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When will Atiku report himself to Trump?’ – Presidency fires back

The Presidency has launched a scathing attack on former Vice President Atiku Abubakar over reports that his lobbyists in the United States petitioned President Donald Trump and members of the US Congress over President Bola Tinubu’s past civil forfeiture case.

It accused Atiku of undermining Nigeria’s sovereignty and pursuing personal political ambitions.

In a statement issued on Thursday, Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy, Bayo Onanuga, described Atiku’s alleged move as unbecoming of an elder statesman and said it reflected a desperate quest for the presidency at the expense of Nigeria’s national image.

According to Onanuga, Atiku’s ‘relentless desire’ to become president had ‘closed his eyes to the virtues of statesmanship, decorum and propriety expected of an elder statesman.’

‘It is baffling and disappointing that someone who has sought the presidency for over three decades now resorts to reporting the President of Nigeria to US President Donald Trump and members of the US Congress,’ Onanuga said.

He said Atiku’s lobbying group in the United States submitted petitions relating to Tinubu’s 1993 civil forfeiture case, describing the matter as one that had been settled decades ago.

‘This issue was resolved over 30 years ago in the United States and has been thoroughly litigated, explained and rendered moot by the electoral mandates conferred on President Bola Tinubu by the people of Lagos and Nigeria at large,’ he said.

Onanuga argued that reviving the case amounted to ‘an affront to the intelligence of Nigerians’ and an attempt to ‘rewrite history for personal gain.’

The presidential spokesman maintained that Nigeria is a sovereign nation whose domestic political issues should not be taken before foreign governments.

‘It is important to remind Atiku and his associates that Nigeria is a sovereign nation, not a satellite of any foreign power. Reporting the President of Nigeria to another country’s leader is not only inappropriate but also undermines the nation’s dignity and independence,’ he stated.

He added that while lobbying is a legitimate feature of American politics, ’employing paid foreign agents to peddle discredited documents against a sitting Nigerian President is not advocacy-it is an attempt to externalise domestic politics and undermine Nigeria’s sovereignty.’

Onanuga said the issues surrounding Tinubu’s eligibility had already been decided by Nigerian voters during the 2023 presidential election and subsequently affirmed by the Supreme Court.

‘Nigerians resolved this matter at the ballot in February 2023 and in the Supreme Court. That verdict stands, and Atiku’s latest fishing expedition would amount to nought,’ he said.

The presidential aide also challenged Atiku to address allegations relating to his own past dealings in the United States.

‘Furthermore, if Atiku Abubakar can spend $1.2 million on American lobbyists to report President Tinubu, perhaps he should also clarify his own legal standing in the United States,’ Onanuga said.

He said that Atiku featured prominently in the William Jefferson bribery scandal and was among the subjects of a 2010 US Senate investigation titled Keeping Foreign Corruption Out of the United States: Four Case Histories.

According to Onanuga, the report documented allegations that Atiku used offshore companies to move suspect funds, including alleged bribes from multinational companies, into the United States.

The presidential spokesman further accused the former vice president of seeking the presidency to shield himself from potential legal challenges abroad.

‘Atiku’s obsession with the presidency is driven not just by his ambition, but by a desire for diplomatic immunity and to evade potential legal issues abroad,’ he claimed.

Onanuga also criticised Atiku’s record during the privatisation programme under the Olusegun Obasanjo administration, alleging that national assets were sold to cronies at undervalued prices, resulting in job losses and unpaid entitlements.

He argued that rather than offering policy alternatives to address Nigeria’s challenges, the former vice president had chosen ‘the path of media theatrics and lobbying in Washington.’

‘The challenges Nigeria faces require serious engagement, thoughtful solutions and leadership at home-not grandstanding abroad,’ he said.

Onanuga said President Tinubu remains focused on implementing the administration’s Renewed Hope Agenda, stabilising the economy, attracting investments, improving national security and restoring Nigeria’s international standing.

‘President Tinubu is unfazed by Atiku’s theatrics as he remains focused on his Renewed Hope Agenda… He is not distracted by political actors, perennial losers like Atiku, who now seek validation abroad,’ Onanuga stated.

