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Counties leave Sh100bn idle as development projects stall

County governments left Sh100.2 billion of available funds unspent in the year to June 2026, while execution of development budgets weakened and 189 projects worth Sh10.51 billion stalled, exposing a widening gap between approved spending and delivery.

Controller of Budget (COB) Margaret Nyakang’o says counties had Sh596.78 billion available for spending during the year but used Sh496.58 billion, translating into an overall absorption rate of 83.2 percent.

The biggest shortfall was in development, where counties spent Sh126.69 billion of the allocated Sh233.69 billion, absorbing just 54.21 percent of allocations compared with 57 percent a year earlier and leaving nearly Sh107 billion unspent.

‘The total funds available to the County Governments in the financial year 2025/26 amounted to Sh596.78 billion. These included Sh415 billion equitable share of revenue raised nationally, Sh97.55 billion from OSR (own-source revenue) and Sh1.47 billion from other revenues,’ said Dr Nyakang’o.

‘County Governments spent a total of Sh496.58 billion, comprising Sh369.89 billion for recurrent activities and Sh126.69 billion for development activities.’

The weak execution of development budgets means billions earmarked for roads, markets, water infrastructure, health facilities and other capital projects did not translate into completed projects during the financial year.

Only three counties achieved development absorption above 80 percent, led by Kilifi at 84.52 percent, Wajir at 83.03 percent and Mandera at 80 percent, according to the budget watchdog.

On the other end, 13 counties absorbed half or less of their development budgets, with Kisumu recording the lowest rate at 25.92 percent, followed by Siaya at 26.53 percent and Nairobi at 28.47 percent.

The poor performance left a growing list of unfinished investments, with counties reporting 189 stalled projects valued at Sh10.51 billion.

’22 counties reported 189 stalled projects valued at Sh10.51 billion, out of which Sh4.21 billion had already been paid,’ said the COB.

Nairobi accounted for the largest value of stalled projects at Sh2.24 billion across 57 projects, followed by Isiolo at Sh1.77 billion from seven projects, highlighting the financial cost of delays on capital investments.

Kakamega reported 26 stalled projects worth Sh848.95 million, while Baringo had 23 projects valued at Sh163.32 million, as Machakos reported 22 projects worth Sh891.58 million.

The figures point to a persistent implementation problem in devolution where county administrations allocate money for development but struggle to move projects from procurement and contracting into actual construction and completion.

Counties also carried Sh172.53 billion in trade payables at June 30, creating another constraint for contractors and suppliers and potentially slowing new projects as administrations struggle to clear obligations from previous years.

The accumulation of unpaid bills is significant for development, as contractors facing delayed payments can slow work, suspend construction or demand settlement of previous obligations before taking on additional county projects.

The challenge has previously been linked to procurement disruptions, with an earlier COB review showing that 10 counties cut development spending by Sh1.7 billion in the three months to September 2025 following disruption caused by the transition to the electronic government procurement system.

The squeeze is occurring even as counties remain central to delivery of services such as healthcare, local roads, markets, water and sanitation, making development spending a key measure of whether the devolved units are converting budgets into public assets.

Dr Nyakang’o has urged counties to prioritise stalled projects that can be completed and operationalised, allocate adequate resources for completion, as well as resolve outstanding contractual obligations.

‘County governments should prepare verified schedules of stalled projects, prioritise projects that can be completed and operationalised, and allocate adequate resources in future budgets,’ said the COB.

‘Ring-fence projects under investigation and pursue appropriate recovery, enforcement, or corrective actions where loss or irregularity is established.’

’I never borrow or lend money’: The CEO shaped by his father’s lessons on life and finance

How has it been to maintain a career over such a long period of time?

If you don’t enjoy doing something, you will probably do something else. The fact that I’ve been doing this pretty much all my adult life is because I’ve enjoyed it thoroughly. I’m very passionate about it; I enjoy the pressure and the action, and every day is a different challenge, which is exciting. It’s been a very fulfilling, rewarding, and enjoyable 30 years, and I hope to continue for a few more.

What would you say keeps your career moving through those periods?

A few things. First, the work that we do has a silent but significant impact on society, business, the country, and the development of the legal system. It’s rewarding to know you have played a role in that. Second is the people aspect, specifically mentoring and training young people. As lawyers, part of our job is to train others, as you can’t do everything on your own. Over 30 years, I’ve had the privilege to train dozens of good lawyers who are now thriving across the profession, and it’s very fulfilling and rewarding that you have had an impact on someone’s life. Third is our clients and global exposure. I enjoy meeting people from all over the world, travelling for work, and learning from different backgrounds and cultures.

