Author: Nouman Ali

Ayala-backed Globe Telecom Inc. has tapped First Gen Corp. to supply renewable energy to key facilities in Mindanao and Caloocan, shifting part of its power requirements away from imported fuel.

Three Globe facilities in Mindanao will receive electricity from geothermal energy while a site in Caloocan City will get supply from hydropower.

Both sources are ‘not dependent on imported fuel, helping reduce exposure to global fuel price volatility,’ the telecommunications firm said.

‘As demand for connectivity grows, how we power our network matters just as much as how we build it,’ said Yoly Crisanto, Globe’s chief sustainability and corporate communications officer.

‘Shifting to local renewable energy allows us to operate more responsibly while ensuring we remain reliable for the people and communities we serve,’ Crisanto said.

Globe said the transition was enabled by the government’s Retail Competition and Open Access and the Green Energy Option Program. These enable large electricity users to source power directly from renewable energy providers.

Globe has been partnering with First Gen since 2020 to expand its renewable-powered facilities, targeting more than 70 sites by 2026.

In 2024, the telco also signed a power purchase agreement with First Gen.

Data center arm

To advance its shift to renewables, Globe’s data center arm, STT GDC Philippines, recently tapped Meralco supplier MPower to power its Quezon City and Cavite facilities with renewable energy under a 10-year supply deal.

This agreement covers 40.5 megawatts of clean energy for its STT Fairview 1 and STT Cavite data center campuses.

Apart from shifting to renewables, Globe said it is also implementing fuel-efficiency measures for facilities that still rely on nonrenewable sources, particularly remote sites and backup systems powered by generator sets.

These include dynamic load management systems designed to optimize fuel use. ‘As Globe continues to expand its digital infrastructure, it remains focused on powering connectivity in a way that balances performance, sustainability and long-term value for the communities it serves,’ it said.

The United States and Israel’s attacks on Iran have now embroiled the entire Middle East in a war characterized by the use of large quantities of missiles and drones.

Like Russia’s aggression against Ukraine, the United States and Israel are using naked force to push ahead with their own political agendas. The law-of-the-jungle aphorism of ‘might makes right’ seems to be sweeping across the world. Does this mean that the world has entered an era in which military power alone holds sway?

I don’t think so. When observing the two wars, doubts arise about whether military power is actually helping to achieve the goals. Both wars were launched to attain political objectives in a short period of time, but things are not going as desired by those countries.

The US and Israel seem to have established air superiority over Iran just a few days into their offensive. Nonetheless, Iran has not surrendered and is instead continuously staging counterattacks on other Middle Eastern countries that host US military bases.

Moreover, Iran has declared a closure of the Strait of Hormuz, taking bold steps to choke off supplies from the Gulf area to the rest of the world, and the United States has been unable to take any effective countermeasures against this.

In other words, these two wars show that no matter how overwhelming the difference in military power between the two sides is, it is not so easy to force an opposing country that resolutely resists to accept political demands in a short period of time, let alone force it to ‘unconditionally surrender.’

There are several factors that make it difficult to accomplish political objectives through destructive physical force or threats.

The first factor is the opposing country’s firm resolve not to yield. Ukraine, for instance, has maintained its resolute stance not to capitulate to Russia’s unjustifiable demands, in spite of the US’ calls for a ceasefire. In Iran, the Israeli intelligence agency apparently expected to see moves to topple its leadership from within emerge right after the beginning of the US-Israeli attacks, but no such thing has happened, even after the killing of many leaders.

Second, international norms regarding military action during conflicts are still in effect to a certain degree, although they have been weakened. Nevertheless, no countries have publicly declared their intention to kill civilians in large numbers, and situations like the indiscriminate air raids in World War II have been avoided so far.

Third, the asymmetry of the weapons and tactics used in modern warfare is also significant. Even if a country cannot defeat an attacker using the same types of weapons or tactics, it may still be able to counter them by employing different types of weapons or tactics. If Iran says it will lay inexpensive mines to block the Strait of Hormuz, ship operators will inevitably hesitate to travel through the waterway even if there are not a large number of mines.

Fourth, global economic interdependence reduces the use of destructive force and mitigates the impact of intimidation. The interdependence of the global economy is complex. Even if there are no deep economic ties with a hostile nation, a country that takes military action will face various economic repercussions.

The US itself is hardly dependent on Middle Eastern crude oil, but Iran’s counterattacks on other Gulf nations and the Islamic Republic’s closure of the Strait of Hormuz have sent Middle Eastern crude oil prices soaring.

