Nigeria’s FTSE return puts jobs, productive investment in focus

Nigeria’s return to the global Frontier Market universe is shifting attention beyond improved investor access to whether renewed confidence can translate into productive investment, business expansion and jobs for Nigerians.

FTSE Russell has confirmed that Nigeria’s capital market will be reclassified from ‘Unclassified’ to ‘Frontier Market’ status from September 21, 2026.

Nigeria was removed from the category in 2023 amid concerns over foreign exchange liquidity, capital repatriation and market accessibility. Its return reflects improvements in these areas and is being presented by government and market authorities as an endorsement of the country’s reform programme.

But for Nigeria, the bigger test is whether the improved investment environment can attract capital that supports businesses and productive sectors rather than simply increasing portfolio inflows.

The reclassification comes at a consequential point for the economy, as the government seeks to move from macroeconomic stabilisation towards investment-led growth.

The administration is placing greater emphasis on private investment, productive sectors, infrastructure, industrialisation and job creation, while its ambition to build a US$1 trillion economy by 2030 is being carried into the new Medium-Term National Development Plan 2026-2030.

Benson Adenuga, West Africa director at British International Investment (BII), said the reclassification provides an opportunity to deepen Nigeria’s investment ecosystem by improving market accessibility for international and domestic investors.

The development could also strengthen the role of pension and institutional capital in financing businesses and infrastructure, while creating opportunities to mobilise more private capital into sectors capable of generating jobs and broadening economic opportunity.

For Nigeria, this raises a critical question: can the reforms that have helped rebuild investor confidence now translate into long-term capital for businesses, infrastructure and productive sectors?

The country has spent the past three years addressing concerns around foreign exchange liquidity, capital repatriation and market accessibility. The return to the FTSE Russell Frontier Market category could therefore provide a fresh platform for international investors to reconsider Nigerian assets.

However, the challenge will be to ensure that renewed investor interest supports sectors such as industrialisation, energy, agriculture, infrastructure, financial inclusion and entrepreneurship.

BII’s investments in Nigeria illustrate the type of productive capital that could help achieve this objective.

The development finance institution has invested in Odyssey Energy Solutions to support the expansion of mini-grids under Nigeria’s DARES programme, which aims to expand electricity access to 17.5 million people.

It also provided a US$30 million blended facility to InfraCredit to mobilise institutional capital into decentralised renewable energy and improve access to affordable power.

In manufacturing, BII has committed US$140 million over more than a decade to Indorama Eleme Fertilizer, one of Sub-Saharan Africa’s largest fertiliser producers, which now supplies around 80 percent of Nigeria’s domestic fertiliser demand.

In agriculture, BII invested US$40.5 million in Johnvents Group to support cocoa production, traceability and export capacity, while its investment in Valency International is supporting Nigerian cashew processing, with up to 2,800 jobs and 60,000 farmers expected to benefit.

BII has also backed Moniepoint, a fintech company supporting 2.5 million businesses, processing around 55 million transactions and handling approximately US$17 billion in monthly payments.

Its financial-sector investments include a US$100 million facility for First Bank Nigeria to support MSMEs, including US$30 million earmarked for women-owned and women-led businesses.

BII also provided a US$50 million facility to First City Monument Bank, with 70 percent directed to MSMEs in northern Nigeria and 30 percent to women-owned and women-led businesses nationwide.

These investments point to the broader economic opportunity that could emerge if Nigeria’s improved investment profile translates into more capital for businesses and productive sectors.

The changing UK-Nigeria economic relationship could further support this process. The two countries renewed their Enhanced Trade and Investment Partnership in March 2026, focusing on investment, regulatory cooperation, trade and sustainable, inclusive growth.

This aligns with BII’s new strategy to deploy up to £9 billion across Africa over the next five years, with Nigeria remaining a major focus market. Its investments are aimed at supporting private-sector growth, mobilising additional capital and advancing priorities including jobs, value addition, sustainable manufacturing, agriculture and energy.

The return to frontier market status therefore marks more than an index change for Nigeria. It provides an opportunity to test whether reforms that have restored confidence among investors can now deliver the capital needed to expand businesses, create jobs and strengthen the productive capacity of the economy.

With the 2027 elections approaching, the ability to convert improved investor sentiment into tangible economic opportunities for businesses and households is likely to become an increasingly important measure of the success of the reform programme.

Group trains journalists on tracking illicit financial flows

A Non-Governmental Organisation (NGO), Africa Network for Environment and Economic Justice (ANEEJ), has trained journalists on contributing to the fight against Illicit Financial Flows (IFFS) in Nigeria during a two-day workshop under the broader SecFin Africa programme supported by the European Union.

The capacity-building workshop for journalists was part of efforts to enhance their understanding of illicit financial flows, strengthen investigative reporting and promote public accountability drive in addressing financial crimes in the country.

It also provided a platform for the participants to demonstrate improved understanding of Illicit Financial Flow issues and the existing legal and institutional frameworks to achieve follow-up actions.

David Ugolor, executive director, ANEEF in the opening address pointed out ‘illicit financial flows remain one of the most persistent obstacles to Nigeria’s development’ adding that ‘through corruption, money laundering, tax evasion, trade misinvoicing, procurement fraud, profit shifting and related illicit practices, vast resources that should support economic growth and improve citizens welfare are quietly diverted from productive use in plain sight and often only ever exposed through painstaking investigative work.’

According to him, the cost is not only measured in figures but in the schools that are never built, the hospitals that go unequipped and the roads that remain in bad condition. Every naira siphoned away in a naira unavailable for education, healthcare, infrastructure, social protection and job creation and the cumulative effect is weaker institutions, deepening poverty and a citizenry increasingly sceptical of governance itself.

