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Gunman robs grocery store

A lone gunman carted away more than P360,000 in cash from a grocery store in Lipa, Batangas on Friday morning.

The robber reportedly posed as a customer before poking a gun at the employees of the shop located in Barangay Dagatan.

The robber locked the workers in a room before fleeing, taking with him the shop’s earnings and the phones of the victims.

A day before, two armed men robbed a similar store in Barangay Pasong Langka in Silang, Cavite.

The robbers reportedly forced the workers to open the vault where the money was kept.

The suspects hogtied the workers before fleeing.

Galadima condemns Dzangola attack, demands urgent security action

Ahmed Tijjani Galadima, the All Progressives Congress (APC) governorship candidate in Adamawa State, has condemned the deadly attack on Dzangola community in Gombi Local Government Area, calling for urgent action to strengthen security in vulnerable communities across the state.

Galadima, in a statement issued by Adamu Sambo, his media aide, expressed sympathy with the families of victims following the reported attack by suspected Boko Haram insurgents on Sunday, September 6, 2026.

The chairman of Gombi Local Government Area had confirmed that 12 people were killed and two others injured in the attack. Several homes and businesses were reportedly destroyed, while there were also reports that a young girl was abducted during the incident.

Galadima described the attack as ‘deeply distressing and unacceptable,’ saying rural communities had endured the consequences of insecurity for too long.

He called on the military, police and other security and intelligence agencies to intensify efforts to protect lives and property, particularly in communities repeatedly targeted by insurgents.

‘Our people deserve to sleep in their homes without fear, cultivate their farms without anxiety and conduct their businesses without the constant threat of violence,’ he said.

The APC candidate also urged security agencies to make every effort to locate and rescue the abducted girl, while appealing to residents to remain vigilant and provide credible information on suspicious movements and activities to security agencies and community leaders.

He said tackling terrorism required a collective effort involving government at all levels, security agencies, traditional and religious leaders, community vigilantes and residents.

Galadima further appealed to humanitarian organisations, philanthropists and well-meaning Nigerians to support families whose homes and livelihoods were affected by the attack.

He prayed for the restoration of peace in Dzangola, Gombi and other communities affected by insurgency, urging stakeholders to work together to make Adamawa safer for its residents.

France moves into Armenia as Russia’s influence fades

Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan concluded his visit to France, which was the first one since his party’s victory in the June parliamentary elections and the worsening of relations with Russia over the unresolved question of Yerevan’s choice between the EU and the EAEU. His meeting with President Emmanuel Macron, who paid a state visit to Armenia in May and took part in the 8th summit of the European Political Community, demonstrated the strengthening alliance between Yerevan and Paris and Armenia’s pro-European course. The talks in Paris showed that the French leader remains Armenia’s main lobbyist within the European Union.

The formal reason for Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s latest visit to Paris was an invitation to attend the International Space Summit, held in the French capital on September 9-10. But the real story goes much deeper than space. The worse relations between Russia and Armenia become, the more Armenia’s attention turns toward Europe. France remains one of the EU countries supporting Armenia’s integration into the union, as Yerevan seeks to reduce its dependence on the Russian market, logistics and energy system.

It is also interesting that literally on the eve of Pashinyan’s trip to Paris, France changed its ambassador in Yerevan. On September 5, Florian Escudier took up his post, replacing Olivier Decottignies, during whose tenure French-Armenian military cooperation became particularly active. The choice of his successor was also quite telling. Escudier had previously worked, among other things, on strategic security and cybersecurity issues. The new ambassador himself quickly explained what he intended to focus on in Yerevan. On September 7, he said he wanted to bring relations between the two countries to an “unprecedented level,” specifically naming economic diplomacy and defense cooperation among his priorities. So, after the declarations made in May, Paris appears ready to move toward more practical cooperation.

One of the first such projects is expected to be the Bargushat Tunnel. It will become part of the Sisian-Kajaran section of the North-South corridor and will significantly improve connections between central Armenia, Syunik and, further south, Iran. Yerevan hopes this will allow it to maintain a reliable route to the south and reduce its dependence on future transport links through Azerbaijan.

