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A 38-year-old mother of two, Catherine (surname withheld), has disclosed how she planned with her child’s home lesson teacher, identified as Nansik, to stage a kidnap of her two-year-old son, Jesse, in order to get money from her husband.

Catherine and two suspected accomplices, Nansik and Emmanuel, were arrested by operatives of the Federal Intelligence Department-Intelligence Response Team (FID-IRT) in Jos, Plateau State, after a reported case of child kidnapping.

The Force Public Relations Officer, Ani Iniedu, in a statement, said that Catherine, in conspiracy with her first child’s home teacher, allegedly staged the kidnap of her two-year-old son and created the impression that the child was truly abducted.

To back the abduction plot, a third suspect, one Emmanuel, was contacted and asked to make calls to the child’s grandmother to demand a ?15 million ransom, while the child was kept in Nansik’s residence.

CSP Iniedu stated: ‘However, the child was subsequently located and safely rescued. After receiving medical attention, he was handed over to his biological father.’

Saturday Tribune learnt that before the toddler’s planned kidnap was carried out, the mother had given the teacher all necessary things, including diapers, beverages, and food items that the boy would need. It was further gathered that immediately Nansik got to her house with the boy, she allegedly removed the cloth he wore and dressed him up in a female cloth as a disguise so that he would not be recognised. Nansik also allegedly bought an unregistered SIM card, contacted Emmanuel, and asked him to call the boy’s grandmother to demand for N15 million ransom.

Saturday Tribune learnt that following the report of case, the conversation between Catherine and Nansik was intercepted on July 23, four days after the abduction. This led to Nansik’s tracking by the IRT operatives, her arrest, and the rescue of the toddler who, oblivious of what was happening, was found in a relaxing position in the planner’s house. Catherine and Emmanuel were also apprehended after Nansik’s confession.

In an interview, Catherine, who hails from Nasarawa State, told Saturday Tribune that she lived comfortably with her husband in Jos, Plateau State, before she was badly influenced by Nansik.

According to Catherine, ‘Nansik, who gave her name to us as Praise, has been my first child’s home lesson teacher for the past five years. Then, she was working in the school that my daughter was attending. She complained to me that my daughter was not catching up, asking my family to do something about it. She suggested an extra lesson for the child, which I discussed with my husband, and he agreed. Since then, she has been with us.’

Narrating how her son’s staged kidnap was planned, Catherine said it began with an issue she had with her husband. ‘Towards the end of January, we went for a hangout as a couple. As we were talking, he asked me if I had money with me, and I replied in the negative. Then, he asked: ‘What if an emergency arises?’ I responded by saying he was always around to tackle any emergency, and he laughed over it. The following day, my husband transferred N200,000 into my account. When I saw it, I asked him what it was for, and he told me to keep it in case of any emergency, so that I would have money to use. But as for me, I have everything in my house. My husband provides everything for me. He even dropped an Automated Teller Machine (ATM) card with cash in it for me to use anytime I needed anything. We call it utility card.

‘So, when he gave me the N200,000, I paid it as a contribution into a cooperative group I belong to so that by the end of the year, I would use it to buy some things. On June 21, I needed to go for my husband’s uncle’s child’s dedication, so, on June 20, I told him I needed money to fuel the car while we were on the phone. He was not around then, and I didn’t have much fuel in my car. He asked me to use the utility card to purchase N50,000 fuel.

‘Coincidentally, my neighbour was going to the same event, and she followed me. However, on getting to the filling station, the card couldn’t dispense money. I told my neighbour to help me out, with the thought that I would get the money from my husband to refund her, but he was very angry with me when I told him, saying that it was the reason he gave me N200,000 in case of any emergency. I needed to pay back the N50,000 I borrowed from my neighbour due to pressure, while attempts to use the utility card were unsuccessful as it was telling us ‘transaction failed’.

‘My husband was shouting at me in a video call, asking for the reason I paid the money as a contribution. He angrily told me to pay back our neighbour’s N50,000 and send the remaining N150,000 to him. I started pleading with him, but he refused to listen to me.

‘Nansik, who was in our house at that time overheard him because we placed the call on the speaker. At the end of the call, she asked why my husband was behaving rashly like he just did. I eventually got the money from my mother to pay my neighbour though I didn’t tell her what happened. After that, my husband kept calling me almost every day, asking for the remaining N150,000. I didn’t know where to get it from because the money he gave me was already in the contribution account.

‘That was when Nansik told me of a woman, a firewood seller, who planned self-kidnap, and her husband paid ransom, which she shared with those she planned the kidnap with. She advised me to do the same thing so that I would have money and even help her because she gave birth to a child out of wedlock.

‘I told her that if I tried it, my husband would believe it to be a deception and would not pay anything. However, she kept pestering me. Then in July, she said we should stage the kidnap of my son whom my husband loves so much. She said I should leave everything for her to handle. Initially, I said we should ask for N3 million as ransom, but she suggested a higher amount so that after negotiations, it would come to the amount I desired. When I expressed my fear that our actions would end my marriage if my husband got to know about my involvement, she swore that she would not disclose it even if she was caught.’

On how the plan was carried out, Catherine said: ‘Nansik suggested my grandmother’s house which she said would be easier to come to because it was easily accessible. On July 19, we went to Grandma’s house after leaving the church. Nansik brought a tricycle, and my son, who was very familiar with her, ran to meet her when he saw her outside. That was how he was taken away.

‘Later, someone she contracted to join her called grandma, demanding for N15 million. The day that she picked the child, I felt it deep within me. I went inside and cried, but nobody knew what was going on. I tried to call her, because the amount demanded was too high, but her lines were switched off. After some days, the matter escalated, When I eventually got her, she said she would come to my mother-in-law’s house where we stayed after the incident.’

How the bubble burst

‘The police called me, asking me to come to the station, that they had rescued my child. When I got there, I saw Nansik and the child, and during the interrogation, she told them that I was the one who planned everything with her.

?At first, I was scared and denied it, but when she kept insisting and giving details of our conversation, I had no choice but to confess the truth.’

?When asked whether she realised the gravity of what she did, the mother of two replied: ‘I am very, very sorry. It was the work of the devil. I was overwhelmed and confused because of the pressure from my husband to return the money, and Nansik manipulated me into doing it. I deeply regret my actions.’