He said Akwa Ibom state being part of Nigeria, the true cost of these losses is ultimately paid by the ordinary people.

Noting that ‘Nigeria has over time instituted legal , policy and institutional frameworks to combat financial crimes including anti-money laundering and anti-corruption mechanisms,’ he explained that ‘frameworks and agencies alone do not guarantee accountability, they require active engagement and informed public scrutiny to function as intended adding that explains where the media should step in and where your work carries weight far beyond the newsroom.’

‘Nigerian journalists and media organisations have over the years produced groundbreaking investigations that advanced anti-corruption efforts and sharpened understanding of governance issues. But the terrain keeps shifting. Illicit financial flows now move through increasingly sophisticated channels and reporting on them requires journalists to grasp concepts as beneficial ownership, money-laundering typologies, digital and cross-border financial transactions and the workings of international financial networks.

‘As a journalist, your responsibility goes beyond reporting events as they happen. It includes helping ordinary citizens make sense of issues that shape their lives, digging beneath the surface to uncover further details, illicit transactions, amplifying voices that would otherwise go unheard and in doing so, strengthen the foundations of democratic accountability,” he said.

In his remarks, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), urged the media to develop new strategies capable of identifying and blocking illicit financial flows at their source.

Theresa Nwosu, the commission’s head of public affairs zonal office in Uyo, Akwa Ibom state solicited for collaboration among civil society organisations and the media to combat the movement of illicit funds out of the country.

‘The time has come for CSOs and the media to join in the advocacy to stop illicit financial flows from Nigeria and the African continent to other parts of the world,” Nwosu said.

The workshop was attended by journalists from the print and electronic media as well as online bloggers and it had resource persons from various bodies including the Nigeria Financial Intelligence Unit and SecFin Africa.

Correcting the map: Africa, Mercator and the geography of power

There is a ship I pass almost every working day in Ostend. The Mercator, a beautiful three-masted sailing vessel moored in this Belgian North Sea city, has become such a familiar feature of my daily landscape that I hardly need to look in its direction anymore. Its name, of course, honours Gerardus Mercator, the great 16th-century cartographer whose work would profoundly influence how generations came to visualise the world. There is a certain irony in this that I have only recently begun to appreciate.

Flanders, where Mercator was born and where I have made my home for more than three decades, is a relatively small corner of Europe. I was born on the African continent that his famous projection would, however unintentionally, help generations perceive as considerably smaller relative to northern landmasses than it actually is. And now, more than four centuries after Mercator’s death, African countries have successfully persuaded an overwhelming majority of the United Nations General Assembly to support a different way of looking at the world. For someone standing, quite literally, between these two geographies, the moment feels both surreal and fascinating.

Africa has not suddenly become bigger

The first thing worth clarifying is that Africa did not suddenly become bigger because of a United Nations vote. Africa has always been this big. What is changing is the international community’s willingness to reconsider the lens through which generations have been taught to see it. The Mercator projection was developed in 1569 for navigation. In that purpose, it was ingenious. By allowing sailors to plot a constant compass bearing as a straight line, Mercator helped solve one of the practical problems confronting maritime navigation. The problem came later.

A map designed principally for navigation gradually became one of the world’s dominant general-purpose representations of geography. And therein lies the distortion. Because the Earth is spherical, representing it accurately on a flat surface is mathematically impossible. Every projection sacrifices something: shape, area, distance or direction. Mercator preserves direction extremely well but increasingly exaggerates landmass as one moves towards the poles. The consequences are visually striking. Greenland can appear roughly comparable in size to Africa on a conventional Mercator map. In reality, Africa is about fourteen times larger. Europe and North America similarly acquire a visual prominence considerably greater than their actual geographical proportions would suggest.

Technically, therefore, it is not quite correct to say that Mercator simply ‘made Africa smaller’. Africa, straddling the equator, is comparatively less distorted. Rather, northern landmasses are dramatically enlarged relative to it. That distinction matters. Historical accuracy should not become collateral damage in the pursuit of cartographic accuracy.

When a navigation tool becomes a Worldview

I find little value in putting Gerardus Mercator himself on trial. He was a 16th-century Flemish mathematician and cartographer solving a navigational problem. To retroactively assign contemporary geopolitical motives to his mathematical innovation would be historically careless. The more interesting question is what happened afterwards. Why did a specialist navigational instrument become so deeply embedded in classrooms, atlases, newsrooms, public institutions and eventually our collective imagination of the world? That is where cartography becomes something more than mathematics. Maps do not merely describe the world. They help condition how we imagine it.

A child repeatedly encountering a world map in which Greenland appears roughly comparable with Africa is not simply receiving inaccurate information about square kilometres. That child is developing an unconscious mental hierarchy of scale. Who looks large? Who looks small? Who appears central? Who appears peripheral? This is what might be called the politics of cognitive geography.

The African-led initiative to encourage greater use of equal-area world maps should therefore not be trivialised as an exercise in cartographic vanity. Equal-area projections such as Equal Earth seek to represent the relative sizes of countries and continents much more faithfully while retaining a visually recognisable world map. They are not perfect. No flat map can be. Nor does this mean that Mercator should disappear. For navigation and particular technical purposes, it remains immensely useful. The more intelligent proposition is simpler: use the appropriate projection for the appropriate purpose. If the purpose is teaching children the relative geographical scale of the world’s continents, there is little justification for knowingly using a representation that significantly distorts those relationships when better alternatives exist.

And here Africa should lead by example. There would be something profoundly contradictory about African governments demanding that international institutions correct their maps while African children continue staring at Mercator projections in their own classrooms. If Africa wants the world to correct the map, Africa should be first to hang the corrected map in its schools.