BAT profit up 3pc, maintains dividend at Sh10 per share

BAT Kenya maintained an interim dividend of Sh10 per share as its net profit for the six months to June 2026 rose 3.1 percent to Sh3.08 billion on higher export and oral nicotine pouch sales.

The Nairobi Securities Exchange (NSE) listed company’s gross revenue grew by 2.6 percent in the period to Sh18.9 billion, while operating costs rose 6.8 percent to Sh8.02 billion.

Finance income rose to Sh136 million from Sh97 million in the first half of 2025, while income tax expense was slightly lower at Sh1.32 billion, from Sh1.34 billion previously. BAT also collected Sh6.69 billion in excise duty and VAT on behalf of the government, down from Sh6.76 billion a year earlier.

BAT said that sales in its domestic and export markets came under pressure from rising inflation, which cut disposable income, resulting in lower cigarette sales volumes. The company added that higher fuel prices associated with the ongoing conflict in the Middle East increased its logistical and input costs.

The company kept its interim dividend for the half-year period unchanged at Sh10 per share, or Sh1 billion in total. The dividend will be paid on September 25 to shareholders on the company’s books by close of business on August 28.

‘Net revenue increased by five percent to Sh12.3 billion, driven by recovery in export sales and modern oral nicotine pouch sales following the launch in June 2025. This increase offset the impact of lower sales volumes and consumer downtrading in the domestic market,’ said BAT Kenya in a statement.

‘Cost of operations increased by seven percent, mainly driven by higher input costs together with additional expenditure to comply with graphic health warning regulations and support the company’s multi-category product portfolio.’

BAT resumed sale of its oral nicotine pouches in June 2025, after securing the necessary sales licences for the products from the government.

It had introduced the pouches in 2019 -then branded Lyft- as it sought to diversify away from combustible cigarettes. It however stopped selling them a year later after the government said they ought to be regulated as a tobacco product.

In 2024, the company sold the pouch making machinery at its Nairobi factory after lying idle for five years due to the marketing ban, saying that it would rely on imports once it got the nod to bring the pouches back to the market.

The company has also highlighted the impact of an influx of illicit cigarettes in the domestic market.

Citing unnamed third party research, BAT said that illicit cigarettes accounted for 45 percent of the domestic market by the end of 2025, up from 37 percent in 2024, ultimately denying the government Sh12 billion in tax revenue annually.

BAT attributed the surge in illicit products to the lower purchasing power of its customers, which has been forcing them to turn to lower priced alternatives to its products. The company added that although efforts have been made by relevant government agencies to address the illicit trade, enhanced enforcement measures will be required to curb this growing menace.

CMCFeature-CARIBBEAN-POLITICS – Party politics and the national interest

In 1796, as George Washington prepared to leave the presidency of the United States, he issued a warning that remains relevant, particularly for Caribbean small states.

He was addressing a young republic whose 13 states were still consolidating into a durable Union while facing threats from powerful European nations.

Political parties, he feared, could become dangerous when loyalty to faction displaced loyalty to country, opponents were treated as enemies, and the acquisition of power became more important than its proper purposes.

Washington called this the ‘spirit of party’. He did not deny that political differences were natural, nor could he have foreseen the indispensable role that organised political parties would come to play in representative democracy.

His warning concerned something more corrosive: political competition becoming a permanent struggle in which every contest is treated as existential, every action of an opponent condemned, and national welfare subordinated to partisan victory.

That warning deserves serious consideration in the Caribbean.

Political parties are indispensable to democracy.

They organise ideas, contest elections, form governments and provide an opposition capable of holding governments to account. No healthy democracy can function without disagreement, scrutiny and the possibility of peaceful removal of a government through the ballot box.

But unbridled party loyalty becomes destructive when a victorious party treats the state as its possession and opposition parties believe their path to power requires them to attack everything the government does, irrespective of its merit or benefit to the country.

For small Caribbean states, the consequences are especially serious. These countries possess little economic or military power and are highly vulnerable to the demands of larger states. Their trade, finance, investment, tourism, transportation and technology depend heavily on external actors.