A spike in energy prices leads to spiraling prices for other products and supply constraints. Stock markets react to concerns about these situations, fluctuating wildly as people get excited or discouraged regarding the course of the war. If the closure of the Strait of Hormuz is prolonged, the situation could bring about a crisis far more serious for the global economy than the oil crises of the 1970s.

The outbreak of the war in Ukraine and that in the Middle East has worsened the circumstances of all the countries involved. In short, military power doesn’t help achieve political objectives.

Needless to say, it isn’t easy to end a war once it starts, since nations, too, don’t always act rationally. However, the continuation of the wars in Ukraine and the Middle East will bring nothing but harm to not only the countries directly involved but also the entire world.

The most rational choice in both wars is first and foremost to achieve a ceasefire. It is crucial to persuade the countries directly involved of this. The Japan News/Asia News Network

Akihiko Tanaka is president of the Japan International Cooperation Agency, a post he took up in April 2022 for the second time after his first stint from 2012 to 2015. He also served as vice president of the University of Tokyo from 2009 to 2012. He was president of the Tokyo-based National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies from 2017 to March 2022.

The Philippine Daily Inquirer is a member of the Asia News Network, an alliance of 22 media titles in the region.

The Philippine Chamber of Commerce and Industry (PCCI) threw its support behind the possible lifting of the moratorium on new coal-fired power plants, which it said could be an ‘essential bridge’ to keep businesses running amid the energy crisis.

‘Our economy cannot run on uncertainty,’ PCCI president Ferdinand Ferrer said in a statement on Wednesday.

‘While the transition to renewable energy remains our long-term goal, our immediate priority must be the stability and affordability of our power grid.’

This comes after Energy Secretary Sharon Garin said the Department of Energy is open to revisiting the 2020 ban, particularly amid surging fuel prices amid tensions in the Middle East, which had prompted the Philippines to declare an energy emergency.

‘Pragmatic solution’

PCCI, the country’s largest business group, said the move could serve as a ‘temporary and pragmatic’ step to stabilize supply, even as the country continues to scale up renewable energy capacity.

Any policy shift, it added, should not derail long-term clean energy goals but instead act as a bridge to address immediate needs.

‘This is not about choosing between coal and renewables, it is about ensuring the lights stay on, businesses remain competitive and households are protected from rising costs,’ said David Chua, director for energy at PCCI.

Call for ‘policy flexibility’

PCCI cited three key pressures behind the need for policy flexibility: the need for steady baseload power as manufacturing expands; persistently high electricity rates that blunt competitiveness; and exposure to swings in global oil and gas prices.

As such, the group said any new coal capacity should use high-efficiency technologies and form part of a broader transition plan.

It also urged the government to expand natural gas and liquefied natural gas, while accelerating renewables, energy storage and grid modernization.

‘We must be flexible enough to adapt our policies to the realities of 2026,’ Ferrer said. ‘Lifting this moratorium provides the essential bridge we need to keep the lights on and the factories running while we continue to build our renewable capacity.’

Last year’s Typhoon Tino dropped a month’s worth of rain over the course of a few hours, and left behind hundreds of deaths and millions of pesos in agricultural and structural damage. For some, Tino was an unavoidable tragedy and the direct result of an unforeseen natural disaster. But with questions of flood control and ghost projects, to others, it was an example of how corruption and institutional incompetence directly resulted in the loss of Filipino lives.

After firsthand accounts and videos of murky, mocha-colored flood waters surfaced in Barangay Guadalupe during the typhoon, many pointed to Slater Young’s The Rise at Monterrazas as a significant contributor to the flooding in Cebu. That is, on top of the Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR) slamming a cease-to-operate order on the project last November.

However, after the Environmental Management Bureau (EMB) Region 7 (Central Visayas) confirmed that it lifted the cessation of operations order (CDO) against the Monterrazas project, Young broke his silence on the matter.

‘That tragedy was real, and it deserves real answers, not speculation, not misinformation,’ said the content creator/civil engineer in a statement posted on YouTube. ‘We also know that what we experienced is nothing compared to the suffering of those who were directly affected by the flood. We tried to never lose sight of that, and we waited for the truth.’

Slater’s defense

‘When the accusations were made against the Monterrazas project, our first instinct was to respond immediately, but we held back because we believed that the right thing to do was to let the proper investigations run its course, to let the science and evidence speak rather than to add to all the noise and confusion,’ added Young, putting forward an independent study conducted by the Institute of Environmental Science and Meteorology (IESM) Environmental Hydrology Laboratory at the University of the Philippines, Diliman.