Symbolism Is not development

There is nevertheless a legitimate criticism that deserves engagement. Africa faces wars, poverty, unsustainable debt burdens, infrastructure deficits, unemployment, climate vulnerability and enormous development financing requirements. Against that background, does changing a world map really matter? Yes. And no.

Correcting a map will not build a railway. It will not create a factory, resolve Sudan’s conflict, finance Africa’s energy transition or create employment for its rapidly expanding youth population. We should therefore resist transforming a symbolic victory into evidence of material transformation. But the choice between representation and development is a false one. Societies are capable of correcting cultural and educational conventions while simultaneously confronting economic and political problems. The more useful distinction is between symbolic achievement and structural achievement. Africa should welcome the first without mistaking it for the second.

Indeed, perhaps the most consequential part of this episode has received less attention than the map itself. African states identified an issue. They organised around it. They articulated a case. They built an international coalition. And they secured overwhelming support within the United Nations. That is African agency. And it is considerably more interesting than a narrative of African victimhood.

The lesson should therefore travel beyond cartography. Imagine similar levels of African coordination being deployed consistently around reform of the UN Security Council, sovereign debt architecture, climate finance, critical minerals, international taxation, trade negotiations and reform of global financial institutions. The map campaign demonstrates something that African diplomacy sometimes forgets: numbers matter when they are organised. Fifty-four countries acting individually are voices. Fifty-four countries acting strategically can become leverage.

From geographic scale to performed power

Yet the corrected map confronts Africa with an uncomfortable truth. The continent is geographically enormous. Its economic and geopolitical influence remains disproportionately small. Africa possesses around 30 million square kilometres of territory. It contains extraordinary mineral resources, immense agricultural potential and the world’s youngest population. It occupies strategic maritime corridors and will account for an increasingly significant share of humanity during this century. But endowment is not power. Population is not power. Resources are not power. Even geographical scale is not power. They become power only when converted through capable institutions, productive economies, technological competence, integrated markets and strategic diplomacy. This is the distinction I have increasingly described as the journey from asset endowment through conversion capacity to performed power. The new map may represent Africa’s asset endowment more accurately. It cannot manufacture its conversion capacity. That responsibility belongs to Africans.

Two maps to correct

Perhaps, then, Africa has two maps before it.

The first is the physical map. That correction is relatively straightforward. Replace an inappropriate projection with one that communicates relative geographical scale more accurately. Change classroom maps. Update institutional graphics. Encourage publishers, broadcasters and digital platforms to adopt more appropriate projections.

The second map is infinitely more difficult. It is the geopolitical map. On that map, Africa remains smaller than its population, resources, geography and strategic importance should permit. Correcting that map requires factories rather than resolutions. It requires regional value chains rather than declarations. It requires functioning institutions, infrastructure, technological capability, integrated markets and disciplined execution. It requires transforming the African Continental Free Trade Area from an agreement into commercial behaviour. It requires turning critical minerals into industrial ecosystems, agricultural potential into food security and exports, demographic scale into human capital, and diplomatic numbers into negotiating power. One map can be corrected by cartographers. The other must be corrected by Africans.

A Flemish reflection

Which brings me back to the Mercator ship in Ostend, my adopted hometown. Tomorrow, as I ride my bike to work through it again, I suspect I will look at it slightly differently. Not with resentment. Quite the opposite. There is something remarkable about the intellectual reach of Gerardus Mercator. A man born in tiny Flanders more than five centuries ago developed a mathematical solution so consequential that the world is still debating its legacy.

Perhaps that itself contains a lesson for Africa. Physical size does not determine intellectual influence. Flanders is tiny beside Africa. Yet one Flemish cartographer helped shape how humanity visualised the planet for centuries. Africa’s challenge, therefore, cannot simply be to insist that the world acknowledges how large it is. It must be to become as consequential as its size suggests it could be.

The corrected map can finally show the world something closer to Africa’s true geographical proportions. But the more consequential redrawing will occur when Africa closes the distance between its enormous endowment and its performed power. Africa did not become bigger when the world corrected the map. The real question is whether Africa will now become bigger in the affairs of the world.

Nweke is an International Trade Consultant and author of Economic Diplomacy of the Diaspora. A former Belgian politician of Nigerian origin, born in Igbuzo, Delta State Nigeria, he was a 2014 candidate Member European Parliament. A third-term Municipal Legislator at Ostend City Council, Belgium, since 2006 his portfolio included the Economy, Social Policy, Equality Affairs and International Development. Collins features regularly on TV Continental Lagos as Global Affairs Analyst, on Channels TV as Foreign Policy Commentator, on TRT World Istanbul as African Affairs Analyst among other Afrocentric media houses, including BusinessDay Nigeria

Catching customer churn before it happens

Business-customer relations is a deliberate investment in building trust, loyalty, and long-term engagement to drive sustainable growth, retention, and competitive advantage. Unlike customer service, which focuses on resolving immediate issues, customer relations takes a long-term view, aiming to nurture loyalty and satisfaction throughout the entire customer lifecycle. To achieve this, some businesses often use customer relationship management (CRM) software to automate data collection, track interactions, and create actionable strategies for improving customer relations.

Most brands and organisations that are not proactive with their business-customer relations find out a customer is unhappy only once they have already decided to leave. Supap Limited, a United Kingdom-based technology company, is betting that the warning signs show up much earlier in support tickets, product usage, tone of feedback, and the small shifts in sentiment that precede a cancellation, and that catching them early is worth building a company around.