They are exposed to coercive measures, arbitrary classifications, financial blacklisting, loss of correspondent banking, visa restrictions, demands concerning taxation and citizenship programmes, and pressure to accept policies devised by larger states for their own purposes. Such demands can materially affect employment, public revenue and living standards, even though the affected countries have little role in shaping them and limited power to resist.

Under these circumstances, national cohesion is an element of national defence.

The political systems inherited by much of the English-speaking Caribbean do not always encourage that cohesion.

The Westminster system has served the region well, facilitating regular elections, orderly changes of government and a durable commitment to parliamentary democracy and the rule of law.

But its Caribbean form has a pronounced winner-takes-all character.

Electoral victory often gives the governing party effective control of both the executive and the parliamentary majority. This places a special responsibility on governments to exercise restraint, respect independent institutions and recognise that an electoral mandate confers stewardship of the state, not ownership.

Opposition parties carry an equally important responsibility. Their role is not only to scrutinise the government and present credible alternatives, but to do so in a manner that strengthens the state they seek to lead.

Opposition for its own sake – attacking every initiative, obstructing measures that serve the public interest, or denying credit irrespective of merit – does not advance democracy. Exclusion from office by the will of the electorate does not justify conduct that weakens the very institutions an opposition aspires to inherit.

Caribbean states have limited pools of highly trained administrators, economists, engineers, diplomats, educators and technical specialists. Yet too much of this scarce capacity is consumed in political combat. The country pays twice: it loses the contribution of capable citizens and diverts energy that should be directed towards development into a struggle over political advantage.

The damage extends beyond domestic governance. It affects the capacity of Caribbean states to defend their independence, sovereignty and national dignity. External actors recognise when domestic parties are prepared to use international pressure against one another, and when agreements are denounced simply because a government negotiated them.

A powerful country or institution then does not have to confront a united state. It can exploit domestic grievances and allow Caribbean political actors to weaken their own national position.

Caribbean countries need to recover the idea that some interests belong to the nation as a whole. Territorial integrity, constitutional government, electoral legitimacy, economic security, international standing and the dignity of citizens should not become opportunistic instruments of party competition.

Too often, nothing is regarded as being above political exploitation. A foreign government takes a measure harmful to a Caribbean country, and some celebrate because they believe it injures the party in office. An unfounded allegation is made against the country, and political actors repeat it in the hope of embarrassing the government.

But a wound inflicted upon the country to damage one administration does not disappear when another party takes office. The weakened institution, lost international confidence, damaged reputation and adverse precedent become the inheritance of its successor.

Caribbean states cannot afford to approach every external challenge as another opportunity for domestic combat. They require consultation across political lines, professional public services and a national understanding of the principles that should guide foreign and economic policy.

Ultimately, democratic competition must occur within an accepted framework: political opponents are legitimate, constitutional restraints apply to everyone, public institutions belong to the state not political parties, and the defence of national sovereignty is a shared responsibility.

George Washington spoke to a young republic struggling to preserve its independence in a world dominated by powerful states. Caribbean countries face a comparable challenge.

For small states, placing country above party is a practical necessity in navigating an increasingly uncertain international environment. In a world where power is unevenly distributed and external pressures are persistent, domestic division weakens the capacity to respond effectively and coherently. Caribbean nations may not be able to prevent every adverse action taken by larger states, but they can determine whether they confront such challenges with unity of purpose or internal discord.

When the interest of party is allowed to override the national interest, it is not domestic rivals who ultimately prevail, but external forces whose interests are neither aligned with, nor accountable to, the people of the region.

Smuggled cigarettes seized in Zamboanga, Lanao

Smuggled cigarettes valued at P234.3 million have been seized in the waters off Olutanga town in Zamboanga Sibugay, according to the Naval Command Western Mindanao (NCWM).

Meanwhile, in Lanao del Norte, police seized two shipments of illegal cigarettes worth P860,000 in separate operations over the weekend.

The contraband seized in Zamboanga Sibugay was loaded in a Malaysian-styled boat or junkong that was intercepted near Lutangan Island.

NCWM chief Rear Adm. Constancio Arturo Reyes said that members of the Philippine Navy found 1,436 master cases and 55 reams of foreign-branded cigarettes in the boat.