In her confession, 34-year-old Nansik admitted her participation in the kidnap of the child, but said she was drawn into a ransom plan by the child’s mother. Nansik, who claimed to be an NCE certificate holder and combines teaching with poultry farming and private lesson coaching, said the plan emerged from conversations with the child’s mother over her financial difficulties and alleged disagreement with her husband.

Nansik also admitted that she eventually kidnapped the child and kept him while attempts were made to demand ransom from the father. According to her, the scheme began during one of his regular lesson visits to Catherine’s home when she complained about financial problems and pressure from her husband over money.

Nansik said the conversation eventually shifted to ways of raising money, with Catherine saying that if she chose self-kidnap, her husband would not pay anything because of the issue they had.

She added that it was Catherine who identified her son as the person her husband was particularly fond of and said he would be willing to pay if the boy was kidnapped.

The suspect denied an allegation that she introduced the idea of kidnapping by citing a woman who had allegedly carried out a similar act. ‘There is no woman I know on this planet that’s selling firewood that kidnapped herself. That is a pure lie,’ she said. Instead, Nansik claimed the child’s mother was the person who raised the possibility of kidnapping and cited a previous kidnapping incident within her family. ‘She even gave me an instance of the kidnap. She brought this issue. She gave me an instance of a kidnap in their own family, and the ransom was paid,’ she said.

The suspect said the plan became more concrete after Catherine allegedly provided her with food items and discussed how the child would be kept. ‘She gave me Milo, Golden Morn, and then rice,’ Nansik told Saturday Tribune. She said the plan was later activated after a telephone conversation on July 16. According to her, Catherine wanted the operation carried out on a Sunday because the family was expected to travel to Abuja. Nansik further confessed that she was given N7,000 to facilitate the operation, including money for a SIM card and transportation to pick up the child.

She said that she subsequently brought Emmanuel into the plan as she considered him close enough to approach for assistance.

According to the suspect, Emmanuel initially agreed to participate but later backed out after discovering that the kidnapped child’s photograph had gone viral on social media when he saw photographs of the missing child circulating online.

Asked who first demanded the ransom, Nansik identified Emmanuel, but stated that she subsequently made other ransom calls using the altered voice enabled by Emmanuel before he backed out.

The third suspect in the staged kidnap ring, 32-year-old Emmanuel, admitted to his involvement in the kidnapping of Catherine’s child, saying he was asked to demand ransom, for which he was promised N2 million if the operation succeeded. The suspect, who is a painter and 400-level student of a state university in the North Central, said that Nansik contacted him and told him about the plan, initially describing it as a fake kidnapping. ‘She told me that I would be the one to speak for the ransom,’ he said.

Emmanuel said he demanded N15 million from the child’s grandmother, later reducing it to N10 million after she said the family could not afford the initial demand. He also confessed that attempts were made to disguise his voice to sound like a male Hausa-speaking kidnapper.

However, he said he later became uncomfortable with the plan and withdrew after the voice-changing attempt failed.

‘I told Nansik that this thing was not working,’ he said. The suspect stated further that he returned to his painting job but was arrested on Thursday, July 23.

The FPRO stated that the suspects would be charged to court after the conclusion of investigation.

EVEN if you have lost your copy of Ernest Hemingway’s The Old Man and the Sea, I bet you still remember that story of man’s struggle in a hostile world. You remember the story of the old fisherman who suffers for 84 gruelling days before catching a marlin, only to end up with its skeleton after a barrage by rampaging sharks. That is the story of the disunited, politically blind and perennially unserious opposition angling to dethrone the All Progressives Congress’ Bola Tinubu in just a few months’ time. I had assumed that these human beings were serious when they held an opposition summit in Ibadan, but they revealed their true character shortly after.

It is true that Tinubu and his government have mounted roadblocks in the path of the opposition – I cannot forget the incident in Abuja when they had to use campaign fliers to fan themselves after ACs and fans were shut off following the depraved antics of a minister – but much of their woes have been self-inflicted. Parading oversized egos, they have thrown out the power of collective bargaining and tactical discipline with which the Tinubu-led opposition routed the then ruling PDP, a shell now parading a ‘presidential candidate.’ Peter Obi, Atiku Abubakar, Rabiu Kwankwaso and others are not ready to stoop to conquer: they are preparing to cry like the mythical egbere for their lost mat after Tinubu wins before 12 pm on election day, throwing up all sorts of conspiracy theories. I have carefully surveyed the opposition movement and come to the painful conclusion that they are merely wasting time engaging in content creation instead of preparing for a tactical, epic presidential battle in 2027.

If you are a bit familiar with the German-American theorist Hannah Arendt, then you cannot avoid looking at politics as collective action. As Arendt teaches us, power arises when people act together. Surely, a political opposition can’t come to power merely because it has many prominent politicians in its fold. It will acquire power based on its capacity to act collectively. As the Bard of Avon teaches in King Lear: ‘When great ones fall out, the weaker side is with them.’ Consumed by egotism and rivalry, the opposition contenders can only lose out, and lose out in a big way. A Yoruba proverb says it is with collective fingers that one beats his chest, and it is as a whole that a broom kills flies. But the opposition politicians creating disparate, unrealistic paths to the presidency act as sole repositories of wisdom, titillating the ears of their supporters with empty sloganeering.

In case you think I am being unduly harsh, here again are the results of the 2023 presidential election: Bola Ahmed Tinubu (APC) – 8,794,726 votes (36.61%) – Winner. Atiku Abubakar (PDP) – 6,984,520 votes (29.07%) – 2nd place. Peter Obi (Labour Party) – 6,101,533 votes (25.40%) – 3rd place. Rabiu Kwankwaso (NNPP) – 1,496,687 votes (6.40%) – 4th place. Total valid votes cast: 24,965,218. From these results, it is clear that the majority of voters who trooped out on election day were resolutely against the APC. The opposition politicians, the same individuals now running disparate campaigns that will end in premium tears, had told Nigerians to vote out Buhari’s party, and Nigerians had listened. So, out of the 24.97 million valid votes cast, the APC only got 8.79 million votes, the smallest margin ever recorded by a ruling party. Ideally, the opposition ought to form the next government. Nigerians had spoken with a loud voice. Alas! The opposition had not banded together like Tinubu and the PDP G-5 did in 2015, and so it happened that the APC that voters revolted against on election day formed the next government.