Customer churn is a persistent cost for subscription and service businesses: research from Bain and Company, cited by Harvard Business Review, found that increasing customer retention rates by five per cent can increase profits by 25 per cent to 95 per cent. Most retention tools respond only after dissatisfaction is already visible: a support complaint, a downgrade, or a cancellation request.

Supaps product, Retentifi AI, is built on a different premise: that sentiment change is directional and detectable well before a customer acts on it, and that businesses that can see the shift early have a real chance to intervene.

Retentifi continuously analyses signals across the customer journey conversations, feedback, support interactions, and product usage to flag when a customer’s sentiment is moving towards disengagement, and to route that signal to the right team before it becomes a lost account. Where most sentiment tools stop at telling a business a customer is positive, neutral, or negative, Retentifi is built to go further: connecting a sentiment shift to why it is happening and what action might recover the relationship, effectively asking what happened, why the customer is disengaging, and what should happen next.

That approach has been formalised as intellectual property: the underlying method, described as a Customer Sentiment Recovery Detection System with Specialised Business Routing for Retention Optimisation, has been granted a Nigerian patent, registered under patent reference RP: NG/PT/NC/O/2025/20237, and is independently verifiable through the official IPO Nigeria patent registry.

It is a rare enough approach that it points to genuine technical originality rather than a repackaged sentiment-analysis tool. The patent covers not just detecting sentiment change, but the routing logic that decides what a business should do about it.

Retentifi has secured paying customers on customised plans, with the product being tailored and continuously refined around their specific retention and customer-sentiment requirements. The platform already has thousands of users and over 150,000 requests, providing a measurable indication of market interest and engagement with the product. The combination of commercial adoption and independently recorded platform activity provides early evidence of demand while continuing to inform Retentifi’s development around real-world customer requirements.

The idea for Retentifi grew out of Gabriel Udo’s work building Supapbot, an earlier AI platform focused on helping SaaS companies detect frustrated customers through sentiment analysis. As the team developed the platform and spoke with customers, Udo and his co-founders realised that businesses did not simply need a smarter chatbot or another tool that could identify whether a customer was positive, neutral or negative. They needed a system that could help them understand what was happening in the customer relationship and determine what to do next. That realisation became a turning point for the product and led to its evolution into Retentifi, with a focus on identifying changes in customer sentiment, understanding the reasons behind those changes, and connecting emerging risks to appropriate business actions.

As co-founder of Supap Limited and product lead on Retentifi, Udo pushed the product in a direction most sentiment tools do not go, insisting that flagging a problem was not enough unless the system could also point to a likely cause and a next action. That decision shaped Retentifi’s core architecture: the sentiment recovery detection layer and the business routing logic that connects a flagged risk to a specific team or intervention.

This thinking is also reflected in the product’s later focus on sentiment recovery rather than sentiment analysis: identifying not simply whether a customer is unhappy, but whether their relationship with a business is moving towards disengagement and what can be done while there is still an opportunity to recover it.

Customer retention should not begin the moment a customer decides to leave. Our vision with Retentifi is to help businesses recognise the signals much earlier, understand what’s actually driving them, and act while there’s still a relationship worth recovering, Udo said.

He added that what he likes about Retentifi is that it helps businesses understand what happened during a customer conversation, not just whether the customer was happy or unhappy.

We can see how their mood changed throughout the conversation, and if something went wrong, the team gets a summary in Slack with a suggested follow-up message. That’s been really useful when someone chats with us and then disappears almost straight away instead of just assuming they were not interested; we have some context and a good reason to reach back out, he said.

Retentifi is aimed at SaaS and customer-facing businesses trying to shift from reactive support to proactive retention, treating sentiment not as a fixed score but as something moving in a direction, where even a currently satisfied customer may be drifting, and a currently frustrated one may still be recoverable.

As more businesses compete on the strength of their customer relationships rather than just their product, tools that catch that drift early and can point to why it is happening may become a standard part of how retention teams operate, rather than a niche add-on.

ARCON seeks quality cancer care, says access alone not enough

The Association of Radiation and Clinical Oncologists of Nigeria (ARCON) has called for improved quality, coordination and efficiency in cancer treatment, saying increased access to healthcare must translate into better outcomes for patients.

The Acting President of ARCON, Dr Biyi Olutunde, made the call in Abuja at a press briefing to announce the association’s 9th Annual General Meeting and Scientific Conference, themed ‘From Access to Excellence: Optimising Multimodality Cancer Care.’

The conference runs from Monday to Wednesday in Abuja.

Olutunde said Nigeria had made progress in expanding access to cancer care but needed to address delays in diagnosis, treatment and patient navigation to ensure available services delivered optimal results.

‘Access is improving,’ she said, noting that the number of functional radiotherapy centres had increased from the one or two available when she began practising oncology to about nine or 10 centres currently providing services.

He attributed the progress partly to collaboration with the Federal Government and the National Health Insurance Authority (NHIA), which had improved access to cancer drugs and recently included radiotherapy in its coverage.

However, she said access without quality and timely care could undermine treatment outcomes.

‘After access, which is still important, to what extent is the quality of care that they are getting?’ she asked, stressing the need to move from access to excellence.

Olutunde cited delays in obtaining histology results after a biopsy and weak patient navigation as examples of gaps that could affect treatment.

‘You would come to the hospital, and then you would have a biopsy done, and it would still take a month or two before your histology report is ready. So you have access, but there’s a delay,’ she said.

He added that patients need clear guidance on where to obtain radiotherapy and other specialised services, and that existing facilities must function effectively for those seeking care.

The ARCON acting President said the conference would focus on multidisciplinary tumour boards, advances in radiotherapy, precision medicine, cancer research, local clinical trials, palliative care and survivorship.