Lastly, we do a lot of work that impacts communities and social welfare. It’s fantastic to see the impact we have through pro bono work, direct giving, and funding education. Personally, and through our firm, I’ve had the privilege of funding dozens of children through school and university. When you see them succeed, you realise you can change a whole family or village by impacting someone positively.

Did you get a head start that made a difference in your life?

There are no head starts in life. You have to work very hard to achieve whatever you want; there are no shortcuts.

There is an element of being in the right place at the right time, but if you are passionate and work hard, success is a byproduct. I tell young people not to focus strictly on money or status; just do what you have to do, enjoy doing it positively, and success will automatically follow. I’ve never negotiated a salary; I only tell them to pay me what they think is fair because I know I will prove myself and get better.

Where luck plays a role is being in the right place at the right time. I was fortunate to work in England early in my career, where I learned a lot. I returned home to Kenya in 1999 at the end of the Moi era, and my career really took off at the start of the Kibaki era, which opened up immense economic opportunities for our country.

What has this life cost you?

Life is always about trade-offs. If you put in the hours at work, you are sacrificing time elsewhere. In the first 15 years of my career, I unfortunately sacrificed a lot of family time. But I remained deliberate about my family; that is, my wife and my two daughters. I found time for school events, and I picked up and dropped my children at school every single day. I simply worked long hours before and after. You find balance by eliminating non-essential priorities, like going out drinking, which I realised early on was mostly a waste of time. I use my time wisely.

Turning 52, what anxieties do you have about the second half of your life?

First is health and ensuring I remain healthy for the next phase. My father died at 56, and there is a history of poor health in my family, so I am very careful to control what I can control.

Second, I am anxious about the world we are facing, particularly the rapid decline in values and integrity, as well as the unchecked impact of technology and AI on human lives. I worry about the world my children will inherit.

Finally, I am very anxious about our country. Society as we know it feels broken. Corruption is rife, honesty is rare, and bad behaviour is rampant. Our generation has failed in leadership, and I hope the younger generation can help change the status quo.

Your father died at 56, and you are 52 now. Does that change how you think about death?

I am not scared of death at all. I have experienced death too many times of people close to me, some in tragic circumstances. One of my friends was shot by thugs, and another died in an accident.

As a Jain [a follower of Jainism, an Indian religion], we believe in reincarnation, so I don’t look at this single life as the end. The soul carries on in different shapes and forms, and as long as you do good in this life, you will hopefully have a good next incarnation. I don’t fear death itself; I only care about planning responsibly for the impact my absence would have on my family.

What do you wish you could have asked your dad as you approach 56?

I left Kenya at 18, so I didn’t get to spend as much time with him as an adult before he passed away. I would have asked him for more advice on parenting, responsibility, and how to better manage life’s stresses. I think he was stressed about many things, and I would have asked him how I could have helped him deal with that stress.

Are you the kind of father you set out to be?

I have tried to give my daughters the best education, experiences, love, shelter, and opportunities, the things I didn’t always have in my own childhood. Most importantly, I have given them my time and taught them core values like honesty, integrity, respect, and responsibility.

On the fun side, we travel a lot as a family. I’ve taken them to a new country every year so they learn about different cultures and broaden their horizons. I hope I’ve been a fun, caring, loving, and responsible father.

What has brought the most meaning to your life so far?

My family and my work. I live for those two things, and both have given me immense happiness, purpose, and fulfillment.

Has your definition of success changed?

When you start out, success is somewhat materialistic, earning a certain income or buying things. That is natural when you are aspiring. As you grow older, those things become less important. With age, my definition of success has become much more about my impact on others rather than material goods: taking care of the 200 people at our firm, mentoring young lawyers, supporting worthy causes, and contributing to society. Money is just a byproduct. If you keep your needs modest, you don’t need that much.

I also define success by how many other people’s successes I have contributed to through mentoring and teaching or contributing to their education. And lastly, health is success; if I am healthy at 52, I consider myself successful in that regard. It becomes even more important as you get older. [chuckles]

What makes a life memorable and worth living?

Experiences, both good and bad. Bad experiences teach us resilience and how to deal with hardship. Without them, you won’t be strong enough to survive. Good experiences come from travelling, meeting people from different walks of life, and finding joy in your daily work.