Now, ahead of 2027, the time-wasters are repeating the same gimmick. They have refused to learn from the Osun State governorship election where Ademola Adeleke of the PDP/Accord Party won with 511,067 votes while Bola Oyebanji of the APC secured 444,815 votes. If certain APC hawks had not frustrated Adeleke’s defection to the APC, that party would have won by a criminally massive landslide. Still, if Tinubu and his party lose Osun in 2027 but get the same kind of margin, they are good to go. Conversely, if all the opposition parties band together and support a single candidate, they will win Osun State.

Bola Ahmed Tinubu was declared president-elect by INEC on 1 March 2023. He will again be declared president in 2027 if the current situation persists. Tinubu will win before 12 pm on election day and the big stumbling block, Atiku Abubakar, whom I voted for in 2019 before the Leah Sharibu case shattered my illusions, will approach the courts and feed SANs, as usual.

Like the whiskey priest struggling with a dog over a bone in Graham Greene’sThe Power and the Glory, highlighting sheer desperation and loss of dignity, the Nigerian opposition politicians have reduced themselves to presidential pretenders. Lacking effective mobilisers, the opposition recalls the lines of W.B. Yeats in The Second Coming: ‘The best lack all conviction, while the worst /Are full of passionate intensity.’ Their postulations have become much like the proverbial tale told by an idiot, full of sound and fury, signifying nothing.

Says Niccolò Machiavelli in The Prince: ‘He who wishes to be obeyed must know how to command.’ Tell that to Rabiu Kwankwaso. Feeling funky this week, the NDC VP candidate arrogantly asked Atiku to withdraw from the 2027 presidential race. Receiving members of the Fulani Farmers Association in his Abuja residence, Kwankwaso, widely seen by many southerners as a Fulani irredentist and merely being tolerated because he is on a ticket with Peter Obi, delivered this silly sermon: ‘Go to the Wazirin of Adamawa’s house and tell him in Fulani that he needs to focus on his traditional title of Wazirin, given his age and health. If Allah grants us success, we will take good care of him.’

See his mouth like ‘take care of him’. Between him and Atiku, who has proved for decades that he can win opposition presidential primaries no matter the dollar rain, who should take care of the other? Is that how, in Kwankwaso’s red-cap world, leading opposition bigwigs are persuaded to step down? Did the APC’s Tinubu send farmers to people like Godswill Akpabio and others who stepped down for him to clinch the APC ticket in 2023? Why do these opposition politicians keep acting like bewitched brides? Who should treat Atiku like royalty, begging for a concession, if not Kwankwaso?

Evidently, 2027 is no contest. It is sheer force majeure for Kwankwaso and co.

INEC, where is my PVC?

On 26/10/2025, I wrote INEC via [email protected]: ‘Hello Sir/Ma, I made an application for a replacement of my damaged card. I want to know if the cars is ready and when to pick it up. The details are as follows: Application Number: RPL28671872. Application Type: Lost or Damaged PVC Replacement Request. Application Status Application Submitted for Approval (Stage 1 of 2). Applicant Name: AWOLAJA, ABIODUN ADEBAYO. Email: [email protected]. State: OYO. Local Government: IBADAN SOUTH WEST. Registration Area/Ward WARD 9 SW8 (1). ‘

Till today, I haven’t got a reply. When I applied for Damaged PVC Replacement, though, INEC on 02/09/2025, INEC assigned me the reference no RPL28671872. Okay oo.

The Nigerian Air Force (NAF) on Saturday reinforced its commitment to national security and operational excellence through the conduct of its Third Quarter Route March Exercise across formations and units nationwide.

This was contained in a statement made available to news men in Abuja by the Spokesperson of the Service Air Commodore Ehimen Ejodame

According to the statement, the exercise which was held simultaneously at NAF locations across the county forms part of ongoing efforts to maintain a highly fit, resilient, and combat-ready force capable of responding effectively to contemporary security challenges.

Speaking at NAF Camp Abuja on behalf of the Chief of the Air Staff (CAS), Air Marshal Sunday Kelvin Aneke, the Chief of Operations, Air Vice Marshal Precious Amadi, stated that the exercise reflected the NAF’s determination to sustain a high level of operational readiness in support of ongoing efforts to combat terrorism, insurgency, banditry, and other threats to national security.

The statement further added that he noted that physical fitness, mental resilience, discipline, and teamwork remain critical enablers of mission success across all theatres of operation.

It added that Air Marshal Aneke emphasized that the quarterly route march is a strategic initiative designed to prepare personnel for the physical demands of military operations while fostering cohesion and esprit de corps across the Service. He added that the initiative complements the NAF’s broader efforts to enhance combat effectiveness through continuous training, capacity development, and personnel welfare programmes.

According to it, the Chief of the Air Staff further commended officers, airmen, airwomen, and civilian personnel for their dedication and professionalism, urging them to remain vigilant and steadfast in the discharge of their duties.

Shortly after President Bola Tinubu assumed office in 2023, Prof Wole Soyinka paid him a courtesy visit in Aso Rock. Many would remember that Prof. Soyinka said he, during the visit, humorously called the President, Olorikunkun. In Yoruba, olorikunkun means the stubborn, strong-headed, hard-nosed, never-say-die person, often imbued with unusual courage, one who never backs off from tough decisions or yields easily…

As it turned out, courage has been the singular attribute of President Tinubu that has attracted most of his supporters and admirers to him. Tinubu is famously remembered as member of NADECO, the group that took the physical and financial risk of taking on the annuller-regime of Abacha and wrestling it to the ground to secure democracy for Nigerians; somehow, his main political rivals today recoiled into comfortable shells offshore, waiting for the nuts of democracy to be pulled out of the fire for them.. Tinubu successfully withstood the attempt of the Obasanjo federal government to weaken Lagos State financially by starving it of its statutory allocations. Even when late President Buhari’s body language showed everyone that he would rather Tinubu did not succeed him as president and the cabal in Aso Rock at the time employed all devices to stop him, Tinubu refused to be thrown under the bus…and he prevailed.

