Author: Nouman Ali

An outright downgrade of the Philippine sovereign credit rating is unlikely unless the war in the Middle East drags on, Nomura Global Markets Research said, adding that growth should rebound as the government accelerates spending.

In a note, Nomura economists Euben Paracuelles and Nabila Amani said the country’s fiscal risks are more manageable than those facing many of its peers that are also under ratings pressure.

On Monday, Fitch Ratings revised its outlook on the Philippines to ‘negative’ from ‘stable,’ signaling that the country’s investment-grade ‘BBB’ rating could be downgraded within one to two years if fiscal conditions fail to improve.

The move followed last week’s setback, when S and P Global Ratings cut its outlook to ‘stable’ from ‘positive,’ dimming hopes that the country could soon secure its first-ever ‘A’ rating from one of the three major credit rating agencies.

Fitch’s rating stands one notch below S and P’s ‘BBB+,’ itself one step short of the coveted ‘A’ level.

Explaining their actions, both agencies pointed to the same challenge: The Philippine government, still reeling from the fallout of a major corruption scandal that paralyzed public spending, is confronting an oil shock with diminished fiscal buffers.

‘As we argued before, a shift to a negative outlook, much less a rating downgrade, by S and P, is unlikely over the next few months, even with its higher credit rating, and we believe it will be the same for Fitch, unless the crisis becomes is significantly prolonged,’ Paracuelles and Amani said.

Review cycle

‘By the next review cycle (which is usually 12 months, unless there are significant developments that warrant an earlier review), the main factors cited by Fitch for a downgrade will likely show some improvements, in our view,’ they added.

Moody’s Ratings, the third major agency, has yet to announce a rating action. But in an April 14 credit opinion, it warned that the conflict in the Gulf region has increased downside risks to the Philippines’ economic outlook by lifting global energy prices and intensifying external cost pressures.

A rating downgrade could mark the country’s first since 2005, when political turmoil and fiscal instability eroded the Philippines’ credit standing.

A lower rating could raise the government’s borrowing costs at a time when it is running a budget deficit to finance development spending.

Infrastructure spending

But looking ahead, Nomura said gross domestic product growth should rebound as the government implements catch-up infrastructure spending and as terms-of-trade pressures ease. This assumes that a US-Iran deal could be made.

The bank forecasts 2026 growth at 5 percent-above Fitch’s 4.6 percent-even after trimming its own projection from 5.3 percent to reflect the energy price shock.

‘We still think the government has a limited appetite to implement blanket fuel subsidies that tend to be difficult to unwind,’ Nomura said. ‘Therefore, the medium-term fiscal consolidation agenda is unlikely to be derailed, even if implemented more gradually to recalibrate for the external shock and evolving domestic economic conditions, in our view.

BINI composed of Jhoanna, Aiah, Colet, Maloi, Gwen, Stacey, Mikha and Sheena – has once again made a strong impression on the international stage after their guest appearance at the Grammy Museum’s Global Spin Live event.

The P-pop powerhouse was the guest of honor at the Global Spin Live gathering on Tuesday, April 21 (April 22 in the Philippines), where they spoke about their latest EP, ‘Signals,’ and treated the audience to a capella- and dance-themed performances.

Some of the songs that were performed in their set were ‘Blush’ and ‘Unang Kilig,’ per clips from Billboard.

Fresh off their Coachella debut, BINI perform new single ‘Blush’ at the GRAMMY Museum in LA pic.twitter.com/FYOswbV0j4

Aside from new music, BINI also shared how their five-year career has shaped them for the better and how the members have learned to navigate their journey as a P-pop act and as female artists.

‘Blushing, smiling, and still feeling the kilig after our @GRAMMYMuseum performance! Thank you for sharing this special moment with us. Huge thanks to @grammymuseum for the opportunity to share our music on your stage,’ they wrote after their latest appearance.

‘Ibigay ang hilig ng walang ligalig.’ (Give the desire without trouble.)

This was the response of Palace Press Officer Claire Castro to questions on why the Office of the President (OP) approved Vice President Sara Duterte’s request for a 22-day overseas travel.