The strengthening of relations with France, with which Armenia has historically maintained close ties, takes on particular importance in the context of the Armenian government’s broader pro-European course. Much of this process is focused on political steps and ambitious plans for the distant future, such as visa liberalization. Europe’s economic contribution, particularly that of France, remains modest, although during the first half of 2026, trade between Armenia and the EU almost doubled and exceeded $516 million.

At the same time, French involvement in the TRIPP (Zangezur Corridor) project cannot be ruled out. In the future, Armenia could, in exchange for certain services, as French support for joining the EU and provide access to this project, which is already being developed with U.S. involvement. The TRIPP project itself envisages the creation of a joint venture in which the United States would receive rights to develop and manage the transport corridor for 49 years. This is taking place against the backdrop of growing tensions between the United States and France in recent times.

This raises the question of whether Armenia can sit on several chairs at the same time. On the one hand, there is the United States, which will be involved in the Zangezur Corridor, and France, which is both an ally and Armenia’s potential gateway to the European Union. On the other hand, there is Iran, which is at war with the United States, and Russia, which remains under EU sanctions, including those imposed by Paris. And will Moscow be pleased to see a NATO country operating right next door, even if only as a contractor or project partner?

In the defense sector, France has helped Armenia diversify its sources of military equipment after Armenia moved away from the CSTO and Russia. Paris has signed agreements on the supply of French equipment and the training of Armenian military personnel. Purchases have included armored vehicles, night-vision equipment, Thales radars and Caesar artillery systems. Back in May, France and Armenia agreed to expand cooperation in military technologies and defense systems. Now space is being added to this cooperation. Modern space technologies have long been about much more than satellites for scientific purposes. They include communications, navigation, surveillance, intelligence and a wide range of dual-use technologies.

France is willing to open this door for Armenia as well. It is in Paris’s interest to tie Yerevan more closely to its own and European technological projects, complementing the growing French presence in Armenian defense and infrastructure with cooperation in advanced technologies.

Nikol Pashinyan is not simply a passive beneficiary of France’s growing interest in Armenia. The relationship between Yerevan and Paris is increasingly based on a convergence of interests, in which both sides see strategic value in a deeper partnership. The more actively France becomes involved in Armenia’s defense, infrastructure, economy and technology, the more alternatives to Russia Yerevan gains. However, this partnership is not without limits. Armenia’s attempt to diversify away from Russia inevitably intersects with the interests of other regional and global powers. France therefore has to balance its growing engagement with Armenia against its wider relationships and commitments.

Nigeria’s second economy and how FDI built a creative powerhouse

When Spotify launched in Nigeria in February 2021, it did more than add another app to Nigerian smartphones. It plugged the country’s most exportable cultural product, Afrobeats, directly into a global distribution system. Nigerian artists earned over ?60 billion in royalties on the platform in 2025 from 30.3 billion streams, and the number of Nigerian artists on Spotify has risen by 158% in just five years.

According to the platform’s own data, nearly 58% of that money went to independent artists and labels, which matters most. It means that streaming income is spreading through a domestic ecosystem of producers, sound engineers, managers, videographers, and promoters, rather than concentrating at the top. This is what well-targeted foreign direct investment looks like: capital that connects rather than extracts.

MultiChoice, backed by South Africa’s Naspers and now folded into France’s Canal+ following the 2025 acquisition, tells a similar story with more visible strain. Through Africa Magic and its commissioning of original Nigerian content, the company built a pay-TV market around local storytelling and professionalised production, creating thousands of jobs for writers, actors, and crew.

Under the new ownership structure, MultiChoice has committed close to R21 billion (roughly $1.1 billion) over three years to local film and television production as a condition of the Canal+ deal. Canal+’s first-half 2026 results showed group revenue up 40%, largely driven by MultiChoice’s consolidation.

