Ijaws of the Niger Delta: Open Letter to Ms Ursula Gertrud von der Leyen, President of European Commission’).
In 1969, nine years after British colonialism, Morocco reasserted its suzerainty over Nigeria ordering General Yakubu Gowon to enlist Nigeria as Observer in the Organisation of Islamic Community (later Cooperation), OIC. Gowon complied. In 1986, Morocco again ordered General Ibrahim Babangida to upgrade Nigeria to full membership of OIC. Babangida complied but Commodore Ebitu Ukiwe objected and was removed from office. Morocco was signatory to the OIC Abuja Declaration of 1989 to the effect that Nigeria should be fully Sharia compliant with no place for Western democracy (see Uma O. Eleazu’s ‘Nigeria as I See It: Reflections on the Challenge of Leadership,’ Green and Cherished, 2020. p.222).
The 2014 Islamist decision to remove the Ijaw-born President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan from office was taken in Morocco. Jonathan was removed in 2015 and in 2016 President Mohammadu Buhari and King Mohammed VI of Morocco hatched the illegal NMGP/AAGP without recourse to Nigerian National Assembly. In 2017, Morocco applied as full member of ECOWAS while using Muslim-headed member states to oppose Observer Status for Israel.
The NMGP/AAGP agreements effectively transferred the ownerships of Ijaw and Igbo gas fields to Morocco. Measuring 5600 kilometers from Brass in Bayelsa State to Morocco, the pipeline is 48 inches wide. It will carry 3 billion standard cubic feet, scf, of gas daily, from Igboland and Ijawland to Morrocco where Liquified Natural Gas, LNG, plants will then be built for Morocco to sell gas to Europe. The OIC, Arab-Islamic Summit, Muslim Brotherhood, etc, are backing Morocco in this pipeline being funded by the Islamic Development Bank (see ‘West African leaders sign pact for $25bn Nigeria-Morocco gas pipeline.’ The Punch, 20th July 2026).
Akamande and Tuodolo understand how the Islamist ‘crawling revolution’ operates: After the pipeline, ECOWAS common currency will be next. Then Arabic will be imposed over ECOWAS countries. Already, Morocco negotiates ECOWAS security with the African Command, Africom. The Applicants went to the ECOWAS Court armed with pre-colonial treaties between their Ijaw ancestors and the British. The treaties recognize Ijaw rights over Ijaw territories and minerals. Some 334 of these treaties are valid today (see Ambily Etekpe et al’s ‘HAROLD DAPPA-BIRIYE: His Contributions to Politics in Nigeria,’ pp. 17-18).
Apart from the NMGP/AAGP, the OIC also influenced the construction of the Trans-Saharan Gas Pipeline, TSGP, from Warri to Algeria. The project was halted by the Henry Okah-led Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta, MEND. Okah is today a Prisoner of War (POW). Since his incarceration in South Africa, work on the TSGP is near completion. But it is on record that on 1st October 2025, the INF sent Akamande to the Office of South African President Cyril Ramaphosa to hand-deliver its petition demanding for the immediate release of its POW Okah.
My point is, what did the Chief Gary Enwo-Igariwey-led Ohanaeze do to halt the capture of the Ohaji/Egbema gas fields by Morocco? Question must also be asked why the President of Ohanaeze Ndigbo Youth Council Worldwide, Okwu Nnabuike, issued a press statement in 2024 claiming Ohanaeze was happy with the corrupt Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) for appointing Adedapo Segun as Chief Financial Officer, Isiyaku Abdullahi as Executive Vice President (EVP) for Downstream, and Udobong Ntia as EVP for Upstream.
Not to be outdone, in 2025 one Igboayaka who fronts for Ohanaeze Youth Council, OYC, petitioned the House of Representatives to remove an Igbo woman, Mrs. Sophia Mbakwe, as the EVP for Business Services of the NNPCL because she was not from the South East. Afenifere, the apex Pan-Yoruba socio-cultural group, defends Yoruba women. But clueless Ohanaeze led in the campaign against Mrs. Mbakwe. Of the NMGP/AAGP, Nnabuike and Igboayaka showed no interest. You must close your eyes to see how Ndigbo are being decimated by Ohanaeze.