‘These were done by scientists with no connection to the project, no stake in the project,’ he added. ‘They found that Monterrazas did not cause or worsen the flooding. What caused it was the sheer volume of rain.’

According to the study, the Monterrazas project helped mitigate the occurrence of flash floods during Tino. Its detention ponds acted as stopgaps that held incoming rainwater, allowing it to flow slowly rather than having it all go down at once. The study also produced models and comparisons to prove that flooding levels would have been the same even without the existence of the Monterrazas site-and in fact, the project is said to have reduced overall flooding in the area by around two percent compared to if the area was left undeveloped.

‘The science does not just say we did not cause the flooding, it says that the systems we had built in place helped reduce it. This is not our conclusion; this is theirs. This study is public, and anyone who wishes to go through it is free to do so,’ shared the Pinoy Big Brother winner.

Though, despite the facts and figures Young has put forward, public opinion has largely been left unchanged, with others unconvinced of the validity of the UP study cited. Although Young claims that several third-party researchers have peer-reviewed the findings and have reached similar conclusions, all we have so far is a Facebook summary that won’t hold up as an undeniable fact.

Should the IESM Environmental Hydrology Laboratory publish the complete study and its findings are supported by more environmental organizations, then this would likely result in greater support for Monterrazas. But even then, it’s also safe to say that even that won’t have much impact on the court of public opinion.

‘We understand that for some, no study or finding will ever be enough. Grief does not follow a timeline, and we respect that,’ Young added. ‘But Cebu deserves real solutions and real solutions can only come from correctly identifying the real cause-that is, work that is ongoing, and Monterrazas is committed to being a part of it; I am committed to being a part of it.’

Reactive, never preventive

After the Monterrazas development was placed under scrutiny following Typhoon Tino, DENR initially halted the project, citing several breaches of forestry and environmental laws, notably the Forestry Code of the Philippines, the Clean Water Act, the Philippine Environmental Impact Statement (EIS) System, as well as lapses in their Environmental Compliance Certificate.

It’s also important to note that more than 700 trees were reportedly cut down within Monterraza’s 140-hectare property.

In short, these violations were happening right under our noses, and it took a region-wide disaster and several viral TikToks for anything to be done about it. And to make things worse, while Young’s statement addressed the flooding aspect of the controversy, nothing regarding the violations was ever discussed.

According to EMB-7 Regional Director John Edward Ang, the order was lifted on the basis of ‘documented remedial works, compliance milestones, and settlement of penalties’ by The Mont Property Group, Inc., meaning, penalties were paid off, and lapses were made up for-after hundreds of lives were lost to Typhoon Tino. Again, too little too late.

But as easy as it is to solely direct anger and attention towards Young and Monterrazas, DENR and the Cebu local government are also to blame. Frankly, the spotlight on Young has directed attention away from the P26 billion in flood control funds Cebu received from 2016 to 2025 that have amounted to nothing, and the rules and regulations that allowed Monterrazas to operate to begin with.

Through DENR and the Cebu local government, penalties can be paid off and cease to operate orders can be simply lifted. Meanwhile, the people of Cebu lost their friends and family, their property, and their livelihoods. But Young and The Mont Property Group, Inc.? Barely anything by their standards. A few hate comments, a slap on the wrist, and the approval to carry on with the project.

In the coming months, when typhoon season hits again, what will be their solution? Will it be to simply add more compliance checks? More detention pools? What about improving environmental compliance standards to begin with? Why not outright ban developments in flood-prone areas? In the end, Young and Monterrazas are only playing by the rules they’ve set.

Developers can handle the fines and penalties this game of trial and error asks for. But everyone else? The best they can do is survive the flood.

So yes, as Young says, Cebu deserves real solutions. But simply adhering to the bare minimum set by DENR and the local government won’t be enough. After all, it’s that bare minimum that got the people of Cebu to where they are today.

Fresh off the box office hit ‘The Loved One,’ screenwriter and director Irene Emma Villamor returns with her latest offering, ‘Midnight Girls,’ starring Jodi Sta. Maria, Sanya Lopez, Jane Oineza, and Loisa Andalio. The film is a huge departure for Villamor, whose filmography is rife with stories revolving around the complex nature of love. From ‘Camp Sawi’ to ‘The Loved One,’ Villamor had always looked at the price of romance-especially in films like ‘Sid and Aya: Not a Love Story,’ ‘Ikaw at Ako at ang Ending,’ and ‘The Loved One’-where she argues that economics, politics, and society are of vital consequence to love and being in love.