By confronting enduring fundamental politico-economic problems that his predecessors fled from even when it was clear that the non-resolution of such issues was unsustainable for the country’s stability, the President validated his credentials as a courageous leader. Indeed, upon taking power on 29 May 2023, President Tinubu, as he revealed afterwards, said that he was emboldened to unveil his first major policy reform on his first day in the job, stoppage of fuel subsidy, because he was suddenly gripped by the spirit of courage as he delivered his inauguration address. Were the event of that historic day to be recorded in The Old Testament of The Bible, the scripture would probably have read something like ”.. And the people of the country chose for themselves a new ruler. On the day appointed for the feast and rejoicing to mark the beginning of his reign, a great multitude gathered in the centre of the chief city of the country… Then the new ruler was called upon to address his subjects throughout the vast expanse of land, mountains and water of the country. Suddenly, as he began to speak to the multitude, the spirit of courage descended upon him and he pronounced changes in the economic governance of the country, the like of which had not been witnessed before then..”.

Since taking power 39 months ago, Tinubu, on my score-card, has introduced four remarkable politico-economic reforms, namely, removal of fuel subsidy, unification of the foreign exchange rates of the national currency, reform of tax administration and electricity reform; the fifth reform, introduction of state policing, is still in the works and expected to be rolled out before the end of the President’s first term of office.

It takes courage to embark on such sweeping reforms; that courage is also what we call ”political will”. Reforms typically step on toes by breaching vested economic and financial interests, causing discomfort, even if temporary. These ”downsides” attract both honest and mischievous criticisms to the reformist leader and that’s why most leaders avoid undertaking economic and political reforms in spite of their long-term benefits to their nations. Only outstanding, strong-headed, ”stubborn” leaders confront such defining challenges. Nigeria, in 2023, produced one such leader in Bola Ahmed Tinubu. In the militaro-political sphere, for example, it took a Tinubu to start the redistribution of Nigeria’s military assets across the country’s geopolitical zones. Hitherto, this commonsensical step had seemed like a taboo! It was unlikely that an Atiku presidency would have seen the need for it and an Obi presidency would certainly have avoided it for fear of being misunderstood in some sections of the country.

Although it is clear that the intention behind each of these reforms is to recalibrate the national economy to make life more abundant for the citizenry in the medium to long term, the President has been most attacked for his decision to stop fuel subsidy; this is out of benign ignorance or outright mischief. While it is true that it is not the job of the opposition to sell the government’s policies to the people, it is not acceptable that the naivety of the public should be weaponised to mislead them into rejecting policies designed and implemented in their best interest. Even then, Team Tinubu would probably have adopted the same negationist posture as today’s political opponents were positions reversed between the two sides…

To be clear, no government would undertake a reform whose outcome was calculated to be medium-long term or permanent impoverishment of the population. A reform, like capital investment, needs not, and most often, does not produce instant (short-term) gains which accrue mostly in the medium to long term (from upwards of 5 years). However, the road to the medium-long term passes necessarily through the short-term. The short-term is the immediate post-reform period which demands to be deftly managed. Failure to manage this period strategically could leave the door open for opponents of a reform-inclined government to mischaracterise reform efforts as organised to punish the people with impossible living conditions. In truth, the Tinubu administration appeared to have faltered somewhat in managing its post-reform short-term but, luckily for the administration, as we’ve begun to see, it can still correct its lapses and errors.

For some strange reasons, the Tinubu administration did not communicate adequately with the people with respect to the imperative of the fuel and foreign exchange subsidy removals on the one hand and the salutary impacts of these headline reforms. It took the recent appearances of the Chairman of the Nigerian Revenue Service (NRS) and the Minister of Finance, respectively, to explain the workings and demonstrable gains of the two reforms to the Nigerian public!

It is straightforward to understand that fuel subsidy removal has produced positive effects by way of freeing up for alternative uses, funds hitherto burnt off on subsidisation of wasteful or avoidable consumption which are thereby eliminated or drastically reduced. Although subsidy is equivalent to ”cash gift” from the State (the Government), most Nigerians were unaware that the Government didn’t have the cash (the surplus) to do it but was borrowing to make ”cash gifts”! What reasonable, upright person does that? Gift what you don’t have?

It is presumed that the ultimate objective of any reform is to accrue socio-economic benefits to the greatest number of the citizens. Since the greatest number of the population is made up of the low-income and the poor classes, reform implementation must ensure that these classes of the citizenry are the priority and demonstrable beneficiaries of each reform. Such a focus is in the best interest of the reformist government itself because the two lowest social classes account for the overwhelming percentages of voters in most countries. A government that focuses policy attention on these classes cuts off oxygen supply to its electoral opponents. It’s often unclear why many political leaders discard this template, the same that made Chief Obafemi Awolowo a cult hero in the former Western Region of Nigeria to this day!

Debate as to whether the two headline reforms, removal of fuel subsidy and unification of foreign exchange rates have benefitted the greatest number of people, or anyone at all, is unabated. While the government proclaims that the reforms have positively impacted the lives of Nigerians, critics and opponents of the government argue that the reforms have impoverished (negatively impacted) the lives of the majority. The truth must lie between the two extremes.

The Federal Government (FG) showcases the favourable impacts of the removal of fuel and foreign exchange (FX) subsidies to include the increased flow of cash to the sub-national governments, making non-payment of salaries and pension allowances a thing of the past (this is a fact), the establishment (re-activation) of the student loan fund scheme (NELFUND) which today ensures that no Nigerian drops out of tertiary institutions for lack of funds (this is a fact, a huge burden taken off the heads of poor and low-income parents), facilitation of home-acquisition loans by civil servants (this is a fact that benefits all categories of workers), cash transfers to reported 9 million households, equivalent to assistance to around 40 million persons based on average household number of between 4 and 5 persons (this is a fact, albeit subject of controversy as to its efficiency and transparency), road infrastructure projects across the country (this is a fact, albeit subject of controversy as to whether what is urgently needed is what is being constructed). However, opponents of the administration claim that the country has been overtaken by deepening widespread poverty because food and transport costs, in particular, have risen sharply (this is not untrue). Just as it is legitimate for the government to overstate its achievements and overrate its performance, it is legitimate for opponents (who are by no means, enemies) of the government to downplay the government’s successes and discount its achievements to zero, where possible! It is up to the attentive citizens to find out the truth in-between the two positions.