What small change has led to the biggest difference in your life?

I was very impatient before. I used to react a lot. Now I don’t react that much. And that comes with age and experience. In the last few years, I have shed some bad habits to make myself healthier. I exercise; I gave up smoking and drink very little. I sleep very well. But you know, when you are young, you have to drink, and you have to enjoy [chuckles].

What loss or failure has shaped your perspective on life?

The loss of my father was the biggest turning point in my life. At age 20, living independently in London, I suddenly had to grow up overnight and take financial responsibility for my extended family. Our family business was facing bankruptcy, so I returned to Kenya and had to run my father’s cloth shop on River Road in Nairobi for two years while working on the side. I was hustling hard, sweeping floors, opening and closing the shop, and bargaining over shillings. It was tough, but running that shop taught me more about resilience, honesty, business, and responsibility than any MBA ever could.

How did that affect your approach to finance and life?

My father was fun, boisterous about life, and loved to laugh loudly, as I do. But he also carried much stress, which I hope I don’t. I learned to be deeply conservative about financial planning. I never borrow money, I never lend money, and I don’t take foolish financial risks. I’ll give money, but I never lend money. I learned that from his mistakes. I just work hard, save safely, and live without financial anxiety.

What would constitute a failure in fatherhood for you? Failure would be if my daughters ever lost the core values I’ve taught them, especially integrity, honesty, and trust.

What incomplete business do you still hope to finish?

I would like to formally teach at a school or university at some point in my life.

Stripped of all your titles, who are you to yourself?

I’m a simple, fun-loving individual who likes watching TV, reading, travelling, and spending time with my family.

What has success taught you about what is worth wanting?

Humility. Success can easily go to your head and make you treat people disrespectfully. Remaining humble while being successful is essential.

When you look back at your life, what do you hope you will feel was worth it?

The positive impact I’ve had on other people’s lives.

2,000 Jigawa academics endorse Tinubu, Namadi for second terms

More than 2,000 academics under the Jigawa State Academic Forum have endorsed President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Jigawa State Governor, Malam Umar Namadi, for second terms in office.

The academics announced their endorsement during an interactive session with Governor Namadi at the Banquet Hall of the Government House, Dutse.

Chairman of the forum, Prof. Haruna Birniwa, said the decision followed an assessment of the achievements of the Tinubu administration at the federal level and the Namadi administration in Jigawa State.

‘Those of us here physically present, about 2,000 plus, and others who are unavoidably absent, make an unflinching support for our amiable President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Governor Malam Umar Namadi to continue for a second term,’ Birniwa said.

During the session, Namadi highlighted the achievements of his administration in education, healthcare, infrastructure, agriculture, economic empowerment and employment under its 12-Point Agenda.

He also outlined policies and programmes of the Tinubu administration, which he said had positively impacted Nigeria and Jigawa State.

Speaking with reporters after the endorsement, Namadi said the meeting was initially expected to attract about 700 academics but recorded an attendance of more than 2,000.

He said, ‘After all the presentations we made to them, they were able to appreciate what Mr President has done for Nigeria and what he has done also for Jigawa State.

‘They were very happy with what we have done and they were also happy with the President. So, at the same time, they endorsed both the President and myself for the second term.’

Namadi said the endorsement demonstrated that the academics were closely following developments in the country and assessing government performance.

He assured them that his administration would continue to improve the lives of the people and would not disappoint them.

Also speaking, Special Adviser to the President on Political Matters, Alhaji Ibrahim Masari, described the endorsement as significant and urged the academics to continue supporting programmes that improve the lives of Nigerians.

He also called for sustained improvement in the performance of both administrations over the past three years.

Peter Obi not godfather to Soludo’s children – Anambra First Lady’s aide

The Anambra State First Lady’s media aide, Daniel Ezeigwe, has clarified the relationship between the families of Governor Chukwuma Soludo and former governor Peter Obi, saying Obi is not a godparent to any of Soludo’s children.

Ezeigwe said the clarification became necessary following the circulation of a video in which Obi said he and his wife were godparents to Soludo’s children.

In a statement issued on Saturday, the aide said the actual relationship between the two families was different.

According to him, Nonye Soludo is the confirmation godmother to Obi’s daughter, while Margaret Obi is the baptismal godmother to one of Soludo’s daughters.

‘Mr Peter Obi is not a godfather to any of the children of Professor Chukwuma and Dr Nonye Soludo,’ the statement read.