He dismissed suggestions that the association’s annual conference was a jamboree, saying it had produced practical improvements in cancer management across hospitals.

According to him, the meetings promote knowledge-sharing among oncologists and other healthcare professionals while strengthening collaboration with foreign institutions and research partners.

He said the association’s previous conference helped establish multidisciplinary tumour boards in two or three hospitals, enabling specialists to jointly review cases and determine appropriate treatment.

‘Cancer is not being managed just by oncologists. We also have surgeons, pathologists and other specialities,’ he said, emphasising that collaboration was essential to optimal patient care.

Furthermore, he said radiotherapy in Nigeria had improved considerably, with some centres now offering more advanced treatment techniques than were previously available.

According to him, the conference could help address the impact of brain drain by encouraging younger doctors to pursue oncology and ensuring continuity in delivering quality cancer care.

Olutunde acknowledged recent government efforts to expand cancer services but called for increased healthcare funding, stronger policies and better systems to support treatment delivery.

He urged the government to facilitate the establishment of radiotherapy and brachytherapy centres, improve training and infrastructure, ease access to financing for healthcare providers and review import duties on medical equipment.

He also welcomed plans to establish radiotherapy centres across the states, saying implementation would significantly improve access to specialised care.

‘Healthcare generally in this country is not enough. There’s room for improvement,’ she said, urging sustained collaboration between ARCON and government to identify gaps and formulate policies that would improve cancer treatment.

The ARCON acting President also urged Nigerians to seek medical attention early when they notice suspicious symptoms, warning that fear and delays could worsen cancer outcomes.

‘Cancer is treatable as long as you diagnose early and you then seek treatment early,’ he said, urging patients to follow the advice of qualified oncologists rather than delay treatment or rely on unproven alternatives.

He encouraged Nigerians to enrol in the NHIA scheme to access covered treatments at reduced cost and seek professional care within their localities.

‘Cancer care is actually possible in this country and is improving on a daily basis,’ he said, adding that treatment could offer cure, prolonged life and relief from suffering, depending on the circumstances of each patient.

The Owambe Economy: Beyond the event centre

By six o’clock on a typical Saturday morning in Lagos, the city is already bustling. Makeup artists head to clients’ homes and hotels, gele specialists set up, and caterers have been cooking for hours. Tailors are making last-minute deliveries, while photographers, decorators, musicians, drivers, and security personnel prepare for the day ahead. Although the wedding itself may start at 10 a.m., the economic activity surrounding it begins much earlier.

We call it Owambe. It is commonly seen as a celebration, but it also operates as a major economic system. This system relies on commercial properties, infrastructure, and an extensive business network.

Nigeria’s celebration economy extends beyond weddings to birthdays, funerals, naming ceremonies, traditional engagements, religious gatherings and corporate events. Its supply chain covers fashion, beauty, photography, catering, decoration, entertainment, transportation, accommodation, gifts and souvenirs.

Obtaining reliable industry data is difficult due to much of its activity being informal. Nonetheless, its presence is noticeable across Lagos every weekend. The key question isn’t whether commercial property is part of the Owambe economy; it clearly is. Instead, we should consider whether we truly understand this system enough to support it effectively.

The venue is just the starting point

A typical Lagos wedding shows how widely spending is distributed. Preparations may begin at home or in a hotel. The ceremony may move to a registry or place of worship before guests proceed to an event centre, restaurant, lounge or after-party.

At the reception, another network comes together: caterers, drinks suppliers, decorators, musicians, DJs, photographers, technicians, security personnel, cleaners and logistics teams. They may meet at the venue for only a few hours, but their property requirements exist throughout the year.

Many of these requirements are simple. A makeup artist needs just a clean station with a mirror, comfortable chair, good lighting, sockets, and cooling. A gele specialist can use a similar setup. A designer may require a fitting room; an event planner, a small consultation area; and a photographer, a bookable studio. Couples and bridal parties need private, comfortable rooms for changing before the reception or after-party, equipped with mirrors, seating, cooling, lighting, sockets, secure storage, washroom access, and enough space for stylists. Caterers and decorators need larger kitchens, workshops, or storage areas, which can often be shared.

This is why building more event centres captures only one part of the opportunity. Commercial property is already prevalent throughout the celebration economy. What may be missing is a deliberate attempt to connect these different uses and make them function as an efficient ecosystem.

Spend a few minutes on Instagram looking up makeup artists, gele specialists, fashion designers, photographers, cake creators, florists, and event planners in Lagos, and you’ll notice a vibrant marketplace. Many of these professionals have large followings and busy schedules, even without a physical shop. Instagram acts as their portfolio, WhatsApp is their booking tool, and they provide services at homes, hotels, and event venues.

A typical developer might assume these businesses don’t require formal commercial spaces. However, the reality could be quite different. They may need property, but the current market fails to offer suitable options. In Lagos, vacant shops and studios exist alongside thousands of online event businesses that need spaces for client meetings, clothing fittings, product preparation, photo shoots, or equipment storage.

The disconnect often stems from the lease. A successful gele specialist might be very busy on Fridays and Saturdays but have little need to rent a shop during the week. The same goes for some makeup artists, photographers, stylists, and accessory vendors. Their lack of presence in shopping centres shouldn’t be mistaken for low demand.

They do not require a lengthy lease or quarterly rent payments. Available vacant units could be converted into easily bookable micro-spaces, accessible by the hour, day, weekend, or on a weekly basis through simple occupancy licenses. The core setup doesn’t need to be complicated: a few makeup or gele stations, a fitting room, comfortable changing areas, a consultation room, and a small studio could share facilities like reception, cooling, power, security, and parking.