‘Midnight Girls’ strays away from the central themes in most of Villamor’s filmography as she sets her camera on the bonds of sisterhood formed in a small community of Filipina hostesses in Japan. It’s an OFW story that centers on a different kind of love-that of family, both chosen and by blood.

Discussed, implied, but never shown

The four actresses represent the different struggles of the Filipina OFW in an exploitative industry. Sta. Maria’s Vicky has left her son in the Philippines and only communicates with him via video call on the phone. She provides for him, her grandmother, and other family members. Lopez plays Paris, who must navigate the difficulties of falling in love with a native, who may take her off her path. Meanwhile, Oineza plays Saki, who is struggling with the nature of the work while confused about her own gender identity.

And Andalio plays the latest arrival, Wanna, who is taken under the wing of the three older women and learns about the hardships of the work.

These hostesses, more popularly known as ‘japayuki’ (though I’m wary of using the term), work in bars and serve as companions for locals and tourists-mostly the former-and entertain them, getting them to order more drinks in exchange for large tips.

The film tells us that the clients have a ‘no touch’ policy, but we see it broken over and over as the girls and their patrons get comfy, seated beside each other and sharing drinks. This is Villamor’s approach to the story-the exploitation is discussed, implied, but never shown. But what is in full view here is the women’s humanity: The moments are spent showing them endure and persevere through their work-often questioned by people around them, and even sometimes themselves-and anchoring the narrative on why they do what they have to do.

Villamor is working hard to give these girls dignity and agency, presenting the film as a slice-of-life, rather than a plot-driven story. She carefully builds these women’s stories and amplifies the bonds that are formed from sharing these struggles.

Loisa andalo

Loisa Andalo in ‘Midnight Girls’

Immersing in the world

During a special screening leading up to the film’s opening in May, I had a chance to talk to Villamor about the film. She told me that they had spent a lot of time in Nagoya, Japan, interviewing the hostesses to gather their stories.

‘We were able to build other stories,’ she tells me, ‘and we gave them all to the producers-and this is what they chose. I was so happy it was this one that they gave the go signal to.’ She was happy because they chose the ensemble piece, which is something she really wanted to do. She calls out Marilou Diaz Abaya’s ‘Moral’ as her inspiration, and I can see it in the narrative structure and its elements.

When asked if it was hard shifting her lens to a different kind of story, Villamor says, ‘Yes! Kasi hindi siya ‘yung comfort zone ko-‘yung love story-at nakaka-challenge kasi nag-iisip pa rin ako ng panibagong love story.’

And this time, the focus is on love for family and the bonds of sisterhood. She claims that she had asked the universe for the chance to exercise her directing skills in another genre-and she truly was able to.

Women with agency

When I tell her about how the film never felt exploitative to me, she shares an anecdote about coming home after the one-month shoot-several days of immersion for the cast, 13 days of shooting-and where, during editing, she realized that the film had no sex scenes or scenes of abuse or the exploitation that is talked about by the characters.

‘Tama ba ‘yung ginawa ko?’ she questions, but because of the absence, the film now begins a dialogue with so many other previous Filipino films about OFW workers and the abuse and exploitation that they have received in their work. The absence is instantly filled by our own collective imagination of all the things we’ve seen on the news, on social media, and all the prior films that came before. ‘Midnight Girls’ ends up presenting us with the other side of the story.

Lopez, during the talk back, shared that this film does not present these women as victims. She emphasizes that the women are portrayed with agency, which elevates them from the usual representation.

Immersing themselves in the role

Sta, Maria reveals that she had studied extensively in preparation for the role-read articles and books on transnationalism and really engaged with the women whose lives were the basis for the characters on screen-and she adds that the women were present during filming, guiding them through the entire shoot so they could really represent them as accurately as possible.

They even had a translator on set, and the actors had to learn to speak Nihonggo for their scenes-most challenging for Sta. Maria, Lopez, and Oineza-as their characters have been living them for many years, and the delivery had to represent that.

But after all that practice, the moment the scene is done and they move off to the next, both Sta Maria and Lopez admit that they forgot the lines immediately.

A different kind of OFW story

Shot entirely in Nagoya, Japan, ‘Midnight Girls’ takes the expectations that are attached to the Filipina hostess in Japan and turns them on their head.