The Navy personnel arrested the crewmembers for failing to present documents for their cargo.

Reyes described the seizure as a major blow to cigarette smuggling activities in Western Mindanao.

In Lanao del Norte, the first shipment valued at P660,000 was found in a truck that was intercepted in Iligan City.

The second, worth P200,000, was in a multicab that was pulled over at a checkpoint in Pantar town.

The drivers failed to show documents for their cargos.

The illegal items were turned over to the Bureau of Customs for proper disposition

Hayleys Agriculture opens Sri Lanka’s first frozen concentrated coconut water manufacturing facility

Hayleys Agriculture Holdings Ltd., recently marked another milestone with the opening of Hayleys Nature Nest Ltd., Sri Lanka’s first of its kind frozen concentrated coconut water manufacturing facility.

This state-of-the-art facility represents another significant step in our journey to create greater value from Sri Lanka’s rich agricultural resources. By transforming locally sourced coconut water into premium concentrated coconut water for export markets, Hayleys Nature Nest strengthens our commitment to innovation, sustainability, and value-added agricultural exports.

Beyond expanding its global footprint, this investment supports local coconut growers and communities while contributing to increased export earnings and the long-term growth of Sri Lanka’s agricultural sector. Hayleys Agriculture said as it celebrates this milestone, it remains committed to delivering sustainable, high-quality agricultural solutions that create value for stakeholders and showcase the best of Sri Lanka to the world.

UE names new marketing, university relations director

THE University of the East (UE) has announced the appointment of seasoned marketing professional Danica Magat-Celario as director of its Marketing and University Relations Department.

Celario brings more than 16 years of experience in higher education marketing, strategic communications and institutional engagement to the university.

Celario officially assumed office in June 2026, succeeding former UE Marketing and University Relations Director Edilberto Sulat Jr., who retired after serving the university for 24 years.

Welcoming Celario to the University, UE President and Chief Academic Officer Zosimo Battad expressed confidence that her vast experience and collaborative leadership will fortify the University’s communications and engagement with stakeholders as UE prepares to mark its 80th founding anniversary in September.

‘We are pleased to welcome Ms. Danica Magat-Celario to the University of the East. Her extensive experience in higher education marketing and communications, together with her collaborative approach to leadership, will strengthen our engagement with our community and partners. We look forward to her contributions in advancing initiatives that support our mission and uphold the values that have guided UE for eight decades,’ Battad said.

Celario spent much of her career leading institutional marketing communications, digital engagement, and strategic planning initiatives in the higher education sector. Prior to joining UE, she served as Marketing Manager of the Center for Strategic Marketing and Communications of Lyceum of the Philippines University Manila.

‘I am honored to join UE at such an important milestone in its rich history. I look forward to collaborating with the entire university community to deepen connections, engage our stakeholders and champion the core mission that has defined UE for 80 years,’ Celario said.

Celario’s multifaceted experience spans strategic communications, multimedia and digital platforms, market research, event management and quality management systems. She is a trained ISO Internal Auditor and has also served as a faculty member under the Expanded Tertiary Education Equivalency and Accreditation Program, teaching courses in marketing management, strategic marketing, e-commerce, and Meetings, Incentives, Conferences, and Exhibitions or MICE.

As Director of the Marketing and University Relations Department, Celario will lead the university’s stakeholder engagement and strategic communications initiatives, working with academic and administrative units to enhance institutional presence and ensure that the University’s communications remain proactive, collaborative and aligned with its core values that include excellence, integrity and social responsibility.

Celario holds a Master of Business Administration and a Bachelor of Science in Business Administration major in Marketing Management.

Her appointment underscores UE’s continuing commitment to delivering socially relevant and nation-building education spanning eight decades.

Woman sought for trying to kill husband caught after 19 years

A 50-year-old woman has been arrested in Bangkok nearly two decades after allegedly helping her younger boyfriend attempt to murder her husband in Trang province.

Police from the Crime Suppression Division (CSD) apprehended the suspect, identified only as Prapaipat, in front of a company in the Rong Muang area of Pathumwan district of Bangkok on Wednesday.