At a briefing on Thursday, Castro also refuted claims that the OP intentionally granted Duterte’s request a day before her departure, which Duterte said was a last-minute decision.

The request was made on April 14, and according to Castro, it usually takes five business days to process. This is the same process followed for other officials who request travel authority.

Duterte on Thursday said she will soon file a new travel request and asked for its prompt issuance to allow sufficient time for travel preparations.

‘The vice president, based on records, receives her travel authority documents a day before her intended trip. So, she was not denied. There is also no record showing that when she requested a vacation or a personal trip for an extended period, she was ever refused. Therefore, to say that this was a last-minute resolution or decision is not accurate. This is because this is what usually happens-the travel authority is normally given to her a day before,’ Castro explained in Filipino.

‘Why did the vice president change her mind? What made her change her mind is the 6.7 billion question,’ she added.

Castro was referring to the alleged amount of suspicious transactions that flowed through the bank accounts of Duterte and her husband, Mans Carpio, from 2006 to 2025, as flagged by the Anti-Money Laundering Council.

During the briefing, Castro also dismissed Duterte’s request for confidentiality regarding her approved travel authority, citing security concerns.

‘She is a public servant; she is not a private individual. She cannot hide things she wants to conceal. There are matters that the public needs to know because she is a public servant,’ Castro said in Filipino.

‘For example, amid the crisis in the Middle East and the billions-worth of issues currently involving the vice president and her husband, if you were asked, if you were the vice president, would it be appropriate to go on vacation? If what she wants is to take a vacation and go on a world tour to pursue her personal interests, considering that she does not have an ILBO (Immigration Lookout Bulletin Order) and there is also no precautionary hold departure order in place,’ she added.

When asked for a message to Duterte regarding her continued absence from congressional hearings on the impeachment complaints against her, Castro said there was no need for one.

‘She is already an adult. Second, she is the vice president and a public servant. She says she promotes accountability and transparency, so she should know what she needs to do and how to explain it to the public. Therefore, she does not need any message from the Palace,’ she said in Filipino.

Impeachment proceedings against Duterte continued on Wednesday. The House justice committee reviewed financial documents, including her statements of assets, liabilities, and net worth, tax filings, and business records, to examine allegations that she amassed wealth beyond her declared income.

She is also accused of misusing hundreds of millions of pesos in confidential funds from the Office of the Vice President and the Department of Education when she was its secretary.

PLDT captured the bronze in the 2026 PVL All-Filipino Conference after completing a series sweep of Farm Fresh in another thrilling five-setter, 25-14, 21-25, 25-21, 21-25, 15-5, in Game 2 on Thursday at Smart Araneta Coliseum.

The High Speed Hitters were dragged into another decider, but from a 2-all tie in the fifth set, Savi Davsion caught fire to mount a 10-4 lead. Kiesha Bedonia scored three straight kills to reach match point, 14-5, before Kianna Dy nailed the game-winning block on Royse Tubino.

PLDT also needed five sets in Game 1, with Davison pouring 33 to turn back Farm Fresh, 22-25, 25-21, 27-25, 26-28, 15-11, on Tuesday.

BATTLE FOR BRONZE – PLDT vs Farm Fresh – Game 2

FINAL: PLDT captures the All-Filipino Conference bronze after surviving Farm Fresh in another five-set thriller, 25-14, 21-25, 25-21, 21-25, 15-5.

FINAL: PLDT captures the All-Filipino Conference bronze after surviving Farm Fresh in another five-set thriller, 25-14, 21-25, 25-21, 21-25, 15-5. OF SET 4: Farm Fresh 25, PLDT 21. The Foxies force a decider. OF SET 3: PLDT 25, Farm Fresh 21. The High Speed Hitters regain the lead, inching closer to a bronze medal finish. OF SET 2: Farm Fresh 25, PLDT 21. The Foxies tie the game to one set apiece. OF SET 1: PLDT 25, Farm Fresh 14.

PVL Finals: Creamline goes for clincher vs gritty Cignal

Creamline wary as it goes for clincher vs gritty Cignal

When Creamline flushed Cignal with a heavy dose of championship experience to take Game 1 of the PVL All-Filipino Conference finals, the Cool Smashers did so in such an authoritative manner that even their foes couldn’t help but notice.