For the operator, property costs would be tied to income-producing periods. For the landlord, the space becomes a managed product that can earn from several users across the week instead of remaining vacant while one conventional tenant is sought. The question is not whether an Instagram entrepreneur can afford a conventional shop, but whether the property industry can create a product matching how that entrepreneur works.

Landlords have demonstrated that buildings can be transformed into short-term rental spaces. This approach can be extended here as well. Using lightweight partitions, reservable rooms, and shared amenities, a single property can accommodate multiple operators at different times without costly renovations.

The landlord doesn’t have to finance every element solely. Interior designers, decorators, furniture suppliers, and fit-out contractors often keep display pieces or stock for months before selling. They can furnish and organise the space using staged payments, leasing, or revenue-sharing agreements. This transforms the property into a functional showroom for them, while the landlord’s upfront costs are minimised.

The market already demonstrates this adaptability. School grounds, church compounds, community halls, and open spaces are regularly transformed for celebrations. Suitably located commercial buildings should not remain vacant simply because a conventional tenant has not appeared. Subject to planning, safety, access, parking, and neighborhood considerations, some can become flexible support properties rather than event halls.

Unlike short-term rentals, which can be largely seasonal like in (Detty) Dirty December, Owambe events occur throughout most of the year. Lagos hosts weddings, birthdays, funerals, corporate events, and religious celebrations almost weekly, both during the day and on weekends. While December often sees a surge in parties, it simply strengthens an already established market rather than creating one. This consistent demand is what makes the opportunity particularly appealing for landlords.

Social media also acts as a source of market intelligence, showing where event business clusters are expanding, where their customers are situated, their travel distances, demand peaks, and commonly bundled services. This data can guide landlords in determining the need for flexible space and how to design and price it accordingly.

The infrastructure behind the party

Around these properties sits an equally important infrastructure layer: dependable electricity, water, access roads, public transport, parking, loading areas, drainage, waste collection, security, digital connectivity and emergency services.

Go-slow congestion is probably the most obvious problem. During a large Owambe, hundreds of vehicles can quickly flood the area, overwhelming narrow access roads and limited parking. Vehicles parked on both sides decrease road capacity, while drivers searching for parking, dropping off guests, or waiting outside venues create additional traffic jams. This congestion affects residents, local businesses, emergency services, and all road users, not just party attendees.

Event planning should incorporate traffic management. Venues can establish drop-off zones, arrange off-site parking and shuttle services, stagger vendor access, and deploy road marshals. For larger events, coordination with public authorities might be necessary. Ensuring that the venue’s advertised capacity matches the capacity of nearby roads and parking facilities is crucial.

Infrastructure influences the property’s functionality. An appealing hall that is hard to access, costly to power, or impossible to service can become a problematic asset. Developers should consider beyond aesthetics to include kitchens, loading areas, backstage circulation, acoustics, power, water supply, parking, and vendor access.

The people who plan the parties

A practical approach to grasp these needs is to develop strategic partnerships with event planners, who choose venues, coordinate vendors, manage guest flow, and address issues on the spot. They can convert consistent client requirements into a functional brief for landlords, interior designers, and fit-out contractors, making sure spaces are designed for practical use instead of just aesthetics. Since planners run events regularly, their experience reflects a collective demand rather than the preferences of a single client.

Partnerships with established companies like Zapphaire Events, founded by Funke Bucknor-Obruthe, and Eventful etc could offer an easier entry into this market. Planners can help with feasibility studies, venue design, and operating procedures before large investments are made.

From separate buildings to a connected economy

The broader lesson for commercial real estate and infrastructure planning is that people perceive property as integral to places and journeys, rather than as isolated categories. The Owambe economy already links homes, hotels, registries, places of worship, event centres, restaurants, lounges, studios, kitchens, and workshops throughout the city.

Its activities extend beyond Saturday. Dress fittings, tastings, planning meetings, photography sessions, purchases, and hotel bookings create activity and expenses for weeks leading up to the event. Funerals, corporate events, and religious gatherings maintain demand throughout the week.

The opportunity doesn’t require accommodating the entire ecosystem in a single purpose-built complex. Instead, it may involve developing the right spaces at key locations, enhancing the infrastructure linking them, and establishing commercial relationships to enable the network to function effectively.

The Owambe economy doesn’t require the property sector to generate its demand; Nigerians have already established it. The key is to understand the entire commercial cycle, collaborate with those who coordinate it, and offer the spaces, infrastructure, and occupancy solutions that enhance its efficiency.

The party may last a day. The property, infrastructure and economy behind it rarely do.

Osun boils as Adeleke’s aide is killed amid park leadership battle

Tension has risen in Osogbo, the Osun State capital, following the killing of Dauda Oyeyemi, popularly known as ‘Emir’, an aide and associate of Governor Ademola Adeleke.

Oyeyemi was reportedly shot dead by unidentified gunmen on Sunday during a dispute over the leadership of a motor park in the state.

According to reports, Oyeyemi had been trying to take over the leadership of the park, which is currently controlled by Wakili Nurudeen, popularly known as Alowonle. The disagreement between the two groups had reportedly created tension in the area.

Sources said Oyeyemi attended a meeting at Mayfair Motor Park with members of his group as part of efforts to settle the dispute.

However, masked gunmen reportedly entered the meeting venue and shot Oyeyemi in the head.

An eyewitness said the attack caused panic as members of both the Alowonle and Emir groups reportedly ran away from the area.

The eyewitness also said a vehicle carrying some members of the Emir group was involved in an accident near Campus Gate while they were trying to escape.