The woman was wanted on an arrest warrant issued by the Trang Provincial Court on Sept 13, 2007, on a charge of attempted murder, according to the Central Investigation Bureau, which oversees the CSD.

The case dates back to 2007 when the victim, identified as Kaset, discovered that his wife had been romantically involved with a man named Charoen. The discovery led to a heated confrontation.

His wife and her boyfriend later invited Kaset to meet them at a food shop in an attempt to resolve the dispute. However, another argument erupted while they were travelling home.

Investigators said Charoen kicked the victim’s motorcycle, causing him to crash, before stabbing him and slashing his throat with a knife. Ms Prapaipat reportedly helped restrain the victim during the attack. Believing the victim had died, the two suspects fled the scene.

Officers from the Nong Trut police station in Trang later found that the victim was still alive and rushed him to hospital, where he survived. His testimony became key evidence in obtaining arrest warrants for both suspects.

Charoen was arrested shortly afterwards, convicted and sentenced to prison. He has since completed his sentence.

Ms Prapaipat remained at large for more than 19 years, moving between residences and jobs in several provinces to evade capture.

Police investigators recently learned that she had been working for a transport company in Bangkok and was living inside one of the company’s 10-wheel trucks, driven by her current husband. The officers then arrested her at the company.

During questioning, Ms Prapaipat denied any involvement in the attack. She claimed she was merely present at the scene and had travelled in the same vehicle as the victim, insisting she did not participate in the attempted murder.

She was handed over to investigators at the Nong Trut police station for legal action.

Sri Lanka moves to scale climate finance and insurance solution for MSMEs in wake of Cyclone Ditwah

Chrysalis recently brought together an unprecedented cross-section of Sri Lanka’s policy, finance, and development community at the Granbel Hotel, Colombo, for a Dialogue and Reflection Session on ‘Inclusive Climate and Disaster Risk Financing and Insurance’ (CDRFI) for MSMEs.

Convened under the Multi-Actor Partnership (MAP) approach, supported by CARE Germany and Co-funded by BMZ, the European Union, and Co-Impact Gender Fund, the event placed one question at the centre: how does Sri Lanka turn a proven community finance model into a national institution?

The answer has become urgent. Cyclone Ditwah, which tore through Sri Lanka in November 2025, left an estimated Rs. 50-85 b in damage across the MSME sector – enterprises that collectively account for 52% of the country’s GDP. Supply chains stalled. Cash flows dried up. For women-owned enterprises in the worst-affected areas, the impact was even greater, as they already faced credit constraints 32% higher than their male counterparts. Formal banks were unable to respond quickly, while available insurance products did not meet their needs. The gap was clear and immediate.

Into that gap stepped the Climate Resilience Revolving Fund (CRRF). Designed by Chrysalis with consortia governance, climate-event triggers, and repayment terms built around how small businesses actually recover, the CRRF moved recovery loans to affected members within 3 to 10 days of the cyclone – faster than any formal institution. For thousands of small producers, it was the only financial lifeline available.

‘Ditwah did not create the vulnerability – it exposed it. Sri Lanka’s MSMEs, especially women-led businesses in high-risk areas, have long been underserved by financial systems not built for their realities. The CRRF was designed to fill that gap. This dialogue is about making sure it becomes a permanent part of how this country responds to climate disasters – not a one-off intervention,’ said Chrysalis Chief Executive Officer Ashika Gunasena.

The dialogue opened with a detailed presentation of the CRRF model, which Chrysalis Programs Director Ahamed Rislan described as structurally distinct from conventional microfinance. Where traditional instruments rely on fixed-asset collateral and slow credit processes, the CRRF is triggered by climate events, governed by the consortia it serves, and engineered to release capital at disaster speed.

‘The CRRF is not microfinance with a climate label – it is built differently, and Cyclone Ditwah proved it. The model held. Now the work is to make it permanent and scale it to every MSME that will face the next storm,’ stated Chrysalis Programs Director Ahamed Rislan.

The session produced strong cross-sector momentum. The Ministry of Industry introduced SME NEXUS -the national framework for MSME growth -and signaled clear intent to embed climate resilience into its operational rollout. The government’s position was unambiguous.