‘It’s about how they (Creamline) stay composed and enjoy every situation. For us, it felt different,’ said Super Spikers coach Shaq Delos Santos. ‘The biggest lesson for us, especially since it’s our first time [in the All-Filipino finals], is to embrace the moment.’

Cignal, which owns runner-up finishes in the 2022 Reinforced and 2024 Invitational, has one shot to embrace the moment.

Creamline guns for the crown on Thursday at Smart Araneta Coliseum, intent on reclaiming its crown but very much aware of how much its gritty foe has to offer as it fights for survival.

‘Cignal is the type of team that doesn’t stick to just one lineup. They make a lot of changes. So we need to stay patient and be ready for whatever adjustments they make in Game 2,’ said Jema Galanza, who had 17 points in Game 1, aside from collecting 13 excellent receptions from 18 tries.

PVL Finals: Bernadeth Pons, Creamline remain wary ahead of Game 2

Bernadeth Pons and Creamline Cool Smashers during the 2026 PVL All-Filipino Conference Finals Game 1 vs Cignal Super Spikers.

Bernadeth Pons and Creamline Cool Smashers during the 2026 PVL All-Filipino Conference Finals Game 1 vs Cignal Super Spikers. -MARLO CUETO/INQUIRER.net

MANILA, Philippines – Even with the 11th PVL title within reach for Creamline, Cool Smashers star Bernadeth Pons still refuses to look far ahead.

The Cool Smashers can close out the 2026 PVL All-Filipino Conference Finals after a 25-22, 25-18, 25-16 sweep of Cignal in Game 1 on Tuesday.

But Pons and Creamline are taking it one game at a time against a Cignal side eager to to extend the series to a decider.

‘We try not to think too much that we’re just one win away. We know nothing will be given to us. We have to earn it. Even with just one day of preparation, the most important thing is our mindset,’ Pons said in Filipino.

PVL Finals: Vanie Gandler, Cignal move forward after Game 1 loss

Cignal Super Spikers’ Vanie Gandler during a game against Creamline Cool Smashers in the 2026 PVL All-Filipino Conference Finals.

Cignal Super Spikers’ Vanie Gandler during a game against Creamline Cool Smashers in the 2026 PVL All-Filipino Conference Finals. -MARLO CUETO/INQUIRER.net

MANILA, Philippines – Vanie Gandler and the Cignal Super Spikers shift their focus to Game 2 after getting swept by Creamline in their PVL All-Filipino Conference finals debut.

Gandler shone in Game 1 with 17 points and 10 excellent receptions but Cignal fell to Creamline, 25-22, 25-18, 25-16, in Game 1 of the best-of-three finals on Tuesday in front of a Cool Smashers-dominated 8,183 fans at Smart Araneta Coliseum.

‘It was a tough loss, but it’s Game 1, it’s a best-of-three series for a reason. We’re just going forward and do what we need to do to improve,’ said Gandler.

The United States and Israel’s attacks on Iran have now embroiled the entire Middle East in a war characterized by the use of large quantities of missiles and drones.

Like Russia’s aggression against Ukraine, the United States and Israel are using naked force to push ahead with their own political agendas. The law-of-the-jungle aphorism of ‘might makes right’ seems to be sweeping across the world. Does this mean that the world has entered an era in which military power alone holds sway?

I don’t think so. When observing the two wars, doubts arise about whether military power is actually helping to achieve the goals. Both wars were launched to attain political objectives in a short period of time, but things are not going as desired by those countries.

The US and Israel seem to have established air superiority over Iran just a few days into their offensive. Nonetheless, Iran has not surrendered and is instead continuously staging counterattacks on other Middle Eastern countries that host US military bases.

Moreover, Iran has declared a closure of the Strait of Hormuz, taking bold steps to choke off supplies from the Gulf area to the rest of the world, and the United States has been unable to take any effective countermeasures against this.

In other words, these two wars show that no matter how overwhelming the difference in military power between the two sides is, it is not so easy to force an opposing country that resolutely resists to accept political demands in a short period of time, let alone force it to ‘unconditionally surrender.’