It is interesting to observe that President Tinubu has been attacked most for the removal of fuel subsidy even though the stoppage of FX subsidy by adopting a unified, market-determined rate exerts comparable upward push on food and transport costs as does fuel subsidy removal. For instance, a leading opposition candidate is promising to restore fuel subsidy if voted to power but he refuses to promise restoration of foreign exchange rate subsidy. If the goal of restoring fuel subsidy is to bring down food, transport and other costs of living, why is the candidate not promising simply, to restore the Naira to its official pre-May 2023 value of N460.2/$, to ”crash” prices on his first day in office? How is the one (fuel subsidy) unacceptable but the other (FX subsidy) is acceptable to him? This is a proof that the policy reversal promised by that candidate is not credible because it is impossible to implement; in truth, restoration of fuel subsidy is tantamount to restoration of foreign exchange subsidy.

For those who have forgotten or were children or were not born as of 1982, it is useful to recall that, as of that year, one Naira bought $1.49 and one Naira bought 5 litres of petrol; yet, by 1983, there were cries of hunger in the land so much so that late Umaru Dikko, late President Shagari’s minister of transport and influential member of his party retorted that he had not seen anyone eating from the dustbin. Dikko was widely criticised for that remark. The pertinent question here is: if subsidised fuel and Naira-exchange prices were sole guarantees of cheap food and transportation on a sustainable basis, why did it not happen in 1983? Once you get your economics wrong, your politics must fall apart. This is the lesson few politicians are willing to learn or to accept…to their peril!

Whereas President Tinubu has been implementing the reforms that Nigeria truly needs, he seems, in my opinion, to have frittered away part of the praises he rightly deserves for his courage. This resulted from three main flaws: (1) wrong timing of subsidy-savings-funded new infrastructural projects (2) wrong choice of implementation templates for poverty alleviation and (3) omission or under-deployment of the right transmission mechanisms to deliver reform dividends.

Observers noted recently the new sense of urgency shown by the FG with regard to resolving the hardship faced by Nigerians in the matter of road transportation; in addition to high fares and fueling costs, travellers and motorists suffer painful gridlocks due to the extremely bad conditions of federal highways. Also, these are the same arteries by which food products from farming communities are moved to the urban consumption centres. How would food prices come down where what is produced cannot be easily transported to reach the markets? How do you reduce poverty when millions of productive hours are lost to traffic gridlocks and impassable highways? It was therefore an error on the part of the FG that reconstruction and expansion of the existing stock of federal roads were not top priority in the deployment of the savings accruing from fuel and FX price reforms. It was an error to choose superhighways when ”superlow-ways” (good highways) are what touch the lives of the people now! This is why the Tinubu administration is not being enthusiastically celebrated for starting the construction of two superhighways but berated for the failure to keep interstate highways in motorable condition for painlesss movement of goods and persons. Of course, the long-term strategic benefits of the coastal as well as the Badagry-Sokoto superhighways are undeniable; however, by rushing into these futuristic, money-guzzling projects while the economy was yet to stabilise fully, the Tinubu administration was spreading itself too thing on the ground. Commendably, the FG seems to have started to correct these lapses by ordering emergency repairs of the affected roads and recommitting to timely roll-out of CNG-powered vehicular transport solutions. Here, the opposition deserves to be praised for keeping the government on its toes even if its primary interest is to extract maximum electoral profit from the FG’s policy-implementation/policy errors.

Since the government is fully aware that the ”no-income” and low-income people are the most vulnerable to policy-reform shocks that are transmitted instantly through all sectors of the economy, these classes of people ought to have been the primary and immediate focus of the government; these classes also have the distinction of forming the bulk of the voting population. To free resources for priority social needs, it is advised that, to the extent that the contract terms allow for it, the execution of the superhighway projects should be paused for at least 180 days so that funds may be redeployed to country-wide reconstruction/upgrade of federal roads. This can only earn more support for the administration. In any case, the administration would do well to remember that if it put its own chances in jeopardy, a successor administration was not bound to execute those mega-projects at breakneck speeds.. Moreover, it is improbable that, even at the current tempo, those two projects would be completed before the end of President Tinubu’s second term in office, if he won reelection in 2027.

The conditional cash transfer scheme via which the Tinubu administration declares to have reached 9 million poor households

Is an untidy mechanism that President Tinubu should never adopted. Not only is the scheme prone to abuse, as reports have lately indicated, the fact of its selectivity and non-universality makes it arbitrary in application. Whereas 9 million households correspond to around 40 million persons, beneficiaries of the scheme hardly manifest themselves anywhere. Yet, the government reports that it has poured some N600 billion into the scheme already. No wonder the Tinubu administration has hardly earned any credit or favourable review in respect of the cash transfer scheme.

An effective pro-poor intervention programme should provide simultaneous overarching relief to the entire population of poor households without exception, in the most transparent manner such that no qualifying household could have been missed; in the market-place, prices are not set selectively for the rich and the poor not are households separated into poor and extremely poor.. The conditional cash transfer programme clearly fails the transparency test and it should be discontinued. In its place, the government should intensify the use of the wide range of fiscal instruments at its disposal. Take for instance, import-duty waiver.

In July 2024, the FG approved a 150-day duty-free window for four staples: maize, brown rice, wheat/flour, beans; duty-waiver is a subsidy that reflects in lower product shelf-price which directly benefits the consumer; it is an alternative type of subsidy that cannot be stolen or smuggled. That measure benefits all households simultaneously, particularly the poor households which mostly consume these items directly or as manufactured products (bread). The waiver regime should have been widened to additional items including milk, sugar, vegetable oil, fish, chicken, beef, medicines… and prolonged much further than 150 days, to upwards of 36 months. Since such waivers are not permanent, they cannot destroy local production which can equally receive non-cash incentives in various forms.