That pledge sits within an operating environment where currency volatility, unreliable power, and shifting regulations have forced every foreign media and telecoms player to recalculate its Nigeria math more than once in the last five years.

Broadly, the picture has been far from rosy. Netflix, which committed $175 million to African content and invested over $23 million in Nigerian productions, has scaled back its commissioning of Nigerian originals, and Amazon Prime Video similarly retreated after an initial push.

These pullbacks are instructive. They show that foreign capital follows sustainable economics, and that Nigeria must build local financing and distribution capacity rather than depend indefinitely on global platforms’ strategies. Even so, the infrastructure, skills, and global exposure those investments created remain in the country, which is often a more durable legacy than the platform itself.

Against that mix of continued commitment and outright retreat, MTN’s story stands apart. The telecoms giant’s entry into Nigeria in 2001 remains one of the most consequential foreign investments in the country’s history. Over almost three decades, MTN Nigeria has invested billions of dollars in network infrastructure, including 4G and 5G rollouts, and serves tens of millions of subscribers.

A 2024 study by Liverpool John Moores University found that Nigerian consumers directly credit MTN’s investment with improved access to telecommunications, innovation, and economic opportunity. Crucially, telecoms investment built the digital rails everything else now runs on. The connectivity provided by MTN and other telcos made the streaming boom, the Afrobeats explosion, and digital Nollywood possible.

The broader economic case remains compelling. Nigeria’s creative economy is projected to generate approximately $4.9 billion in revenue in 2026 and contribute ?1.97 trillion to GDP, employing over 4.2 million Nigerians, with another 2 million jobs projected soon.

Nollywood produces over 2,500 films annually, the world’s second-largest output by volume. In 2025, the Federal Government outlined a roadmap targeting a $100 billion contribution to GDP from the creative economy and tourism by 2030, alongside the creation of over three million jobs; an ambition that only makes sense if the last decade’s pattern of foreign capital continues to compound.

Since taking office in May 2023, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has made attracting foreign investment a centrepiece of his Renewed Hope agenda, pairing market reforms such as fuel subsidy removal and foreign exchange liberalisation with an active investment promotion drive. His administration has courted investors on trips to Europe, the Middle East, and Asia, framing the creative and digital sectors as priority destinations for capital.

The flagship expression of this is the $617 million Investment in Digital and Creative Enterprises programme (iDICE), backed by the African Development Bank, the Agence Française de Développement, and the Islamic Development Bank. The programme has moved from announcement to actual capital deployment, closing the first round of its startup funding in 2026 and securing $64 million in investor commitments.

iDICE has also committed to launching two additional vehicles this year: a creative sector fund that invests directly in film, fashion, music, and entertainment startups, and a fund-of-funds that supports smaller venture vehicles across both technology and the creative economy. Sixty-four million dollars against a $617 million target, three years after launch, is real but partial progress, and a meaningfully different claim from a programme that exists only on paper.

The lesson of the last decade is that FDI works best as a sequence. Telecoms built the infrastructure, streaming platforms built the distribution, and media conglomerates built production capacity; however unevenly. Each layer attracted the next, even where individual investors wavered or withdrew.

Policymakers must keep the environment predictable enough in terms of power, foreign exchange, and regulation for that sequence to continue. Because the sequence has never depended on any single investor staying the course, it has depended on the country remaining worth committing to.

The oil wells will not run dry tomorrow. But thanks to a decade of strategic foreign investment, tested by real retreats and, in at least one case, validated by independent research, Nigeria’s future no longer depends on them.

How to bring out the best flavor of ‘summer vegetable’ white eggplant

In trivia games, when asked to name vegetables that are colored purple, eggplants will surely emerge as the first or second answers. This is because eggplants, despite differing in shapes and sizes, always have purple skin. Right?

Wrong.

In case you have not noticed, not all eggplants are created in the shade of purple. Some come in the shade of white. White eggplants exist and, just like purple ones, they are as normal as normal can be. They are small and round, thin and elongated, and come in regular or big shapes and sizes that eggplants are known for. The only difference is that they are white.