There are several factors that make it difficult to accomplish political objectives through destructive physical force or threats.

The first factor is the opposing country’s firm resolve not to yield. Ukraine, for instance, has maintained its resolute stance not to capitulate to Russia’s unjustifiable demands, in spite of the US’ calls for a ceasefire. In Iran, the Israeli intelligence agency apparently expected to see moves to topple its leadership from within emerge right after the beginning of the US-Israeli attacks, but no such thing has happened, even after the killing of many leaders.

Second, international norms regarding military action during conflicts are still in effect to a certain degree, although they have been weakened. Nevertheless, no countries have publicly declared their intention to kill civilians in large numbers, and situations like the indiscriminate air raids in World War II have been avoided so far.

Third, the asymmetry of the weapons and tactics used in modern warfare is also significant. Even if a country cannot defeat an attacker using the same types of weapons or tactics, it may still be able to counter them by employing different types of weapons or tactics. If Iran says it will lay inexpensive mines to block the Strait of Hormuz, ship operators will inevitably hesitate to travel through the waterway even if there are not a large number of mines.

Fourth, global economic interdependence reduces the use of destructive force and mitigates the impact of intimidation. The interdependence of the global economy is complex. Even if there are no deep economic ties with a hostile nation, a country that takes military action will face various economic repercussions.

The US itself is hardly dependent on Middle Eastern crude oil, but Iran’s counterattacks on other Gulf nations and the Islamic Republic’s closure of the Strait of Hormuz have sent Middle Eastern crude oil prices soaring.

A spike in energy prices leads to spiraling prices for other products and supply constraints. Stock markets react to concerns about these situations, fluctuating wildly as people get excited or discouraged regarding the course of the war. If the closure of the Strait of Hormuz is prolonged, the situation could bring about a crisis far more serious for the global economy than the oil crises of the 1970s.

The outbreak of the war in Ukraine and that in the Middle East has worsened the circumstances of all the countries involved. In short, military power doesn’t help achieve political objectives.

Needless to say, it isn’t easy to end a war once it starts, since nations, too, don’t always act rationally. However, the continuation of the wars in Ukraine and the Middle East will bring nothing but harm to not only the countries directly involved but also the entire world.

The most rational choice in both wars is first and foremost to achieve a ceasefire. It is crucial to persuade the countries directly involved of this. The Japan News/Asia News Network

Akihiko Tanaka is president of the Japan International Cooperation Agency, a post he took up in April 2022 for the second time after his first stint from 2012 to 2015. He also served as vice president of the University of Tokyo from 2009 to 2012. He was president of the Tokyo-based National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies from 2017 to March 2022.

The Philippine Daily Inquirer is a member of the Asia News Network, an alliance of 22 media titles in the region.

The Philippine Chamber of Commerce and Industry (PCCI) threw its support behind the possible lifting of the moratorium on new coal-fired power plants, which it said could be an ‘essential bridge’ to keep businesses running amid the energy crisis.

‘Our economy cannot run on uncertainty,’ PCCI president Ferdinand Ferrer said in a statement on Wednesday.

‘While the transition to renewable energy remains our long-term goal, our immediate priority must be the stability and affordability of our power grid.’

This comes after Energy Secretary Sharon Garin said the Department of Energy is open to revisiting the 2020 ban, particularly amid surging fuel prices amid tensions in the Middle East, which had prompted the Philippines to declare an energy emergency.

‘Pragmatic solution’

PCCI, the country’s largest business group, said the move could serve as a ‘temporary and pragmatic’ step to stabilize supply, even as the country continues to scale up renewable energy capacity.

Any policy shift, it added, should not derail long-term clean energy goals but instead act as a bridge to address immediate needs.

‘This is not about choosing between coal and renewables, it is about ensuring the lights stay on, businesses remain competitive and households are protected from rising costs,’ said David Chua, director for energy at PCCI.

Call for ‘policy flexibility’

PCCI cited three key pressures behind the need for policy flexibility: the need for steady baseload power as manufacturing expands; persistently high electricity rates that blunt competitiveness; and exposure to swings in global oil and gas prices.

As such, the group said any new coal capacity should use high-efficiency technologies and form part of a broader transition plan.