By using fiscal levers, the FG would have been able to re-route funds legally out of the federation account to benefit the people directly. It has been noted that most of the spendings by the state governments from their vastly increased monthly allocations hardly benefit their people, who in turn look up to the FG for palliatives. It is therefore unwise for the FG to accumulate funds in the federation account for states, which are fiscally autonomous in the use of resources, to fritter away on unnecessary projects, as President Tinubu himself observed recently, while their peoples suffer greatly. A commendable exception is the Ebonyi State government one of whose social support programmes is the payment of monthly stipends to all of its citizens aged over 60 years. That is an all-encompassing and transparent intervention. This is not to say that the states don’t need lots of money to meet the very numerous genuine and priority needs of their peoples: schools, health centres, markets, intra-state roads, social housing projects…

Another lever that President Tinubu ought to have used intensively is discriminatory VAT whereby goods and services consumed by the low-income and vulnerable class are VAT-exempted while the burden is transferred to non-essential and luxury goods; in this wise, soft-drinks, beverages, milk, sugar, vegetable oil and such-like should be VAT-free. This is analogous to the approach adopted by the administration to shift income-tax burden away from low-income earners to the high-income and rich classes. The rich have enormous capacity to absorb reform policy-shocks which the vulnerable class obviously does not have. For instance, a woman with a collection of luxury automobiles in her garage would not wail in the street if tomorrow, a litre of fuel sells for N2,000. It’s the poor man who owns no vehicle who would cry loudest to the embarrassment of the government. Ordinary commonsense dictates that policy-implementation measures should first focus on the transportation needs of the man and not on preserving the extra comfort of the woman, albeit legitimate. It is recommended that, going forward, President Tinubu should deploy all the constitutional means at his disposal to bring relief first and foremost to the less endowed class, but not by doling out cash to unverifiable clusters of beneficiaries.

Whereas it is undisputable that President Tinubu has displayed rare courage in his reform agenda, it is not clear why he has avoided some obvious, less politically-risky reform imperatives; two such reforms readily come to mind: (1) implementation of the Oronsaye report on the reform of the civil service and (2) low-profile presidency.

For a reform-oriented administration, the implementation of the Oronsaye report looks like a natural starting point. Yet, almost 4 years down the line, President Tinubu does not appears eager to implement the report. Clearly, that would have resulted in the downsizing of the federal civil service, freeing up resources to fund social safety nets and critical road, electricity and security infrastructure in the aftermath of the fuel and FX price reforms. A massive downsizing of the cost of running government, by, say, 50% (and you don’t need to sack any employees or appointees for that to happen), would have meant a saving of over N10 trillion in recurrent and statutory expenses if we used the 2026 budget estimates as an illustration.

The resultant saving from that reform alone could be smartly deployed to the reconstruction and expansion of federal roads, now in terrible conditions in several parts of the country, lowering the cost of food, medicines and other essential commodities, increased supply of subsidised agricultural inputs and mechanised services, counterpart provision (jointly, with each state government) of two meals daily for pupils and teachers of all public primary and secondary schools throughout the country for which the FG bears 60% and the State government 40%. Notice that the school-feeding programme would create thousands of jobs for suppliers of foodstuff, food vendors, catering hands and providers of ancillary services, all coming mostly from among the low-income, vulnerable classes, the most impacted by disruptive fiscal and monetary reforms; in addition, guaranteed off-takers are provided for food-crop farmers. It is programmes like this, generating extensive multiplier effects that deny opponents of the government of the ammunition they need to go on the offensive..Nothing, in my view, justifies President Tinubu’s hesitation or refusal to embrace and implement the Oronsaye report at the onset of his administration.

At the personal level, the President ought to have employed symbolic gestures to drive home his point about the urgency and inevitability of his reforms, which necessarily entail belt-tightening for everyone. Although Nigeria was financially bouyant during the Murtala-Obasanjo regime of 1975-1979, that military administration adopted what was then known as ”low profile”. This was symbolised by the fact of the head of state using a Peugeot 504 as official car. Yet, as many would remember, Nigeria enjoyed a lofty image and international prestige during that period. Once the citizens see proof of symbolic sacrifice by the leader, they are more easily persuaded to make even bigger sacrifices on their own part. Yes, we’ve now learnt that the President eats once a day and also treks to work. But, these facts are known only inside Aso Rock. What matters is what Nigerians outside the Villa perceive or observe directly.

To be clear, there’s nothing the President enjoys in office, today, that he could not afford prior to coming into office, except, perhaps, the Nigerian Air Force, his official aircraft. The whole point is about deploying empathy to power the people’s acceptance of tough socio-economic policies. Indeed, the combination of a lean federal government and an austere presidency is the joker presidential candidate Peter Obi is essentially banking upon in challenging President Tinubu for the job. To Obi’s credit, he has not disavowed any of the reforms initiated by the President, which every knowlegeable and honest person knows could not be avoided or delayed further. Apart from this joker and likely rearrangement of the infrastructural project-portfolio, to shift priority from superhighways and similar futuristic projects to the more immediate need of motorable federal highways, electric power and citizen security, it’s hard to see what else Obi or any of the other candidates could do differently to soothe Nigerians at this moment.

Ultimately, the true power of incumbency lies in the ability of the government to do now, for the people (to the extent that it’s a reasonable and feasible proposition as opposed to unrealistic, vote-baiting declarations like restoration of fuel subsidy), what the opposition can only aspire or promise to do if it gets elected. That power of incumbency is a tremendous advantage. Let President Tinubu use it to the fullest.

Nothing must discourage or scare the Olorikunkun from implementing the remaining reforms and social re-engineering that Nigeria needs to transit to a truly modern economy. He asked for this job, he got the job. He must get the job done to full accomplishment. This is his destiny and he must not run away from it.

Hearing loss is a common problem caused by loud noise, aging, disease, and genetic variations. About one-third of older adults have hearing loss, and the chance of developing hearing loss increases with age. People with hearing loss may find it hard to have conversations with friends and family. They may also have trouble understanding a doctor’s advice, responding to warnings, and hearing doorbells and alarms. Some people may not want to admit they have trouble hearing. Hearing problems that are ignored or untreated can get worse. If you have a hearing problem, see your doctor. Hearing aids, special training, certain medications, and surgery are some of the treatments that can help. The most important thing you can do if you think you have a hearing problem is to seek professional advice. Your family doctor may be able to diagnose and treat your hearing problem. Or your doctor may refer you to other experts, like an otolaryngologist (ear, nose, and throat doctor) or an audiologist (health professional who can identify and measure hearing loss).

While in Anambra State, I learnt something which explains what All Progressives Congress (APC) chieftains are currently doing to Nigerians and to Nigeria. It was common to hear them say ‘a man who has the approval of his father to rob a house will break the door with his foot.’ The Chairman of Ohaukwu Local Government Area of Ebonyi State, Eze Paul Ituma, who spoke like a brute after he, along with others, was sworn-in by Governor Francis Nwifuru, just proved that. He has the approval of his principal to openly threatened citizens if their choices in the coming elections are not the APC. He simply spoke like a man whose father sent to burgle a house.