‘Resilience should not begin after disaster strikes -it must be built into every MSME through policy, financing, and preparedness,’added Industry and Entrepreneurship Development Ministry Additional Secretary Anoja Herath, who was a special guest at the event.

CARE Germany Program and Contract Management Officer Hanna Bartels said that the Multi-Actor Partnership exists to do exactly this – bring every part of the ecosystem into one room so that what works on the ground can be backed by policy and capital. The CRRF has earned that support’.

Two gaps dominated the afternoon’s discussion: the absence of parametric climate insurance for MSMEs, and the lack of granular data needed to build such products. Consortia members added a third: the need for faster, more accurate early-warning information from the Government before disasters strike. Their testimony was direct.

‘After Ditwah, our supply chain was gone overnight. No bank came. No insurer called. The CRRF reached us in days. We need this to stay – not disappear when the project ends,’ said Charlot’s Apparel Badulla Founder Nirmalie Ranasinghe.

The dialogue closed with stakeholders aligned on a blended-finance architecture: concessional public capital layered with GCF and GEF funding, IFI and development partner windows, commercial bank on-lending, and climate insurance – all delivered through MSME consortia at the last mile. Chrysalis will document the operating model and convene a technical working group within the next quarter to develop a cost national scale-up roadmap.

1.5 million speed pills seized in Nakhon Si Thammarat

A suspect has been arrested with 1.5 million speed pills, firearms, a million baht in cash and other assets seized in Thung Song district of this southern province, authorities said on Thursday.

The arrest took place at a house in tambon Na Luang Sen of Thung Song district, provincial governor Somchai Leelanoi said at a media briefing on Thursday. The suspect has been identified only as Manee, 42.

In addition to the speed pills, authorities seized three firearms, more than one million baht in cash, a pickup truck with Nakhon Si Thammarat licence plates and other items.

Investigators said officers were acting on a tip-off from an informant that members of a drug trafficking network were staying at the house and preparing to move a large shipment of narcotics.

When officers arrived, they found the suspect standing beside the pickup truck. Upon noticing the police, he fled on foot but was apprehended after a brief chase.

A search of the pickup uncovered a large quantity of speed pills, while a subsequent search of the house uncovered additional drugs, bringing the total seizure to 1.56 million pills.

The suspect has been charged with possessing a Category 1 narcotic with intent to sell.

Police said the investigation would be expanded to identify and arrest other members of the trafficking network.

The provincial governor said the seizure was the largest made in Nakhon Si Thammarat during the government’s 90-day anti-drug campaign, which has mobilised agencies across the province to intensify narcotics suppression efforts.

Mr Somchai said Nakhon Si Thammarat ranked first nationwide last year in drug-related arrests and asset seizures, with authorities confiscating assets worth 227 million baht from drug suspects.

From January to July this year, assets worth 148 million baht have already been seized, he said.

Inside Kenya’s high-stakes bid to become Africa’s AI investment epicentre

Record foreign investment inflows have put Kenya on the radar of global investors, but the next battle is likely to be fought over artificial intelligence infrastructure, green data centres and the digital economy.

Kenya Investment Authority (Invest Kenya) chief executive John Mwendwa says the country is betting on its renewable energy, skilled workforce and strategic location to attract the next wave of capital.

Kenya attracted a record $3.2 billion (Sh413.6 billion) in foreign direct investment in 2025 according to UNCTAD. What drove that performance?

It’s always good to set the landscape before jumping into the numbers. Globally, capital is looking for favourable places to locate, and Africa is increasingly becoming the next frontier for investment because by 2040 it will be home to the world’s youngest population.

Kenya is riding that wave. For the first time in our history, foreign direct investment exceeded $3 billion. That did not happen by accident. It reflects a sustained government push to facilitate investors throughout the entire journey.

We work with investors from the moment they begin considering opportunities in Africa and Kenya, providing business intelligence and helping them evaluate projects. We stay with them through implementation until they are commercially operational.

For the first time, we’ve also strengthened what we call ‘aftercare’, ensuring investors continue receiving support after establishing operations. That complete investor journey has become a major differentiator.