It also urged the government to expand natural gas and liquefied natural gas, while accelerating renewables, energy storage and grid modernization.

‘We must be flexible enough to adapt our policies to the realities of 2026,’ Ferrer said. ‘Lifting this moratorium provides the essential bridge we need to keep the lights on and the factories running while we continue to build our renewable capacity.’

Last year’s Typhoon Tino dropped a month’s worth of rain over the course of a few hours, and left behind hundreds of deaths and millions of pesos in agricultural and structural damage. For some, Tino was an unavoidable tragedy and the direct result of an unforeseen natural disaster. But with questions of flood control and ghost projects, to others, it was an example of how corruption and institutional incompetence directly resulted in the loss of Filipino lives.

After firsthand accounts and videos of murky, mocha-colored flood waters surfaced in Barangay Guadalupe during the typhoon, many pointed to Slater Young’s The Rise at Monterrazas as a significant contributor to the flooding in Cebu. That is, on top of the Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR) slamming a cease-to-operate order on the project last November.

However, after the Environmental Management Bureau (EMB) Region 7 (Central Visayas) confirmed that it lifted the cessation of operations order (CDO) against the Monterrazas project, Young broke his silence on the matter.

‘That tragedy was real, and it deserves real answers, not speculation, not misinformation,’ said the content creator/civil engineer in a statement posted on YouTube. ‘We also know that what we experienced is nothing compared to the suffering of those who were directly affected by the flood. We tried to never lose sight of that, and we waited for the truth.’

Slater’s defense

‘When the accusations were made against the Monterrazas project, our first instinct was to respond immediately, but we held back because we believed that the right thing to do was to let the proper investigations run its course, to let the science and evidence speak rather than to add to all the noise and confusion,’ added Young, putting forward an independent study conducted by the Institute of Environmental Science and Meteorology (IESM) Environmental Hydrology Laboratory at the University of the Philippines, Diliman.

‘These were done by scientists with no connection to the project, no stake in the project,’ he added. ‘They found that Monterrazas did not cause or worsen the flooding. What caused it was the sheer volume of rain.’

According to the study, the Monterrazas project helped mitigate the occurrence of flash floods during Tino. Its detention ponds acted as stopgaps that held incoming rainwater, allowing it to flow slowly rather than having it all go down at once. The study also produced models and comparisons to prove that flooding levels would have been the same even without the existence of the Monterrazas site-and in fact, the project is said to have reduced overall flooding in the area by around two percent compared to if the area was left undeveloped.

‘The science does not just say we did not cause the flooding, it says that the systems we had built in place helped reduce it. This is not our conclusion; this is theirs. This study is public, and anyone who wishes to go through it is free to do so,’ shared the Pinoy Big Brother winner.

Though, despite the facts and figures Young has put forward, public opinion has largely been left unchanged, with others unconvinced of the validity of the UP study cited. Although Young claims that several third-party researchers have peer-reviewed the findings and have reached similar conclusions, all we have so far is a Facebook summary that won’t hold up as an undeniable fact.

Should the IESM Environmental Hydrology Laboratory publish the complete study and its findings are supported by more environmental organizations, then this would likely result in greater support for Monterrazas. But even then, it’s also safe to say that even that won’t have much impact on the court of public opinion.

‘We understand that for some, no study or finding will ever be enough. Grief does not follow a timeline, and we respect that,’ Young added. ‘But Cebu deserves real solutions and real solutions can only come from correctly identifying the real cause-that is, work that is ongoing, and Monterrazas is committed to being a part of it; I am committed to being a part of it.’

Reactive, never preventive

After the Monterrazas development was placed under scrutiny following Typhoon Tino, DENR initially halted the project, citing several breaches of forestry and environmental laws, notably the Forestry Code of the Philippines, the Clean Water Act, the Philippine Environmental Impact Statement (EIS) System, as well as lapses in their Environmental Compliance Certificate.

It’s also important to note that more than 700 trees were reportedly cut down within Monterraza’s 140-hectare property.

In short, these violations were happening right under our noses, and it took a region-wide disaster and several viral TikToks for anything to be done about it. And to make things worse, while Young’s statement addressed the flooding aspect of the controversy, nothing regarding the violations was ever discussed.