The statement added that neither Obi nor Soludo had served as godparent to each other’s children.

Ezeigwe said the relationship between both families remained cordial but suggested Obi may have misspoken while speaking about their closeness.

‘It is possible that Mr Peter Obi simply misspoke in the course of making his remarks. However, given the widespread circulation of the video and the enquiries it has generated, it is important that the record be set straight,’ he stated.

The clarification followed remarks made by Obi at the 22nd Conference of the Nigerian Guild of Editors in Enugu on Friday, where he spoke about his relationship with Soludo despite their political differences.

Obi had said he and his wife were godparents to Soludo’s children, describing the governor as someone with whom he maintained a close personal relationship.

‘People might not know, my wife and I are godparents to Soludo’s children. Yes, we are that close. So we are not quarrelling, and we will never quarrel,’ Obi said.

Ezeigwe maintained that the relationship between both families remained cordial and there was no need to misrepresent it.

The fear of being obsolete

The millennials coined a term called FOMO, or fear of missing out.

Today, mid- and senior-level managers, as well as more senior business owners, are now going through FOBO: Fear of being obsolete.

Because nobody wakes up one morning and discovers they have become irrelevant overnight.

Irrelevance is not a heart attack. It is high blood pressure: silent, gradual and ignored until something breaks.

Fast Company recently ran a piece by Featured.com, ’12 Signs You’re Becoming Irrelevant at Work.’ The executives and coaches each named a warning sign. Together they point to one uncomfortable conclusion.

Ekta Capoor of Amazing Workplaces said, ‘Relevance is rarely lost overnight. It fades when learning stops.’

Again, it fades when learning stops.

Not age. Not the younger hire. Not the new technology.

Those are just the moments that reveal the gap, a gap dug quietly over months and years by someone who stopped learning and never noticed.

And here is the part that stings. The people this happens to are almost never lazy.

They are busy. They are delivering. They are hitting deadlines, clearing inboxes, and doing exactly what made them valuable 10 years ago.

That is precisely the trap.

As one contributor put it, professionals who are becoming invisible are usually invisible to themselves first.

You can be working very hard and falling behind at the same time.

So how does the fading begin?

Let me borrow the article’s sharpest signals.

Executive coach Justin Key admitted he lived this himself. Running a tutoring company, he made himself so central to every answer that he stopped asking the questions that would have grown the business.

‘I had confused being needed with being effective,’ he wrote.

The company dissolved.

The lesson survived: the moment you stop being curious about your own work, you have already started falling behind.

Curiosity, he argues, is not a personality trait. It is a professional discipline.

And like any discipline, it can be practiced or neglected.

Another sign is that you tend to lean on what you did instead of what you can solve today.

Asked about your achievements, you answer with process: the meetings held, reports produced, assets launched, instead of results: revenue, savings, or risk reduced.

You protect your routine while the market quietly moves on.

So what do we do?

The article is refreshingly practical, and none of the fixes require a new title or a bigger budget.

They require humility.

Here are three I would put in front of every professional, young or seasoned.

First, for one week, ask more questions than you answer: in meetings, on calls, and in your own head before the standard reply.

Not performative questions, but genuine ones:

What am I assuming? What would I do differently if I were new here?

The leaders who course-correct, Key observed, got curious again before they got desperate.

Second, take on one stretch project every quarter. Something outside your comfort zone.

Perhaps a cross-functional initiative, an emerging tool, or a skill beyond your current role.

Relevance is built through adaptation, not tenure.

Third, feed your mind daily.

Ken Marshall of Meet Sona suggests finding the top five newsletters in your field, giving them ten to fifteen minutes each morning, then choosing one idea a month to go deeper on.

When you no longer recognize the headlines your peers discuss, that confusion is not small.

It is a signal.

I find all of this both convicting and hopeful.

Convicting, because I have trained and spoken for decades, and the temptation to coast on yesterday’s material is very real.

Last year’s applause is a terrible teacher. It tells you to repeat when the moment is asking you to grow.

Hopeful, because if relevance fades when learning stops, then it also returns when learning restarts.

This is not a life sentence. It is a thermostat you can reset.

I have said it before and I will keep saying it: the old world rewarded mastery.

The new world rewards learning agility.

Your degree, your title, your years of experience, these are what you knew. They are not proof of what you know now.

So here is the honest test. Look at the last 12 months. Not your calendar, but your curiosity.

What did you learn this year that you did not know last year? What idea changed how you work?