White eggplants can be used in the same dishes where purple eggplants are utilized, and yet they have this mild, sweet, and creamy flavor that would entice you to try them in different dishes, too.

Since they have a slightly firmer skin than purple eggplants, white eggplants are great for roasting, grilling or frying, and not much for eating raw, like in salads. They can be combined with other vegetables for salads, but they are ideally grilled first to get that perfectly smoky flavor. They also make great eggplant steaks enhanced with a soy butter glaze.

Popular culinary varieties of Solanum melongena, they are white because they lack anthocyanin pigments.

A summer vegetable, white eggplants grow best in warm weather. They originated from South Asia, and, to this day, wild plants can still be found in such places as India, Myanmar, Bangladesh, and Thailand, where they were cultivated before they naturally spread to other regions and countries by way of the ancient trade routes.

The name ‘eggplant’ was given primarily to this vegetable because one of the first varieties were the small, plump, and roundish white eggplants that looked like chicken eggs hanging from the plant. From their places of origin, white eggplants reached China during the Western Jin Dynasty (265-316 CE) and then Japan in the 8th century, and later on got introduced to the Mediterranean and Spain during the Middle Ages.

In the Philippines, white eggplants of long and round varieties are grown in places like Batangas and Benguet. They are not usually found in big quantities in wet markets, but Benguet farmers always bring along a sizable amount to Metro Manila whenever they are available during weekend markets. Some farming companies and fresh vegetable traders also make them available via online shopping platforms.

Govt pushing Indonesia ties

Thailand is pushing for closer economic cooperation with Indonesia and Malaysia to expand markets, create jobs and raise incomes across its 14 southern provinces.

Thanadit Raktabutr, vice-minister attached to the Prime Minister’s Office, attended the 32nd Indonesia-Malaysia-Thailand Growth Triangle (IMT-GT) Ministerial Meeting in Medan, North Sumatra, on Sept 10.

Deputy Prime Minister Ekniti Nitithanprapas assigned Mr Thanadit to serve as Thailand’s minister responsible for the IMT-GT programme.

The meeting was chaired by Airlangga Hartarto, Indonesia’s coordinating minister for economic affairs, and attended by Malaysia’s economy minister and representatives of the Asian Development Bank (ADB) and the Asean Secretariat.

Thailand’s delegation included Sasithorn Palattadej, deputy secretary-general of the National Economic and Social Development Council and Thailand’s IMT-GT senior official, and Trang governor Songklod Sawangwong, who headed the Thai delegation to the Chief Ministers’ and Governors’ Forum. Governors and deputy governors from the 14 southern provinces, private-sector representatives and officials from relevant agencies also attended.

The ministers reviewed progress under the IMT-GT Implementation Blueprint 2022-2026 and discussed the 2027-2031 plan, which aims to shift the focus from short-term activities to cross-border projects with clear targets, measurable outcomes and lasting benefits.

“The IMT-GT meeting is not distant from people’s everyday lives,” Mr Thanadit said. “Its ultimate purpose is to help farmers earn better returns, give businesses access to larger markets, make cross-border travel and freight more efficient, and create jobs and new skills for young people in southern Thailand.”

Key areas of cooperation include improving transport infrastructure and customs, immigration and quarantine procedures. The link between Thailand’s new Sadao border checkpoint and Malaysia’s Bukit Kayu Hitam complex is expected to reduce transport times and costs, benefiting border businesses, logistics operators and local communities.

The three countries will also use technology and innovation to support young farmers and strengthen value chains for rubber, palm oil, food and medicinal plants. A memorandum of understanding on palm oil cooperation signed at the meeting covers trade, sustainability, research, product development and competitiveness, with expected benefits for smallholders, cooperatives and Thai businesses.