It never judges its characters-no matter how hard some characters judge them-but seeks to identify the social structure of the system that demands these kinds of sacrifices to be made. This is something that drew Sta Maria to the project-about how the film implicates how our own society and government have made these efforts necessary, by splitting families apart and building new homes in foreign lands.

The spectacle in the film is not the exploitation or the abuse but the bonds of the chosen family that help keep these women afloat. While the film has its dramatic moments, the most visually striking images are of how these women keep themselves together through the toughest events possible and the eventual reveal of their vulnerability.

The City Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Department (CDRRMD) on Thursday warned residents of dangerous heat levels after the heat index in Calapan reached 43 degrees Celsius.

A day before, the heat index in the city was at 42°C.

In an advisory issued at 11 a.m. on Thursday, the CDRRMD said the heat index, recorded at the Calapan City Public Market monitoring station, is under the ‘danger’ classification.

At this level, prolonged exposure to extreme heat may cause heat cramps, heat exhaustion, and even heat stroke, especially among vulnerable groups such as children, the elderly, and those with pre-existing medical conditions.

Authorities urged the public to take preventive measures to avoid heat-related illnesses, including drinking plenty of water, avoiding direct sun exposure between 10 a.m. and 4 p.m., and wearing light and breathable clothing.

Residents were also advised to limit outdoor and strenuous activities during peak heat hours.

The CDRRMD reminded the public to remain vigilant as high temperatures continue to affect parts of the country, and to seek immediate medical attention if symptoms of heat-related illnesses occur.

Travelers flying within and out of the Philippines are facing significantly higher airfares for the rest of April after the Civil Aeronautics Board (CAB) approved a Level 19 fuel surcharge, pushing additional charges to as much as P15,397 per ticket.

This new rate brings jet fuel surcharges close to the maximum Level 20 and marks a sharp increase from Level 8 imposed from April 1 to April 15.

Before the Middle East conflict broke out, Level 4 surcharge had applied.

Under Level 19, fuel surcharges for domestic flights now range from P627 to P1,834, up from P253 to P787 earlier in April-equivalent to increases of 147.83 percent and 133.04 percent, respectively.

For international flights, the surcharge rises to at least P2,070.77 and as much as P15,397.15, from P835.05 to P6,208.98 previously, representing a 147.98-percent increase.

CAB issued the advisory on Wednesday, although the new rates had taken effect for tickets issued starting April 16.

‘This interim measure shall be in effect until the current situation stabilizes, or as may be revised or revoked accordingly,’ it said.

These new rates will be applied at a conversion rate of P59.95 per US dollar.

Up 436% from prewar levels

This adjustment comes as global jet fuel prices remain high, reaching $184.63 per barrel as of April 17, from $99.40 per barrel prior to the Iran conflict, based on data from the International Air Transport Association.

Compared with prewar levels, Philippine jet fuel surcharges have now increased by 436 percent.

In March, carriers were unable to immediately reflect the price surge, as surcharges had already been set at Level 4 before hostilities escalated. At that level, domestic charges ranged from P117 to P342, while international surcharges were between P385.70 and P2,867.82.

Level 20 remains the highest allowable tier under CAB rules, with domestic surcharges ranging from P661 to P1,993 and international charges from P2,183.11 to P16,232.44.

On top of base airfare

Under CAB Resolution No. 25, Series of 2022, fuel surcharges are optional and charged on top of the base airfare. These may be removed if the one-month average price of jet fuel falls below P21 per liter.

In a statement, AirAsia Philippines said the increase reflects mounting cost pressures on carriers amid the ongoing conflict.

‘With the ongoing geopolitical uncertainty, our operational cost base has significantly exceeded initial forecasts-global jet fuel prices have surged to more than double 2025 levels,’ the airline said.

Former House Speaker and Leyte Rep. Martin Romualdez is still in the Philippines, according to his lawyer and spokesperson Ade Fajardo on Thursday.

In a statement, Romualdez’ camp acknowledged the precautionary hold departure order (PHDO) issued by the Sandiganbayan despite getting clearance from House Speaker Bojie Dy to travel to Singapore for a ‘long-overdue’ four-day medical check-up.

‘At the outset, we categorically clarify: Rep. Romualdez is in the Philippines and has not left the country. Any report or insinuation that he has fled is false and irresponsible,’ Fajardo stressed.

‘Rep. Romualdez followed the proper process. He sought and secured the necessary travel authority, and coordinated in good faith with the Department of Justice and the Bureau of Immigration,’ he added.