This new chairman of Ohaukwu LGA spoke like someone who has been loaded like a gun. Ituma has been sent by his father, Governor Nwifuru and the fathers of Nwifuru himself, to go and rob the people of Nigeria. Nwifuru himself threatened the chairmen. He warned them to deliver their local government areas for APC or be removed from office.

These elected council chairmen, who have a constitutional mandate; and whose autonomy the Supreme Court affirmed in a judgment, were threatened with removal. It is an APC thing. Now, the chairmen have carried the message of deliver or be damned – something like the famous ‘do or die’ of yore, to the people at their domains.

Are we then surprised that Reverend Father Hyacinth Alia of Benue State has jettisoned the provisions of the Canon Law to take an office which is smearing his white cassock and the Catholic Church? Are we surprised that the APC is showing the priest what it practically means to avoid dining with the devil?

But, what is at the core of the recurring threats by prominent members of the All Progressives Congress (APC) around the country? It is now an offence in Nigeria to support a political party of your choice. Is that what these APC leaders are saying, and passing the message around? So, now, it is no longer the right of an individual to choose and belong to an association of his choice. They have to be cowed into doing the bidding of APC! I thought that was the prescription of the 1999 Constitution. So, it is safe to assume that the governing APC in Nigeria has resorted to threats and intimidation of Nigerians who might not vote for the party in the general election.

The APC is known to have been doing this and has been getting away with it. So, the party has now decided to expand its message of intimidation, coercion, bullying, possible expulsion of opponents, and violence. They have promised Nigerians these if the coming elections go south for the party. So, if Nigerians decide to vote against the APC in the coming general election, the country should cease to exist. Is that what it is now? Through the utterances of its leaders in various parts of the country, the party is giving glimpses of what it might do should the people decide to vote against them in the impending general election.

First of these threats came from somewhere in the inner orifices of Edo State. The man who made that threat isn’t enjoying the kind of prominence what he started has gained. That Edo aggressor – that is how I choose to describe anyone who threatens people, might have been in one obscure community in Edo State, but what he did was representative of the general thinking among the leadership of the party in the state. He lit the fire when it appeared that the people were not convinced by what they were saying.

The victims squealed and posted the video of the aggressor. The matter boiled like that popular effervescent antacid that goes by the name of one of the 12 Apostles of Jesus. Then, like that mixture too, it calmed and quickly receded to the inner conclaves of Nigerians’ political, social and security conversation.

Then, a similar matter cropped up again a few weeks after. This time, it was a prominent citizen of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Abuja. His name is Shekwolo Danjuma, and he is the chairman of one of the Area Councils in Nigeria’s Federal Capital Territory (FCT). He could not hide his own tinge of the gruesome thoughts he harboured for Nigerians who don’t belong to the same political association as him. So, he expressed his thoughts by telling Nigerians that anyone who ate from the table of the APC and refuses to vote for the party when the elections come, would be banished from the Area Council.

By extension, he will banish Nigerians from Nigeria’s capital city because they do not support his political party! The fact that the cosmopolitan FCT belongs to all Nigerians does not matter. He is also blind to the fact that all Nigerians cannot sleep facing the same direction. More importantly, this frivolous chairman also ditched the constitution which he swore to protect.

The third example of the same kind of dangerous talk came on Monday. A member of the State Executive Council of Borno State, made the threat. His name is Sainna Buba, and he is the Borno State Commissioner for Youth, Sports and Poverty Alleviation. He said anyone who fails to vote for the APC in 2027, would be flogged. He added that if such people showed their fingers, such fingers would be cut.

Now, the threats have gone round all the cardinal points of the country. We have received threats of violence in the North, in the South, in the East and in the West. Nigeria’s cardinal points are more than the usual four we were taught in the primary school. We have six, instead of four, yet the threats have been given everywhere in the country.

It started from Edo State like an innocuous joke. Now it has assumed a life of its own, and the leadership of the party has been acting like it has nothing to do with it.

The concerned political party will deny these graduating threats and intimidation. There is no doubt about that. It is obviously very easy and convenient to dismiss the contention that the APC is the entity dishing out these threats. It will not be surprising to hear the party come gun-blazing against the complaints that the party is dishing out threats, in small dollops. APC can never own up to the copyright of such situations.

Having ruled Nigeria before, the only other party that can come under comparison with APC in this political dispensation is Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). But look deeply. Reflect on what is in our hands today. Think back. As bad as PDP was believed to have been, its elected or appointed officials exercised more remarkable levels of public restraint. PDP was given to us as one prime example of the egregious. Its members were wrapped in the same leaves with the Devil itself. Nigerians ran with that thought. But open threats of banishment or internal deportation, or of violence against Nigerians through its officials was not a common phenomenon. Not many times did an elected or appointed official of PDP say that people would receive negative individual physical consequences for voting against the party.

I think government should be defined as the outcome of the concatenation of both licit and illicit ideas. It is fair, because President Tinubu has said all is fair in politics, as some people believe that all is fair in war. Whatever government that results from the politics that brought it about, is indeed an admixture of good, bad and ugly maneuverings by the players of the game. More than once, Nigerians have heard the rumbling of our APC gods in small shrines. They seem to be echoing the threats by the APC against those who choose to support another political party. Nigerians must all be herded in one direction… by the force and coercion of a brutal lord; we must all live like in a manor belonging to the one Viking with enormous yet insatiable power.

Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s famous book, The People’s Republic, is one source of reference in today’s bumbling Nigeria. The book has a chapter he called ‘Why They Came’. That chapter, apart from rubbishing the arguments that Britain came to Nigeria – nay West Africa, for altruistic reasons, it also establishes his argument earlier in the book that Capitalism is just a euphemism for malevolent criminality. He says it is ‘a system which legalises stealing and thieving by cunning and tradition, and also permits recovery by the same methods. It is a system which puts a premium on the worst vices of man, and discriminates against the best virtues. It is a system which encourages war, rumours of war, and preparations for war, thus diverting to destructive purposes enormous resources which are more than enough to abolish ignorance, disease, and want in all parts of the world.’