According to EMB-7 Regional Director John Edward Ang, the order was lifted on the basis of ‘documented remedial works, compliance milestones, and settlement of penalties’ by The Mont Property Group, Inc., meaning, penalties were paid off, and lapses were made up for-after hundreds of lives were lost to Typhoon Tino. Again, too little too late.

But as easy as it is to solely direct anger and attention towards Young and Monterrazas, DENR and the Cebu local government are also to blame. Frankly, the spotlight on Young has directed attention away from the P26 billion in flood control funds Cebu received from 2016 to 2025 that have amounted to nothing, and the rules and regulations that allowed Monterrazas to operate to begin with.

Through DENR and the Cebu local government, penalties can be paid off and cease to operate orders can be simply lifted. Meanwhile, the people of Cebu lost their friends and family, their property, and their livelihoods. But Young and The Mont Property Group, Inc.? Barely anything by their standards. A few hate comments, a slap on the wrist, and the approval to carry on with the project.

In the coming months, when typhoon season hits again, what will be their solution? Will it be to simply add more compliance checks? More detention pools? What about improving environmental compliance standards to begin with? Why not outright ban developments in flood-prone areas? In the end, Young and Monterrazas are only playing by the rules they’ve set.

Developers can handle the fines and penalties this game of trial and error asks for. But everyone else? The best they can do is survive the flood.

So yes, as Young says, Cebu deserves real solutions. But simply adhering to the bare minimum set by DENR and the local government won’t be enough. After all, it’s that bare minimum that got the people of Cebu to where they are today.

Fresh off the box office hit ‘The Loved One,’ screenwriter and director Irene Emma Villamor returns with her latest offering, ‘Midnight Girls,’ starring Jodi Sta. Maria, Sanya Lopez, Jane Oineza, and Loisa Andalio. The film is a huge departure for Villamor, whose filmography is rife with stories revolving around the complex nature of love. From ‘Camp Sawi’ to ‘The Loved One,’ Villamor had always looked at the price of romance-especially in films like ‘Sid and Aya: Not a Love Story,’ ‘Ikaw at Ako at ang Ending,’ and ‘The Loved One’-where she argues that economics, politics, and society are of vital consequence to love and being in love.

‘Midnight Girls’ strays away from the central themes in most of Villamor’s filmography as she sets her camera on the bonds of sisterhood formed in a small community of Filipina hostesses in Japan. It’s an OFW story that centers on a different kind of love-that of family, both chosen and by blood.

Discussed, implied, but never shown

The four actresses represent the different struggles of the Filipina OFW in an exploitative industry. Sta. Maria’s Vicky has left her son in the Philippines and only communicates with him via video call on the phone. She provides for him, her grandmother, and other family members. Lopez plays Paris, who must navigate the difficulties of falling in love with a native, who may take her off her path. Meanwhile, Oineza plays Saki, who is struggling with the nature of the work while confused about her own gender identity.

And Andalio plays the latest arrival, Wanna, who is taken under the wing of the three older women and learns about the hardships of the work.

These hostesses, more popularly known as ‘japayuki’ (though I’m wary of using the term), work in bars and serve as companions for locals and tourists-mostly the former-and entertain them, getting them to order more drinks in exchange for large tips.

The film tells us that the clients have a ‘no touch’ policy, but we see it broken over and over as the girls and their patrons get comfy, seated beside each other and sharing drinks. This is Villamor’s approach to the story-the exploitation is discussed, implied, but never shown. But what is in full view here is the women’s humanity: The moments are spent showing them endure and persevere through their work-often questioned by people around them, and even sometimes themselves-and anchoring the narrative on why they do what they have to do.

Villamor is working hard to give these girls dignity and agency, presenting the film as a slice-of-life, rather than a plot-driven story. She carefully builds these women’s stories and amplifies the bonds that are formed from sharing these struggles.

Loisa andalo

Loisa Andalo in ‘Midnight Girls’

Immersing in the world

During a special screening leading up to the film’s opening in May, I had a chance to talk to Villamor about the film. She told me that they had spent a lot of time in Nagoya, Japan, interviewing the hostesses to gather their stories.