Document Two: Aba State Creation
My second document emanated from the Chief John Nwodo-led Ohanaeze, titled, ‘RECOMMENDATION OF OHANAEZE COMMITTEE ON STATE CREATION.’ It was jointly signed by Professor Chigozie Ogbu and Barrister Uche Okwukwu, dated 10th October 2018 and addressed to Governor Dave Umahi, Chairman of the South East Governors Forum.
Background to this document: In 2018, Buhari informed Afenifere he was willing to recognize MKO Abiola as winner of the June 12 1993 Presidential Election and declare June 12 as Democracy Day. Afenifere cooperated with Buhari. Buhari also told Ohanaeze he acknowledged the post-war injustices visited on Ndigbo. As a remediation measure, he said he was willing to create a sixth state for Ndigbo in the South East. He asked Ohanaeze to bring him the name of our preferred state for creation. Chief Nwodo constituted the Ohanaeze Committee on State Creation. The committee did its job and I quote the relevant sections of its report:
On 11th September 2018, the President-General of Ohanaeze Ndigbo, Chief Barr John Nnia Nwodo, inaugurated a committee of the whole house headed by the Vice President-General (Ebonyi), Prof. Chigozie Ogbu, OFR, and the Secretary-General, Barr Uche Okwukwu as Secretary, charged with the responsibility of recommending a new state for creation in the South East.
The Committee met first on September 27th, 2018 where the leaders of the following State Creation Movements, namely, Aba, Adada, Anim, Equity, Etiti and Orimili, addressed the Committee and presented documents in support of their demand…. The Committee considered the merit for the creation of Aba and Adada States respectively, resolved and recommended for the creation of Aba State with 12 members supporting and 5 abstaining….The Committee further resolved to immediately submit the recommendation for the creation of Aba State to the South East Governors Forum.
When the committee tendered its 10th October 2018 report in favor of Aba State creation, Nwodo, who favored Adada State creation, coming from Enugu State, refused to tender the report to Governor Umahi for onward transmission to Buhari. That was how Nwodo used Ohanaeze to deny Ndigbo a sixth state.
Complementary Duality/Conclusion
According to Professor Nwoga, the Principle of Complementary Duality shaped the Igbo ontological and eschatological philosophies. Ndigbo believe nothing stands alone as there must be something standing beside anything for support or opposition. We see things in two: ‘Ndu na onwu’ (life and death); ‘Chineke na ekwensu’ (God and Devil); ‘Nne na nna’ (mother and father), etc. Nothing is absolute unto itself; the Igbo reject unipolarism or central authority figure.
Onuma is at peace with complementary duality. Rather than a parallel Ohanaeze, he favours ‘ako na uche’ as the bedrock of his reforms aimed at creating the requisite checks and balances to make the association more responsive to the changing times. His reforms include: One, Democratization of ako-na-uche to make it more transparent, term limit for Ohanaeze office holders, rotational presidency; and women and youth inclusiveness. Above all, ‘We need formal channels for dissent, ways for people to disagree without being seen as troublemakers’ (Onuma: 110).
Two, ako-na-uche must be translated to strategy with clear timeline, benchmark and accountability if Ndigbo must be patient with Ohanaeze. Targets must be clearly defined and measured for Ndigbo to know when Ohanaeze if drifting. The immense possibilities ushered in by the Information Revolution must be adopted to bring the association closer to Ndigbo.
And three, Ohanaeze must mobilised the Igbo Diaspora (Onuma: 110,111).
The author is optimistic Ohanaeze can do better. Even if it cannot control Nigeria’s trajectory, it can position itself to respond effectively to whatever the future unfolds. He wants the body to maintain relationships across Nigeria while preserving the autonomy to criticise and challenge. It could advocate for Nigeria to reform while maintaining an open mind that such reforms may not come. That means keeping all options open- including, for some, the option of self-determination- while remaining committed to dialogue and negotiation (Onuma: 466).