What question are you sitting with that you cannot yet answer? If the answers come easily, you are still growing.

Relevance is not your worry. If the answers do not come at all, do not panic.

But do not ignore it either. That is the high blood pressure talking, and now is the time to listen.

Stay curious.

Stay a student.

It is the surest way to stay in the room.

Azerbaijan seeks to expand partnership with Brookfield Asset Management

Azerbaijan’s Economy Minister Mikayil Jabbarov has met with Connor Teskey, CEO of Brookfield Asset Management, on the sidelines of the 2nd Azerbaijan International Investment Forum.

The meeting focused on existing cooperation between Azerbaijan and Brookfield Asset Management and prospects for expanding the partnership.

Given the company’s global investment activities focused on real assets, the sides exchanged views on areas of investment interest in Azerbaijan and potential projects.

They also discussed exploring investment opportunities in energy transition and energy storage, renewable energy, digital infrastructure and other sectors.

The meeting also highlighted measures being taken to further improve Azerbaijan’s investment environment, expand cooperation with international investors and promote large-scale investment projects.

Bola Ahmed Tinubu and the art of political engineering

WHAT does it mean to be a good political leader? This is one fundamental question that straddles political philosophy and political science. Political theorists have always been concerned with the idea of the political community and how its leadership can facilitate social harmony for further socioeconomic development. This makes the question of leadership a very critical one for democratic theory, and the determination of the essence of democracy and good governance. All across the world, there are series of indices by which the characteristic features of good leadership are determined. For instance, the human development index references a composite achievement of political leadership in terms of the living standards of the citizens. For many years, the top positions have always been the preserves of the Scandinavian and European countries, from Finland and Norway to the Netherlands and Germany. The highest-performing African countries are not only interspersed within the index, they also constitute the bulk of the countries that make up the bottom rung of the list.

Such indices and indicators of poverty and prosperity make the determination of leadership even all the more interesting and sometimes confounding, especially in a country like Nigeria that carries the burden of geopolitical, regional and continental possibilities and challenges. Since her return to democratic experimentation in 1999, Nigeria’s search for a good political leader has become redoubled, especially given that Nigeria’s postcolonial and post-independence predicaments have become even more grinding for millions of average Nigerians. As we drive slowly and steadily towards another general election in 2027, the discourse around leadership and the future of Nigeria has become even more accentuated. The apprehension about the impending democratic decision process is not only palpable but also fundamentally existential. Millions are asking whether their political and electoral choices this time around would be defining enough to swing Nigeria’s political, and hence economic, fortunes.

And at the very heart of that democratic apprehension is the possibility that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu will return to political power for another four years. Or that the opposition will be able to wrest power from him either jointly in strategic concert or singly through individual political and charismatic appeal. We must concede: within the force-field of the typical gains and pains that necessarily attend a root-and-branch brand of structural adjustment-grounded reforms, things are very difficult in Nigeria. The indices for multidimensional poverty are depressing. Millions have also been traumatised by insecurity from banditry and insurgency. Then there are the severe macroeconomic expressions of a governance system that is struggling to make sense of Nigeria’s oscillating fortunes. No one can envy any political leader who makes the decision to take on the heavy burden of shouldering Nigeria’s predicament at this moment in time. I do not envy such a leader given my background in governance, policy, and institutional reform. While I have been trying to make sense of the Nigerian civil service system, the President of Nigeria is trying to make sense of the political and economic dynamics of making Nigeria work. That is enormous. But then, people can argue that those who present themselves for leadership positions cannot be pitied because they had a sense of what it would entail, and they presumed that they had what it takes to steer the nation out of her challenges. This is a good argument that must be put in proper context.

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu knew the task involved in managing the affairs of Nigeria. He has been involved at several political levels of Nigeria’s unfolding for decades; from being in the trenches of the pro-democracy movement, locally and in exile, to being in the legislative arm as a senator, to governing a state, and in the management of party politics and its combustible dynamics at challenging times, and participating as a core stakeholder in geopolitical policymaking at the highest levels through numerous but disruptive transitions. When he brazenly insisted that it was his turn to get to that highest level of overseeing Nigeria’s fate-when he served the notice to all political agents that ‘Èmi lókàn’ (it’s now my turn)-we have all missed the courage embedded in that political decision. And this for me is where we must start in our reflection on President Tinubu’s performance after four years in office, and whether or not his administration deserves a second term.