The Sandiganbayan issued the PHDO on Romualdez on Wednesday night, after a request by the Office of the Ombudsman to keep the ex-House leader in the country amid an investigation into his alleged involvement in the 2025 budget mess and the infrastructure corruption scandal.

‘Unfortunately, [Romualdez’ travel to Singapore] has been twisted to create a prejudicial narrative that he intended to flee,’ Fajardo maintained.

‘We will avail of all appropriate legal remedies to question the issuance of this order before the proper forum,’ he added.

The PHDO stemmed from a complaint-affidavit filed last Monday by the Ombudsman’s special panel of investigators to its Preliminary Investigation, Administrative Adjudication and Monitoring Office (PAMO).

In a statement on Wednesday, Fajardo said of the purported complaint, ‘We have not received any official copy of the alleged complaint from the Office of the Ombudsman.’

He added that their camp categorically and unequivocally denied any wrongdoing; and stressed that Romualdez ‘acted at all times within the bounds of [the] law.’

‘We expect due process to be observed. Once formally furnished, we will respond fully before the proper forum,’ Fajardo also said.

The police have filed a criminal complaint against seven cadets and two police officers of the Philippine National Police Academy (PNPA) in Silang, Cavite, over the alleged hazing of 22 plebes (first-year cadets) on April 3, Good Friday.

The Criminal Investigation and Detection Group (CIDG) filed the complaint for violation of Republic Act No. 11053 or the Anti-Hazing Act of 2018 with the Office of the Provincial Prosecutor in Imus, Cavite.

Among those charged were third-year PNPA cadets Harold Locop Heje, Lance Elroy Guinitaran Gayramon, Mhicco Legarda Escalante, Renz Matthew Abuhan Cutab and Renald Perfecto Brunio, as well as second-year cadets James Baldazan Bandao and Christopher Fernandez Dayag.

Also named in the complaint were the duty officers for the day, Maj. Mark Anthony Cailing and Senior Master Sgt. Silverio Dolorfino Jr.

In a press briefing on Wednesday, PNPA director Brig. Gen. Redrico Maranan said that under the antihazing law, on-duty supervisors in training institutions tasked to directly oversee cadets or trainees may also be held criminally liable when such incidents occur.

Administrative liability

He added that the PNP Internal Affairs Service is also conducting an investigation into the police officers’ possible administrative liability under the principle of command responsibility.

Maranan said that based on their investigation, the on-duty officers who were supposed to supervise the activities of PNPA cadets were not on campus when the hazing occurred.

Following the incident, PNP chief Gen. Jose Melencio Nartatez Jr. ordered tighter anti-hazing measures across all systems within the PNPA, which is composed of two main branches: the Tactics Group and the Academics Group.

Maranan said that because the hazing occurred under the Tactics Group, it will be prioritized for reforms.

According to him, cadets have been segregated by class and assigned to separate barracks to ensure all interactions are supervised by tactical and assistant tactical officers.

Maranan said that closed circuit TV cameras will be installed in and around barracks, classrooms and other areas where cadets conduct various activities.

Tactical officers will also be required to use body-worn cameras so their actions can be properly documented and reviewed.

In a separate statement, Nartatez said the filing of cases against those involved in the alleged hazing ‘shows that the PNP’s system of discipline and accountability is working.’

‘Regardless of the people and the ranks involved, there will always be a certainty of facing the consequences of violating our rules and regulations, and the rule of law,’ he said.

Philippine National Police (PNP) Chief Gen. Jose Melencio Nartatez Jr. has ordered police officers conducting checkpoint operations to speed up inspections of trucks transporting essential goods.

‘Amid the challenging situations that our country is experiencing, our personnel on the ground stationed at checkpoints will ensure that the flow of goods remains unhampered and uninterrupted,’ Nartatez said in a statement on Thursday.

He also said the new directive will not affect the police force’s crackdown on smuggled goods.

‘Checkpoint operations will continue to support law enforcement objectives without compromising the movement of legitimate cargo,’ the PNP chief said.

The top cop added that the police force will coordinate with local government units (LGUs) and other agencies to ensure that regulations are still enforced without disrupting essential transport.

Nartatez’ statement came after Executive Secretary Ralph Recto said ‘unnecessary and unreasonable’ checks and inspections of food trucks conducted by the police and LGUs at checkpoints delayed travel and wasted fuel.

Recto made the pronouncement on Tuesday, appealing to government agencies to help farmers and traders take advantage of reduced toll and port fees to soften the impact of high fuel prices on food.