Cooperation on the halal economy aims to improve specialist training, certification and cross-border trade in food, pharmaceuticals, cosmetics, fashion, healthcare and tourism. This would help Thai small and medium-sized enterprises reach markets in Malaysia, Indonesia and the wider Muslim world.

Integrated tourism routes and packages, including culinary, Muslim-friendly and responsible tourism, are intended to draw visitors and spread income to secondary cities and local communities.

The programme will also promote digital and vocational skills, occupational standards, labour market information, internet and 5G infrastructure, green cities, pollution reduction and climate resilience.

Thung Song Municipality in Nakhon Si Thammarat received a gold award for urban biodiversity and ecosystem management, highlighting the potential for Thai local authorities to serve as regional models for green development.

Mr Thanadit called for closer links between the IMT-GT economic corridors and all eight areas of cooperation, clear targets and monitoring, and greater private-sector participation in project design, investment and implementation.

For Thailand, stronger IMT-GT cooperation is expected to reinforce its role as an economic gateway linking Malaysia, Indonesia and the wider Asean region. It would also connect the Songkhla and Narathiwat special economic zones with regional supply chains, attract investment and improve competitiveness.

Thailand also confirmed its readiness to host the 17th IMT-GT Summit in 2028, when it is due to assume the Asean chairmanship.

“The success of IMT-GT should not be measured by the number of meetings held, but by higher incomes, real jobs, lower costs and a better quality of life,” Mr Thanadit said.

Nigeria’s FTSE return puts jobs, productive investment in focus

Nigeria’s return to the global Frontier Market universe is shifting attention beyond improved investor access to whether renewed confidence can translate into productive investment, business expansion and jobs for Nigerians.

FTSE Russell has confirmed that Nigeria’s capital market will be reclassified from ‘Unclassified’ to ‘Frontier Market’ status from September 21, 2026.

Nigeria was removed from the category in 2023 amid concerns over foreign exchange liquidity, capital repatriation and market accessibility. Its return reflects improvements in these areas and is being presented by government and market authorities as an endorsement of the country’s reform programme.

But for Nigeria, the bigger test is whether the improved investment environment can attract capital that supports businesses and productive sectors rather than simply increasing portfolio inflows.

The reclassification comes at a consequential point for the economy, as the government seeks to move from macroeconomic stabilisation towards investment-led growth.

The administration is placing greater emphasis on private investment, productive sectors, infrastructure, industrialisation and job creation, while its ambition to build a US$1 trillion economy by 2030 is being carried into the new Medium-Term National Development Plan 2026-2030.

Benson Adenuga, West Africa director at British International Investment (BII), said the reclassification provides an opportunity to deepen Nigeria’s investment ecosystem by improving market accessibility for international and domestic investors.

The development could also strengthen the role of pension and institutional capital in financing businesses and infrastructure, while creating opportunities to mobilise more private capital into sectors capable of generating jobs and broadening economic opportunity.

For Nigeria, this raises a critical question: can the reforms that have helped rebuild investor confidence now translate into long-term capital for businesses, infrastructure and productive sectors?

The country has spent the past three years addressing concerns around foreign exchange liquidity, capital repatriation and market accessibility. The return to the FTSE Russell Frontier Market category could therefore provide a fresh platform for international investors to reconsider Nigerian assets.

However, the challenge will be to ensure that renewed investor interest supports sectors such as industrialisation, energy, agriculture, infrastructure, financial inclusion and entrepreneurship.

BII’s investments in Nigeria illustrate the type of productive capital that could help achieve this objective.

The development finance institution has invested in Odyssey Energy Solutions to support the expansion of mini-grids under Nigeria’s DARES programme, which aims to expand electricity access to 17.5 million people.

It also provided a US$30 million blended facility to InfraCredit to mobilise institutional capital into decentralised renewable energy and improve access to affordable power.

In manufacturing, BII has committed US$140 million over more than a decade to Indorama Eleme Fertilizer, one of Sub-Saharan Africa’s largest fertiliser producers, which now supplies around 80 percent of Nigeria’s domestic fertiliser demand.