Much of the global investment conversation has shifted from traditional manufacturing to artificial intelligence infrastructure and data centres. Is Kenya seeing that shift?

Absolutely. AI and technology continue evolving faster than most people imagine.

We already have a pipeline of several data centre investments interested in Kenya, not only to serve the domestic market but to use Kenya as a springboard for the rest of Africa.

Green data centres represent the future. Sustainability has become a significant consideration for investors, and Kenya has a strong advantage because our electricity mix is about 93 percent renewable.

We have also seen important announcements such as Oracle’s data centre investment, and there are others evaluating similar opportunities. The demand is definitely there.

The key question now is ensuring power supply grows alongside demand.

Can Kenya realistically compete with established investment destinations like South Africa, Morocco or even the UAE for AI infrastructure?

Investors make decisions based on different competitive advantages, and I believe Kenya possesses a combination that very few countries on the continent can match.

We are strategically located on Africa’s eastern seaboard, giving us access to regional and international markets.

Our electricity is largely renewable, with a national ambition of reaching 100 percent renewable energy in the coming years. That becomes a very important consideration for companies building energy-intensive digital infrastructure.

Remember, these are not data centres designed only for Kenya. They are regional facilities serving customers across Africa and beyond.

The building blocks required to make Kenya a technology hub are increasingly falling into place.

If you want evidence, look at startup funding. Kenya attracted nearly $1 billion in startup investment in 2025, with a significant share flowing into technology businesses.

We believe Kenya is competitive, and this is one area where we can become a continental leader.

How is Invest Kenya helping investors move faster once they decide to invest?

One of the biggest initiatives we have introduced is what we call the ‘Investment Deal Room’.

Essentially, it brings together different government agencies to resolve investment bottlenecks in one coordinated process.

If an investor has challenges with land titles, we engage the Ministry of Lands. If there are taxation issues, company registration concerns or regulatory approvals, the relevant agencies come together and work through those challenges collectively.

Rather than leaving investors to navigate multiple institutions independently, we coordinate solutions.

That dedicated collaboration has significantly improved the investment process.

Apart from approvals, what is the biggest challenge you face when trying to attract global capital?

One challenge that doesn’t receive enough attention is the quality of investment opportunities.

A project cannot simply be an idea. Investors need detailed financial assumptions, realistic projections and credible data before committing capital.

That is why, for the first time, we have published an investment projects catalogue.

It brings together public, private, public-private partnership and infrastructure projects that have been developed to a standard investors can evaluate.

Instead of spending months trying to understand whether an opportunity is viable, investors can immediately see where the opportunities are and what the potential returns look like.

That shortens the investment discovery process considerably.

If you could change one thing over the next 12 months to improve Kenya’s competitiveness, what would it be?

The biggest priority is creating an even more predictable and conducive business environment.

Investment promotion is not something one agency can deliver alone. It requires coordination across government because investors interact with many institutions.

For us, the most consequential issue is improving the overall business climate. If investors know what is coming, if regulations are fair and consistent, and if decisions happen quickly, Kenya becomes much more competitive.

What are some of biggest investment projects that Kenya lost to competing countries in recent years?

If you asked a bank how many customers it declined compared to those it financed, you would probably find they turned away far more than they approved.

Investment promotion works in a similar way. Not every project comes to Kenya, and that’s perfectly normal. Sometimes another country is simply a better fit.

If another African country wins an investment, Africa still benefits.

What matters is understanding why we didn’t secure a project and whether there are lessons we can apply next time.

The encouraging part is that Kenya’s numbers continue moving in the right direction. Foreign direct investment is growing. Our pipeline continues expanding.

Our focus remains on improving conversion.

Looking ahead, are you confident Kenya can surpass the record FDI inflows recorded in 2025?

I’m optimistic, but we are only halfway through the year, so I don’t want to give a specific number.

When we held our international investment conference in March, I thought we might announce around $2 billion worth of investment commitments.

Instead, we announced $2.9 billion. That shows the strength of the pipeline.

Based on what we are seeing today, I believe 2026 can perform better than 2025.

Exactly where the number lands, we will know when the year closes. But the trajectory is positive.