‘We were able to build other stories,’ she tells me, ‘and we gave them all to the producers-and this is what they chose. I was so happy it was this one that they gave the go signal to.’ She was happy because they chose the ensemble piece, which is something she really wanted to do. She calls out Marilou Diaz Abaya’s ‘Moral’ as her inspiration, and I can see it in the narrative structure and its elements.

When asked if it was hard shifting her lens to a different kind of story, Villamor says, ‘Yes! Kasi hindi siya ‘yung comfort zone ko-‘yung love story-at nakaka-challenge kasi nag-iisip pa rin ako ng panibagong love story.’

And this time, the focus is on love for family and the bonds of sisterhood. She claims that she had asked the universe for the chance to exercise her directing skills in another genre-and she truly was able to.

Women with agency

When I tell her about how the film never felt exploitative to me, she shares an anecdote about coming home after the one-month shoot-several days of immersion for the cast, 13 days of shooting-and where, during editing, she realized that the film had no sex scenes or scenes of abuse or the exploitation that is talked about by the characters.

‘Tama ba ‘yung ginawa ko?’ she questions, but because of the absence, the film now begins a dialogue with so many other previous Filipino films about OFW workers and the abuse and exploitation that they have received in their work. The absence is instantly filled by our own collective imagination of all the things we’ve seen on the news, on social media, and all the prior films that came before. ‘Midnight Girls’ ends up presenting us with the other side of the story.

Lopez, during the talk back, shared that this film does not present these women as victims. She emphasizes that the women are portrayed with agency, which elevates them from the usual representation.

Immersing themselves in the role

Sta, Maria reveals that she had studied extensively in preparation for the role-read articles and books on transnationalism and really engaged with the women whose lives were the basis for the characters on screen-and she adds that the women were present during filming, guiding them through the entire shoot so they could really represent them as accurately as possible.

They even had a translator on set, and the actors had to learn to speak Nihonggo for their scenes-most challenging for Sta. Maria, Lopez, and Oineza-as their characters have been living them for many years, and the delivery had to represent that.

But after all that practice, the moment the scene is done and they move off to the next, both Sta Maria and Lopez admit that they forgot the lines immediately.

A different kind of OFW story

Shot entirely in Nagoya, Japan, ‘Midnight Girls’ takes the expectations that are attached to the Filipina hostess in Japan and turns them on their head.

It never judges its characters-no matter how hard some characters judge them-but seeks to identify the social structure of the system that demands these kinds of sacrifices to be made. This is something that drew Sta Maria to the project-about how the film implicates how our own society and government have made these efforts necessary, by splitting families apart and building new homes in foreign lands.

The spectacle in the film is not the exploitation or the abuse but the bonds of the chosen family that help keep these women afloat. While the film has its dramatic moments, the most visually striking images are of how these women keep themselves together through the toughest events possible and the eventual reveal of their vulnerability.

The Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) welcomed the appointment of former Interior Secretary Mel Senen Sarmiento as the new presidential adviser on peace, reconciliation and unity.

‘We recognize an opportunity in his appointment for the substantial fulfillment of the CAB (Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro) and building the foundations of peace in the Bangsamoro,’ Mohagher Iqbal, MILF vice chair, said in a statement on Wednesday.

Iqbal said the MILF also expressed its gratitude to the contributions of former presidential peace adviser Carlito Galvez Jr. in the country’s peace efforts. Galvez took the post in 2018 after retiring from military service.

‘General Galvez has not merely been an official, but a partner to the MILF in the critical years of [CAB] implementation,’ he said.

Iqbal, who led the MILF in political negotiations with the government, noted that during the tenure of Galvez, the Mindanao peace process witnessed historic achievements like the passage of the Bangsamoro Organic Law and beginning the work on decommissioning.

‘Harder work’

‘What remains is the harder, less visible work: completing normalization, building fiscal and governance capacity in the BARMM (Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao), ensuring that the Bangsamoro’s first parliamentary elections strengthen rather than fracture democratic legitimacy, and delivering development that reaches the communities most affected by decades of conflict,’ he said.

And for Iqbal and the MILF, this is where the new peace adviser fits in.