Following the killing, tension reportedly increased around Oyeyemi’s base in the Asoje area of Osogbo. His associates were said to be angry over his death.

Some members of the Emir group accused the Alowonle faction of being behind the killing. However, the allegation had not been independently confirmed at the time of filing this report.

Governor Adeleke’s spokesperson, Olawale Rasheed, confirmed the incident.

Rasheed called on security agencies to investigate the killing and arrest those responsible.

He also urged the authorities to ensure that anyone found responsible for the attack is prosecuted.

Cayetano siblings return from Singapore

Sens. Alan Peter Cayetano and Pia Cayetano returned to the Philippines late Saturday after a brief trip to Singapore that drew scrutiny amid separate investigations involving the former Senate president.

Alan arrived at Ninoy Aquino International Airport on the evening of September 12, three days after leaving the country.

Sources told Philstar.com that he arrived aboard a Singapore Airlines flight that landed at 11:12 p.m.

In a livestream after his return, Alan described the trip as private but did not disclose its purpose.

‘I’m back, I don’t know why nagkaroon ng malaking issue. I don’t know why the discussions became personal,’ Alan said.

(‘I’m back. I don’t know why it became such a big issue. I don’t know why the discussions became personal.’) Neither of Cayetano’s siblings was barred from leaving the country. The Bureau of Immigration earlier said there were no hold departure orders or derogatory records against them at the time of their departure.

Senate Majority Leader Juan Miguel Zubiri had said Alan’s trip was for health reasons, while Sen. Panfilo Lacson said he understood that the travel may have been health-related.

Pia, meanwhile, said while in Singapore that she was there to support the Philippine National Padel Team as it prepared for the Asian Games in Aichi-Nagoya, Japan, where padel will make its debut as a medal sport.

Alan’s departure on September 9 drew attention as the National Bureau of Investigation is building a case arising from its broader investigation into alleged irregularities surrounding the 2019 Southeast Asian Games organizer, which he chaired.

Bamanga Tukur belonged to generation that saw public service as a duty – Atiku

Former Vice President and Presidential Candidate of the African Democratic Congress (ADC), Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, has mourned the passing of elder statesman, Alhaji Bamanga Muhammad Tukur, Tafidan Adamawa.

In a message posted on his official X handle on Sunday, Atiku described Tukur as a distinguished public servant who served Nigeria in several capacities.

‘Nigeria has lost an elder statesman,’ Atiku wrote.

He recalled Tukur’s service at the Nigerian Ports Authority, as Governor of the old Gongola State, as Minister of Industries, and as a champion of African enterprise ‘long before it became fashionable to speak of intra-African trade.’

Atiku said the late Tukur belonged to ‘a generation that understood public service as duty rather than reward.’

The former vice president prayed, ‘May Almighty Allah forgive his shortcomings and grant him Aljannah Firdaus.’

He also extended condolences to the Tukur family, the Fombina Emirate, the Government and people of Adamawa State, as well as Tukur’s associates across Nigeria and Africa.

Alhaji Bamanga Tukur died on Saturday, September 11, 2026, at the age of 90.

EAC borders shoot up as states look inwards

In April, Kenya’s President William Ruto, during an interface with Nigerian businessman Aliko Dangote in Nairobi at the Africa We Build summit, offered a reason as to why the East African Community (EAC) broke up in 1977.

President Ruto opined that people thought there was another way other than the EAC. The Kenyan president said later that the people realised that the EAC is the only way, and that’s how it was revived. He added that the solution to the challenges within the Great Lakes region is not ‘out there’, but it’s within.

President Ruto said developing the region doesn’t start with billionaires like Dangote, but with political leaders such as him and President Museveni of Uganda.

‘In our continent, we have a challenge of leadership. If the leaders are not willing to lead from the front. If the leaders are not willing to make the decisions. The policy choices that will take our country forward, because some of the policy choices aren’t necessarily popular,’ President Ruto said.

‘It is not easy for President Museveni to say, ‘If you are not making this choice, we are not going with you.’ Banning the export of minerals is not an easy thing because there are some people who depend on it. But leaders must make choices. So, it starts with us leaders: Making the right choices,’ President Ruto added.

Local Content Bill

Five months later, President Ruto has made a political choice therein, ordering a crackdown on foreigners operating small-scale businesses. The Kenyan president contended that local traders and hawkers need to be protected. Ruto’s declaration comes amid growing debate about the increasing number of African migrants, including Ugandans, Tanzanians and Burundians, who are involved in Kenya’s informal economy.

“From next week, all [foreign] traders doing those small businesses should close them,” Ruto said in the September 2 directive, also promising to fast-track proposed legislation to preclude foreigners from certain areas of trade.

While Ruto claimed that Kenya is open to foreign investment, he insisted that investors-including Chinese traders-should create jobs and expand production rather than compete with Kenyans in small businesses.

‘We have made efforts to improve the economy; we have not improved investor confidence for hawkers to come to Kenya,’ Ruto, who is working to get a second term in office, said.

Ruto’s order came as the Kenyan Parliament deliberates on the Local Content Bill 2025, proposed by Laikipia Woman Representative Jane Kagiri. The Bill is highly protectionist, aiming to drastically limit foreigners’ participation in small businesses. Under the proposed legislation, foreign companies would be required to ensure at least 80 percent of their workforce are Kenyan citizens. Furthermore, firms would need to source at least 60 percent of their goods and services from local suppliers.

While no official statistical data show how many Ugandans work in Kenya’s informal sector, overall, the sector employs more than 15 to 18 million people. This includes thousands of regional migrants-including domestic workers and traders-who move between the two countries under the EAC frameworks and the national labour bureaus. Many Ugandan nationals migrate to major Kenyan urban centres-such as Nairobi, Mombasa, Nakuru, and Kisumu-via personal connections or informal channels.