In agriculture, BII invested US$40.5 million in Johnvents Group to support cocoa production, traceability and export capacity, while its investment in Valency International is supporting Nigerian cashew processing, with up to 2,800 jobs and 60,000 farmers expected to benefit.

BII has also backed Moniepoint, a fintech company supporting 2.5 million businesses, processing around 55 million transactions and handling approximately US$17 billion in monthly payments.

Its financial-sector investments include a US$100 million facility for First Bank Nigeria to support MSMEs, including US$30 million earmarked for women-owned and women-led businesses.

BII also provided a US$50 million facility to First City Monument Bank, with 70 percent directed to MSMEs in northern Nigeria and 30 percent to women-owned and women-led businesses nationwide.

These investments point to the broader economic opportunity that could emerge if Nigeria’s improved investment profile translates into more capital for businesses and productive sectors.

The changing UK-Nigeria economic relationship could further support this process. The two countries renewed their Enhanced Trade and Investment Partnership in March 2026, focusing on investment, regulatory cooperation, trade and sustainable, inclusive growth.

This aligns with BII’s new strategy to deploy up to £9 billion across Africa over the next five years, with Nigeria remaining a major focus market. Its investments are aimed at supporting private-sector growth, mobilising additional capital and advancing priorities including jobs, value addition, sustainable manufacturing, agriculture and energy.

The return to frontier market status therefore marks more than an index change for Nigeria. It provides an opportunity to test whether reforms that have restored confidence among investors can now deliver the capital needed to expand businesses, create jobs and strengthen the productive capacity of the economy.

With the 2027 elections approaching, the ability to convert improved investor sentiment into tangible economic opportunities for businesses and households is likely to become an increasingly important measure of the success of the reform programme.

BB Fakae shows how university senate can accelerate varsity administration

Those who gloss over the critical role of the senate of a university may have to pay more attention to some risk factors of ignoring the senate.

This was unveiled in a presentation at a retreat by Barineme Beke Fakae, a renowned researcher as well as professor of veterinary parasitology and entomology, who was a two-time vice chancellor of the Rivers State University of Science and Technology (RSUST), now Rivers State University (RSU).

Isaac Zeb-Obipi, vice chancellor of the Rivers State University, named him the father of modern RSU for several reasons especially for starting and laying the foundations of transparency, ICT, digital campus, and financial prudence.

Speaking to the RSU senate on the topic: ‘The Role of the University Senate in Academic Governance’, Fakae focused on strengthening governance through effective legal and policy frameworks.

He warned about risk to avoid, saying role conflict occurs where the Senate becomes overly administrative, or the Council interferes in academic decisions. He called for balance.

In reviewing decision-making in a university senate, he said the quality of university governance depends heavily on how the Senate makes decisions. He gave the principles of effective decision-making including evidence-based deliberation, inclusiveness of diverse expertise, respect for academic freedom, and timeliness and efficiency.

He pointed at what he called good practices such as use of well-structured committees, circulation of documents before meetings, clear agenda and minutes, and data-driven discussions.

He went on: ‘Members of the University Senate bear the responsibility of safeguarding the institution’s integrity, upon which its survival depends. Drawing from my background in parasitology, I often note that only a foolish parasite would destroy its own host. In the same way, the Senate must act with foresight and restraint. Positioned at the very core of academic life, the University Senate serves as the custodian of academic integrity, standards, and excellence, and its effectiveness is decisive in shaping the institution’s credibility and reputation.’

He discussed the statutory powers and responsibilities of the Senate, its relationship with Council and Management, decision-making processes and delegation, accountability mechanisms, and practical strategies for strengthening Senate effectiveness.

Helping the senate to understand academic governance, he said it refers to the framework of authority, policies, and processes through which academic decisions are made within a university. ‘At the centre of this structure is the Senate, which is responsible for academic standards, curriculum development, quality assurance, research oversight, and student academic matters.

‘In essence, if governance is the engine of the university, the Senate is the driver of its academic direction.’