Given the heat of Nigeria’s pressing situation, we often gloss over the provenance and complexity of current predicaments. Nigeria did not become the way it is under Tinubu. In other words, Nigeria under the Tinubu administration is already a composite of complex and complicated dysfunction and debilitation. From independence to date, the political and developmental circumstances of the Nigerian state have kept fluctuating so much so that millions of Nigerians have been the worse for it. The commencement of the democratic experiment has not brought much relief. The issue is not to therefore articulate platitudes and excuses on why the Tinubu administration could not be considered to be magicians who are expected to transform Nigeria overnight. On the contrary, the critical analysis lies elsewhere.

This is where my interest in political philosophy enables an analysis that deepens the understanding of Bola Ahmed Tinubu beyond the usual political commentaries that often dissolve into petty and abusive vitriols. How does political philosophy enable us to figure the political style and leadership dexterity of Bola Ahmed Tinubu as the president of the Nigerian state at this moment in time? One critical lens derives from the trajectory of his political evolution from a pro-democracy agitator to the sitting president of Nigeria. This alone is sufficient to necessitate an astute study of his political tenacity. In this regard, he has earned a space among the political avatars that have bestraddled the Nigerian space. Only a few leaders ever could survive Nigeria’s chaotic and violent political space, not to talk of ascending to the zenith of its governance structure. My interest, however, is not just taking on a measure of his political unravelling. Rather, I am intrigued by what his over three decades of political actions could reveal to us in terms of a distinct framework of political leadership, a schema of political power and the dynamics of nation-building.

It is very clear to me that, as a Tinubu acolyte, Western political understanding and global parameters of leadership will sit uneasily on Tinubu. This is not something to be lamented, because a leader is a function of the confluence of context, ideology, temperament and temporal situatedness. There is a level of unfairness in judging a postcolonial leadership by the parameters of Western political theory or democratic institutionalism. I will hazard the hypothesis further that, compared to Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Tinubu will still not be able to measure up in terms of a leadership grounded in value credentials. This is because Tinubu is already bedevilled by serious reputational negatives that derive from his political rising. However, the crucial difference between Awolowo and Tinubu is simply that the latter is at the helm of affairs of the Nigerian state at a time when it is most difficult to be a president. And this is doubly so for him because he has not only a running knowledge of the dynamics of the Nigerian predicaments; he also specifically asked to be president.

And yet, Tinubu has converted his political position into a stance of strength. His enigma persona, I insist, derives from his capacity for political engineering. This is an amorphous term that I need to unravel to capture my measure of respect for someone I consider to be a typology of a good leader. The rise of Tinubu from pro-democracy activist to governor of LAGOS State to political kingmaker and ultimately to president reveals a Machiavellian streak that speaks to his capacity to balance shifting alliances, strategically navigate complex and fragmented ethno-regional landscapes, and preside over an immense political machinery that manoeuvres between loyalists and rivals. He has become the ultimate Machiavellian strategist who is not just passively deft in deflecting oppositions, allegations and controversies. On the contrary, his strategic competences and alliances are meant to forge a pathway for rethinking Nigeria’s future.

This is a political persona that defies easy location in existing populist or bureaucratic leadership typology. We have a leader who has to ride through the rough and tough waters of the Nigerian political terrain and democratic context to be able to lay the foundation of a new Nigeria. This demands not just a visionary and ideological framework but also a transactional realism that demands systematic patronage structures which leverage the assistance of loyalists and experts around whom nation-building and political engineering can be facilitated. In the political discourse literature, the apt term for this patronage is political gardening-a framework of harnessing competences, expertise and alliances that could be deployed for political and non-political objectives. What makes Tinubu’s political rising fascinating and formidable is the emergence of a political machinery founded on political gardening, his capacity to headhunt political, economic and technocratic capacities that transcend generational and regional limitations.

This political machinery has not been founded for the sake of merely obtaining power for the sake of power. This is a difficult argument to sell given the generations of political powerbrokers who have passed through Aso Rock and left Nigeria worse than they met it. But then, why headhunt a critical mass of technocratic brainpowers if the endgame was simply to seize and exploit political power? If this harnessing of technocratic competence worked in his grand modernising plan for Lagos State, why would Nigeria be any different with the same strategy? This is where the Machiavellian label deserts our characterisation of Tinubu. This is because Machiavelli’s understanding of political power was for the maintenance of the state’s boundaries; Tinubu’s understanding of political power dwells at the very tight juncture where institutional patronage and strategic resilience must meet visionary policymaking, and power consolidation must be balanced by political engineering.