Immediate impact

The effect of Ruto’s order has been immediate, with many Ugandans working in Kenya’s informal sector seen returning home in the course of this week. While there has not been any official pushback from Ugandan authorities, the reaction from Burundian authorities has been swift. Burundi’s Foreign minister Édouard Bizimana warned that anti-Burundian rhetoric and alleged harassment could strain bilateral relations. Burundi appealed to the EAC chairperson, Museveni, to convene a high-level summit to investigate the crackdown and uphold regional integration principles.

It is not the first time Ruto’s administration has been accused of protectionism. Three months into the current term, the administration sent mixed signals about whether it’s going to go for protectionism – which means trying to use restrictions such as tariffs to boost the country’s industry and shield it from foreign competition-or free trade-which implies the absence of trade barriers that would hinder.

Ruto’s administration said it had plans to ban the importation of goods that can be manufactured in Kenya, with the focus on steel and Iron products. Though Ruto’s administration said that it was targeting steel and Iron products from outside East Africa with a sharp focus on China, South Africa, Japan and India, the move left many actors within the region nervous as they can’t read Nairobi’s next moves.

Before he announced the possibility of banning the importation of goods that can be manufactured in Kenya, Ruto had struck the right notes for believers in free trade when he moved to calm down tensions over the Ugandan milk imports that some in Kenya simply don’t want. Ugandan milk has an edge in the Kenyan market because it’s cheap.

‘Uganda should bring cheaper milk because they can produce it much more cheaply. We should be adding value to our milk,’ Ruto said. ‘We are quarrelling with Uganda because we have refused to take up our rightful place in our continent. We should have taken the next steps as we allow Uganda to take up the space as we move ahead.’

Moses Kuria, then Ruto’s minister for Trade and Investment, added a dose of comedy to the Kenya-Uganda trade standoff.

‘I spoke to the minister of Trade for Uganda and told him that Kenyan farmers are complaining that Ugandan eggs are flooding our market. He told me something profound: that every week Uganda imports one million day-old chicks from Kenya, which eventually mature. How can you refuse eggs from your own chicken?’ Kuria asked.

Not the first time

Kuria’s take stemmed from 2020 when Kenya had restricted exports of poultry and dairy products from Uganda, straining the relationship between the two neighbouring countries. The issue on poultry was resolved after Uganda threatened to ban Nairobi from exporting its goods to the landlocked neighbour. After Ruto’s recent speech, it has been reported that Kenya has taken steps to lift bans on Uganda’s milk products, with Kuria holding discussions with Uganda’s minister for Agriculture, Animal Industry and Fisheries, Frank Tumwebaze, to compare notes on how this can happen.

Though Kuria talked a good game, Ruto’s decision to impose a ban on some imported goods is in line with the administration’s alliance of Kenya Kwanza (Kenya first).

Kenya first can be connected to US President Donald Trump’s America first mantra, in which he advocated American nationalism and non-interventionism and also fought trade wars with China, America’s competitor in the fight for global supremacy and influence.

In the manifesto, Ruto lamented that Kenya’s food imports, which inevitably include those from Uganda, have increased from 10 to 17 percent of goods imported over the last decade, which, in actual terms, he said translates to a 2.5-fold increase from $1.2b to $3b. Depending on foreign food, he said, has increased the country’s vulnerability to global food supply shocks such as the one the country is experiencing.

‘Moreover, the manufacturing that is not agro-based is highly dependent on imported raw materials such as metals, chemicals and plastics. As noted, agriculture is our most globally competitive sector. Adding value to our agricultural exports is a more viable route to grow our manufactured exports than industries that are heavily dependent on both imported machinery and raw materials, and whose only value addition is labour,’ Ruto said in his manifesto.

Although Ruto frequently uses regional platforms to rhetorically call for the elimination of non-tariff barriers (NTBs) and champion intra-African trade under the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), he has been accused of implementing domestic administrative orders that routinely bypass long-term consensus-building. Ruto’s crackdown on foreigners operating small businesses will also once again test the country’s trade relationship with Tanzania.

Protectionist postures

In 2025, Tanzania led the way in restricting non-citizens from operating in a range of small businesses. The restrictions led to concern among Kenyan traders operating in Tanzania and prompted bilateral discussions between the two governments. The two biggest countries in the region actively sought to resolve the dispute while fostering their broader economic cooperation. Business owners in Kenya soon received promising assurances, indicating that they would be exempt from certain restrictions, paving the way for continued growth and collaboration.

This year, Uganda’s Ministry of Internal Affairs deported about 169 illegal foreign workers. These individuals, hailing from more than 10 different nations, were apprehended following intelligence-led security operations in Kampala for visa overstays, undocumented business activities, and suspected cyber-scams.

Under the EAC Common Market Protocol, countries agree to facilitate the movement of people, workers, services and capital among member states, alongside rights relating to establishment and residence.

Nevertheless, those provisions do not mean that citizens of an EAC Partner State can automatically operate every type of business in another member country. National laws, licensing requirements and specific sector commitments remain relevant.

The original EAC collapsed in 1977 due to political conflicts, uneven economic benefits, and ideological differences among Kenya, Tanzania, and Uganda.

In terms of unequal economic gain, it is said that Kenya benefited the most from the common market and industrial investments, while Tanzania and Uganda felt they bore a disproportionate share of costs without equal returns. In terms of political ideology, Kenya followed a capitalist economic model, while Tanzania pursued African socialism (Ujamaa), and Uganda, under military rule, was non-committal to the community.