‘This is civilian work. It requires the kind of governance experience that Secretary Sarmiento brings-his understanding of municipal administration, regional development coordination, and national government and BARMM intergovernmental work,’ Iqbal said.

There’s a saying that ‘one shouldn’t let a good crisis go to waste.’ Now is one of those times. We find ourselves in a crisis situation once again, this one triggered by a Middle East conflict thousands of miles away over which we have no connection or control. Under threat are over 2 million overseas Filipino workers and our oil supply, 95 percent of which is sourced from the region.

Oftentimes, in times of crisis, we resort to immediate measures and coping mechanisms, many of which are temporary. We tend to revert to normal policy and practice once the crisis abates. Shouldn’t we look at these times as an opportunity to install long-term, permanent solutions so we can avert future crises?

On the energy security front, the immediate concern is both the price of oil and its continued supply. Rising fuel prices and scarcity impact transport, food, electricity, and all activities that require energy. Our entire transport sector is dependent on oil as a fuel. Meanwhile, 60 percent of our electricity is sourced from coal (most of it imported), natural gas (15 to 18 percent), and renewables (20 to 25 percent). Aside from oil, prices for both coal and natural gas are on the rise.

While we are both oil-dependent and import-dependent, now may be a good time to accelerate structural shifts and policy changes to steer us in the direction of reducing these dependencies. To do that, we’ll need to have a convergence between our transportation and energy policies, plans, and infrastructure.

We can start by promoting the use of more electric vehicles (EVs) and active mobility (e.g., pedestrianization, cycling, etc.). Consumer interest in EVs is growing as a result of this fuel crisis, and EVs are already the fastest-growing segment of the automotive market. As the charging infrastructure is expanded, one can expect more EV growth.

But so much more can be done to promote EVs aside from passenger cars. We can, for instance, deploy more EV buses for mass transit and EV trucks for logistics and commercial delivery. EVs have already made their presence felt in the taxi industry. Can we eventually expand this to the jeepney and tricycle space? And for last-mile delivery, can motorcycles with swappable batteries be used instead of conventional motorcycles? All these technologies are already available. Passenger cars are available in both battery EV and plug-in hybrid EV models. Buses by Global Electric Transport/Comet and others run on electric engines. Cities like San Juan, Pasig, and Quezon City have already started EV shuttle bus systems. Mober delivery trucks handle home and commercial deliveries using their electric trucks. Meanwhile, the infrastructure for charging is rapidly expanding.

All this, of course, would not do anything to reduce oil dependency if EV charging continued using traditionally sourced electricity. To be truly green, we need to charge using renewable energy (RE). This is where energy policy fits in. Fortunately, the country has a policy and a plan for expanding the use of RE through its green energy auctions, green energy options program, and net metering schemes. Promoting large-scale RE as well as rooftop solar on a long-term and permanent basis will help improve our energy security picture. With the search and development of more indigenous energy sources, we could come up with a more balanced energy picture in the future.

Aside from the transport sector, another promising area for RE use lies in large estates and cities. Large estates with high electricity demand can use the Department of Energy’s green energy option to purchase electricity from their chosen RE supplier. So, too, can Philippine cities. One good example is Makati, which signed a nine-year contract with ACEN Corp. to provide RE power to city buildings. Makati owns over 150 buildings, and it calculates P300 million in savings for electricity and reduces carbon emissions by 289,885 metric tons. Aside from providing electricity, ACEN will also construct a network of EV chargers for the city to charge its fleet of e-jeepneys, e-buses, and e-shuttles. Quezon City is doing something similar by installing rooftop solar on its city-owned buildings, schools, and hospitals. These are great models for converging energy and transport policy, which enable cities to be more sustainable.

The Philippines has a total of 149 cities and over 1,500 municipalities across the country. Just think of the impact of having more cities run on RE.

The key is to think more long-term and strategically and get away from short-term crisis management, focusing only on solutions that fade away as a crisis abates. Whether we are looking at transportation and energy policy at a national level to urban planning solutions at the local government level, we need to set up institutions within government that take the long view and focus on eventual implementation. We should seriously consider some form of organizational structure that concentrates on getting things done.