Four years are not sufficient for balancing power play while trying to inject structural reform into the Nigerian system. But what is more, for a nation-state that has been run into a complicated national dysfunction, there is no gainsaying the urgent necessity of swallowing hard pills of stringent policies like the fuel subsidy removal, the unification of the foreign exchange rates and the tightening of the monetary policy in ways that seek to eliminate price instability as an act in economic stabilisation that has crystallised. These are a few of the policies already put in place to alleviate the policy errors of the past and achieve fiscal growth and accountability.

Let us return to the critical comparison between Awolowo and Tinubu. We are all apprised of the legacy of Chief Obafemi Awolowo, especially in terms of human and infrastructural development. Tinubu’s legacy is still in the making, and the quest for a second term in office will go a long way not only to douse the immediate threat of political opposition (directed towards reputational damage) but to also allow freer avenue for the consolidation of the foundations of transformational policies. To secure a spot in the annals of political leadership in Nigeria, Tinubu is faced with the challenge of converting his political strategies and pragmatic orientation towards not just stabilising the fractured Nigerian state but also laying a policy architecture of economic recovery and growth.

My ugly encounters with Atiku cabinet under Obasanjo – Fani-Kayode

Nigerian High Commissioner to South Africa, Chief Femi Fani-Kayode, has revealed the confrontations he had with former Vice President Atiku Abubakar while they held sway as members of former President Olusegun Obasanjo’s cabinet.

In an article titled The Seventh Bid of Waziri, the former Minister of Aviation recalled how he confronted Atiku on two separate occasions during cabinet meetings demanding apologies for his relentless determination to undermine and destabilize the government he was elected to serve and ‘utterly destroy his principal’.

Fani-Kayode said Atiku ‘betrayed Obasanjo to such a point that I as Minister of Aviation at the time was constrained to demand that he should be thrown out of cabinet meetings on two separate occasions during full sessions of cabinet’.

He said he did so in the course of the meeting and in the presence of other cabinet members, adding that when he did, there was pin-drop silence in the cabinet chambers.

The ex-minister said: ‘The first time, Obasanjo saved him from the humiliation and appealed to me and the other ministers to allow him to stay while he sat there looking daggers at me and clearly in a state of shock.

‘The second time, which was a few weeks later, I made another demand in our cabinet meeting under ‘other matters’ that if he did not get up and leave the chamber as a consequence of his betrayals and treachery against our President then we the Ministers would walk out and leave him to conduct the Federal Executive Council meeting alone with the President.

‘Obasanjo again appealed to us to allow him to stay but compelled him to apologise to the entire cabinet there and then for his treachery and outrageous behaviour all motivated by the fact that he wanted to topple the President and take his place.

‘Atiku apologised there and then to the entire cabinet and consequently was allowed to stay at the Federal Executive Council meeting. But he NEVER attended another cabinet meeting after that.

‘This episode proves how over-ambitious he was as Vice President and how he coveted the seat of the man that brought him out of obscurity in Adamawa State and made him his Vice President.’

Fani-Kayode also revealed how Obasanjo survived the alleged plot by Atiku to topple him as the presidential candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in the 2003 general election.

He recalled that Atiku’s obsession with the presidency dates back to that period, when he allegedly mobilised the governors elected on the platform of the then ruling party to move against his boss who had nominated him as his running mate for the second time and topple him as the party’s presidential candidate.

Two interventions, he said, saved Obasanjo. ‘Firstly, the God factor, which was the most important, and secondly, a stupendously wealthy businessman from Kano (who I shall not name), who made virtually all the money that was needed available for both the delegates at the convention and the election itself.’

He said to Obasanjo’s credit, he refused to drop Atiku mid-stream as running mate and he was re-elected as Vice President on the same ticket.

‘It was after the second term began after the 2003 election that the real war between the two camps began, and I am proud to say that yours truly and others like Nasir Ei-Rufai, Nuhu Ribadu, Akin Osuntokun, Abiye Sekibo, Frank Nweke, Uba Sani, Adamu Bello, Julius Ihonvbere and many other that were either working in the Presidency or were ministers together with others like Peter Odili of Rivers State, Umaru Yar’Adua of Katisna State, Ahmad Makarfi of Kaduna State and a number of other governors took the battle to the gates of the Vice President and gave him hell over the next four years,’ he said.