He took a lot at statutory powers and responsibilities of the Senate, saying the authority of the Senate derives from university laws, statutes, and regulations. Typically, he added, the Senate is empowered to handle control of academic programmes by approving new programmes and courses, review and update curricula, and ensure relevance to national and global needs.

The Senate also handles regulation of examinations and standards by approving examination results and award of degrees, diplomas, and certificates. There is the oversight of research and scholarship, promoting research excellence, approving research policies, and encouraging innovation and interdisciplinary engagement.

The Senate, according to the researcher, said the Senate would determine admission standards, regulate progression and graduation requirements, handle academic misconduct (plagiarism, examination malpractice), and ensure fairness and due process.

On key insight, he said the Senate must not merely exercise authority, it must exercise it responsibly, consistently, and transparently.

Fakae harped on the ideal Senate’s relationship and said effective university governance depends on clarity of roles and mutual respect among three key bodies. Council should focus on finance, policy, and overall governance; while the Senate should focus on academic matters.

For clarity, the expert who took the UST to the first spot among state-owned universities in Nigeria gave what he called guiding principle as the ‘Council governs, Senate regulates academics.’

He said the Senate formulates academic policy, Management implements policies. On areas of interdependence, he mentioned strategic planning, resource allocation for academic programmes, and institutional accreditation.

To boost good practices, Fakae suggested use of well-structured committees, circulation of documents before meetings, clear agenda and minutes, and data-driven discussions. He gave an action point thus: ‘Move from ceremonial meetings to strategic academic decision-making forums.’

He suggested effective delegation of tasks within the Senate, given the complexity of modern universities, to achieve efficiency, expertise utilization, and faster decision-making. He said the Senate of a university has committees such as Academic Planning Committee, Curriculum Committee, Research and Publications Committee, and Examination and Results Committee.

He insisted that delegation must be accompanied by clear terms of reference, reporting obligations, and oversight mechanisms. He made it clear that the Senate can delegate tasks, but not responsibility.

He harped on accountability, saying it ensures that the Senate’s powers were exercised responsibly. Internal Accountability looked at transparent procedures, proper documentation, and ethical standards; while external accountability involves accreditation bodies, government regulations, and public expectations.

The mechanisms to strengthen accountability include periodic review of Senate decisions, performance indicators for academic units, and audit of academic processes. He named a key idea thus: ‘Accountability builds trust; institutionally and publicly.’

The retreat looked at complex challenges confronting modern universities such as rapid technological change, quality assurance demands, funding constraints, global competition, and balancing expansion with quality. ‘These challenges require the Senate to be proactive, not reactive; strategic, not routine-driven; and innovative, not rigid.’

He then gave what he called practical strategies for strengthening Senate effectiveness, saying it is in line with the workshop’s objective of actionable outcomes. He proposed capacity building for Senate members with regular training on governance and higher education trends; strengthening committee systems by ensuring committees were functional and not symbolic; digital governance tools such as use of technology for document sharing, voting, and tracking decisions; and policy clarity and review such as regularly update academic policies.

Other key recommendations were data-driven decision-making whereby institutional research units should support the Senate; culture of accountability by embedding transparency and ethical conduct. The goal should be to deliver a Senate that is efficient, credible, and respected.’

Fakae deposed that the University Senate is not just an administrative body but it is the guardian of academic excellence and institutional integrity. ‘Its effectiveness depends on clear authority, strong processes, ethical conduct, and strategic thinking.’

Any university with optimal senate functionality, he noted, would discover that their academic standards would improve; institutional reputation grows, and stakeholder confidence increases.

‘Let us work collectively to ensure that the Senate of Rivers State University becomes a model of effective academic governance-focused, accountable, and forward-looking.’

Fakae urged all universities to therefore commit to strengthening the Senate as a dynamic, responsive, and accountable organ of academic governance.