Only the occasion of the birthday of controversial singer Charles Oputa a.k.a. Charly Boy in July, Obasanjo had reiterated the allegation that that Atiku plotted his impeachment as President by inducing a former speaker of the House of Representatives, the late Rt. Hon. Ghali Umar Na’Abba, with the sum of N5 million.

But responding to the allegation in a statement issued by his Senior Special Assistant on Public Communication, Phrank Shaibu, Atiku described Obasanjo’s claims as a politically motivated attempt to rewrite history, adding that the former President’s decision to raise the allegation only after Na’Abba’s death was both unfair and reckless considering that the deceased lawmaker could no longer defend himself or refute the allegation.

He accused Obasanjo of reviving ‘stale allegations’ to tarnish his image, saying that the former President’s hostility towards him dates back to his opposition to the controversial third-term agenda during Obasanjo’s administration.

‘My offence was that I stood firmly against the unconstitutional third term agenda (of Obasanjo). As a democrat, I chose the path of constitutionalism and the rule of law. Rather than surrender democratic principles on the altar of personal ambition, I defended the constitution and successfully asserted my rights through the courts in a series of landmark legal victories against a sitting president,’ he said.

Martyrs’ Fortress monument unveiled in Gakh

A monument complex dedicated to the memory of martyrs, named “Martyrs’ Fortress”, has been unveiled in Qashqachay village of the Gakh district.

According to Azertag, the opening ceremony of “Martyrs’ Fortress” began with a performance by an orchestra. The Azerbaijani national flag was raised on the towers of the fortress, followed by the national anthem and a one-minute silence in memory of the martyrs.

It was reported that the 22-meter-high monument complex features towers on both sides. An Azerbaijani flag flies atop each tower. The fortress has 44 embrasures symbolizing the 44-day Patriotic War, while one additional embrasure represents the anti-terror operation.

Speaking at the opening ceremony, the project’s author Anvar Afandiyev said the site was created as a place where the sacred memory of the martyrs would be preserved and the love of the Motherland and the legacy of heroism would be passed on to future generations.

He noted that schoolchildren could attend “open lessons” at the site, military conscripts could be sent off from there, and newlyweds could make their wishes at the sacred location.

Lala Rahimova, the mother of National Hero Javanshir Rahimov, said that the residents of Qashqachay had always played an important role in Azerbaijan’s history of statehood and had stood in defense of the Motherland, fulfilling their duties at the cost of their blood and lives. She emphasized that the monument reflects the heroism of the village’s brave sons.

Gakh District Executive Authority head Elvin Pashayev spoke about the Patriotic War, noting that the country’s heroic sons had made a major contribution to restoring Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity and sovereignty at the cost of their lives.

“The Victory we have today was made possible by the heroism of our martyrs, the sacrifice of our veterans and the unity of our people. In this regard, the ‘Martyrs’ Fortress’ erected in a remote mountain village will go down in history not only as a place preserving the cherished memory of those from Qashqachay, but also as a sacred site honoring the memory of all our martyrs,” Pashayev said.

Other speakers at the event also spoke about state support for the families of martyrs and war veterans and expressed their gratitude.

The ribbon-cutting ceremony for the “Martyrs’ Fortress” monument complex was then held with the participation of mothers and children of martyrs. Wreaths and flowers were laid in front of the monument.

The ceremony continued with military marches performed by the military orchestra.

Qashqachay village is home to the families of 22 martyrs and 18 war veterans. Azerbaijan’s youngest National Hero, Javanshir Rahimov, was also born and raised in the village.

Qashqachay is also known for its prominent generals and officers, as well as patriotic sons who continue to serve in the Azerbaijani Army.

DSWD to improve storage of relief goods

The Department of Social Welfare and Development (DSWD) vowed to improve its storage of prepositioned food packs after the Commission on Audit (COA) found several ‘deficiencies’ in its handling of relief goods, with some items damaged by rodents and other pests.

COA also observed the ‘improper storage and inadequate monitoring of movements of prepositioned goods’ across several regions.

‘We acknowledge the COA findings, and we have already taken corrective measures to address these and prevent recurrence,’ DSWD spokesperson and Assistant Secretary Irene Dumlao said, adding that the DSWD is finalizing its Warehouse Inventory Management System that will provide real-time monitoring of family food packs and other food and nonfood items.

Regular warehouse inspections and spot-checks will also be strengthened ‘to ensure compliance with storage and inventory management standards,’ Dumlao said.