PHL Open to go ahead despite sponsor pullout

THE National Golf Association of the Philippines (NGAP) stressed over the weekend that the Philippine Open-the oldest national championship in Asia-will push through as scheduled from November 12 to 15 even after the withdrawal of BingoPlus as the main presenter.

The Philippine Sports Commission (PSC) and the Asian Tour have stepped in as the tournament’s new chief backers while NGAP president Al Panlilio assured that the 72-hole championship will be at least a $1 million (P63 million) event that the Masters of Manila Southwoods will host.

‘We are very grateful to Chair Pató [Gregorio of the PSC], Mr. Cho [Minn Thant of the Asian Tour], and of course, to Manila Southwoods, that we will still be able to hold the event as scheduled,’ said Panlilio, who came out of a crucial meeting with Asian Tour officials recently and secured the commitment of several other firms as sponsors.

‘There are several other entities from different businesses which are very willing to make this happen,’ Panlilio said. ‘We are just ironing out the details of everything before we make the announcement.’

The Masters, as early as two months ago, is being spruced up to championship shape to be able to challenge the best in the region.

Frenchman Julien Sale is the defending champion, breaking through as a pro last year while at the same time becoming the first debutant to win the Philippine Open.

He fired a final round five-under-par 65 for a 269 total to win by a shot over Thailand’s Sadom Kaewkanjana and Tomoyo Ikemura of Japan.

Miguel Tabuena was in that field and gave gallant chase to be the best Filipino finisher, finishing just four shots behind in front of a big crowd that followed him the entire week.

Eno not involved in EFCC’s seizure of ex-Udom’s Lagos residence, says A’Ibom govt

Akwa Ibom state government has denied the allegation that Governor Umo Eno caused the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) to seize former Governor Udom Emmanuel’s Lagos property.

The government was reacting to a recent social media video in which the African Democratic Congress (ADC) governorship candidate, Senator John Akpanudoedehe made some grave allegations against Eno.

Akpanudoedehe alleged in the video among others that Eno reported to the EFCC that his immediate predecessor in office acquired the Lagos property illegally hence the seizure.

However, the commissioner for information, Dr. Aniekan Umanah in a statement on Sunday absolved Eno of any involvement in the EFCC action, saying the allegation is aimed at inciting the public against the Governor.

The statement reads, ‘Ordinarily, the Government would not dignify such a tissue of lies with a response. However, given the apparent intention to incite the public and create tension, we have chosen to set the records straight. The allegation is false, reckless and without foundation.

‘For the avoidance of doubt, Governor Umo Eno has never reported anyone to the EFCC. I make bold to say that I have never reported anyone, talk more of my predecessor in office, to the EFCC. I stand to be challenged or contradicted.’ This categorical position underscores the baseless nature of the allegation.

‘The facts of Governor Eno’s conduct speak for themselves. He has consistently demonstrated respect for his predecessors and made genuine efforts towards reconciliation, including facilitating engagements at the highest levels of government in the country in the interest of peace and political harmony.

‘If Governor Eno were driven by any form of fury, why has he retained most of the persons who served under the former administration? Why has he continued and completed projects initiated by former Governors?

‘Akwa Ibom has moved far beyond the politics of falsehood, blackmail and manufactured controversies. Our people deserve politics that promotes peace, development and responsible leadership-not rhetoric designed to reopen old wounds or set leaders and communities against one another’.

The government warned Akpanudoedehe and other candidates to desist from peddling falsehood with the aim of causing tension and fanning the embers of disunity in the state.

‘We therefore call on Senator Akpanudoedehe and all political actors to exercise restraint and responsibility. Akwa Ibom will not be dragged back into the politics of bitterness, destruction and instability.

‘Government will protect the peace and tranquillity of our State and remain focused on development.

‘While Senator Akpanudoedehe is busy making unfounded allegations, the Government of Pastor Umo Eno remains focused on delivering the ARISE Agenda-roads and bridges, schools, healthcare facilities, Compassionate Homes, agriculture, tourism, aviation and other projects that are positively impacting the lives of our people’, the government added.