That book, a very deep reflection on power, politics, governance, socialism and capitalism, was published in 1968. Fifty-eight years after Chief Awolowo crafted that masterpiece, it still feels like the sweaty brow of that genius is still dripping the sweat from the work. That is how fresh his thoughts appear. Or, do you think Nigeria is anything different from what Awolowo said in 1968?

Apologists of the party are welcome, but they must acknowledge that their leaders are threatening Nigerians and thereby creating panic among the voting populace. Could this be requited by doubling down on the assertion that ‘all is fair in politics’? The sedulous effort to give us another story about obvious, visible and inherent threats notwithstanding, Nigeria must be wary of the threats by APC. This deleterious strategy by APC could harm our country, and it must stop forthwith.

United States rapper, Durk Banks, popularly known as Lil Durk, has been found not guilty of all charges in a federal murder-for-hire case linked to a 2022 shooting that left a man dead.

The rapper had been accused by prosecutors of arranging a plot to kill Atlanta rapper Tayquian Bowman in retaliation for the 2020 shooting death of Lil Durk’s friend and fellow Chicago rapper King Von.

According to prosecutors, alleged associates of Only the Family, Lil Durk’s record label and alleged criminal enterprise, followed Bowman to a gas station in West Hollywood in 2022 before opening fire on his vehicle. Bowman’s cousin, Saviay’a Robinson, was killed during the attack.

One of the prosecution witnesses, Kacey Hester, testified that he had participated in the shooting. According to Courthouse News, Hester said Lil Durk later questioned him about what happened during the attack.

‘Did somebody get hit? How many times did you shoot? What did you do?’

Lil Durk’s lawyers challenged Hester’s credibility, arguing that he had an incentive to provide testimony that could help him secure a lighter sentence.

The defence also pointed to Kavon Grant, Lil Durk’s former assistant, as a possible key figure behind the shooting. Grant’s cousin had died following an altercation involving Bowman’s entourage.

Prosecutors rejected the defence’s attempt to portray Grant as the person responsible for orchestrating the attack, arguing that Lil Durk’s alleged leadership was central to the case.

‘No one is saying he was the one on the ground with a gun in his hand in Los Angeles, but you know this story doesn’t happen without him, and it doesn’t make sense without his leadership,’ assistant US attorney Ian Yanniello reportedly said.

The federal jury returned its verdict on Friday, ending a closely followed case that attracted significant attention at the downtown Los Angeles courthouse, including support from fans and celebrities.

Despite the acquittal, Lil Durk still faces another federal trial. He is scheduled to appear in court on 5 October over racketeering murder and firearms charges.

‘While we are disappointed with the jury’s decision regarding Durk Banks, AKA Lil Durk, we look forward to presenting our evidence at his second trial, scheduled for 5 October, when he will face racketeering murder and firearms charges,’ said first assistant US attorney Bill Essayli.

The Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) has raised the alarm over the worsening economic condition of Nigerians, saying rising inflation, fuel subsidy removal and currency devaluation have severely eroded workers’ purchasing power and pushed more citizens into poverty.

The union said Nigerians were experiencing what it described as ‘growth without development’, arguing that improvements being reported in macroeconomic indicators had failed to translate into better living conditions for ordinary citizens.

ASUU consequently backed the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) on the demand for a review of the national minimum wage and advocated the indexing of wages to inflation to protect workers from continually rising living costs.

President of ASUU, Professor Chris Piwuna, disclosed the union’s position in a statement issued after its emergency National Executive Council (NEC) meeting held on September 5, 2026, and made available to newsmen on Friday in Abuja.

According to the union, the removal of fuel subsidy, currency devaluation and other economic policies of the Federal Government had compounded the hardship faced by workers and other Nigerians, with access to basic necessities becoming increasingly difficult.

ASUU criticised what it described as the government’s emphasis on macroeconomic growth without corresponding improvement in the welfare and living conditions of Nigerians.

The union said the economic situation had been worsened by Nigeria’s adherence to prescriptions from international financial institutions, including the World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF).

Against the backdrop of the economic hardship, ASUU also threatened to reactivate its suspended nationwide strike over what it described as the poor implementation of the December 2025 Federal Government of Nigeria (FGN)-ASUU Agreement.

The union demanded the immediate payment of the outstanding three-and-a-half months’ salaries withheld from its members during the 2022 industrial dispute, as well as the remittance of pension contributions, cooperative deductions and union check-off dues deducted from lecturers’ salaries.

Piwuna said the continued failure of the Federal and state governments to fully implement the agreement, alongside the withholding of salaries and third-party deductions, had created serious uncertainty over the welfare and working conditions of university lecturers.

He warned that ASUU could no longer guarantee uninterrupted academic activities if the issues were not urgently resolved.

According to him, the Federal Government had paid four months out of the seven-and-a-half months’ salaries withheld from members during the 2022 strike, leaving a balance of three-and-a-half months unpaid.

He said the value of the outstanding salaries had been significantly eroded by inflation and currency devaluation since 2022, despite lecturers continuing to discharge their responsibilities.

‘Nigerians should not blame ASUU if we are forced to resume the suspended action on account of no satisfactory response from government,’ Piwuna said.

He warned that the incomplete or haphazard implementation of the 2025 agreement, non-payment of withheld salaries and non-remittance of third-party deductions constituted a ‘recipe for industrial crisis’ in Nigeria’s public universities.

The union said that, except for recent attempts by the Federal Ministry of Education to defray outstanding salaries for federal universities of agriculture, there had been no sustained effort to resolve the issue.

Piwuna lamented that lecturers were forced to contend with uncertainty every month over when and how much of their salaries would be paid.

According to him, unless immediate and concrete steps were taken to address issues bordering on the welfare and well-being of academics, ASUU NEC would not accept responsibility for calling out its members on a nationwide strike within the shortest possible time.

The union also raised concern over billions of naira in unremitted third-party deductions, including pension contributions, staff cooperative deductions and check-off dues.

According to ASUU, the failure to remit the deductions amounted to a double financial loss for lecturers, as members were denied access to funds that could have been used for other purposes while also losing potential returns on the money.

The union alleged that the withholding of such deductions could be connected to its opposition to the Integrated Personnel and Payroll Information System (IPPIS).

On the implementation of the 2025 FGN-ASUU Agreement, the union acknowledged efforts by some state governments and commended the governors of Abia, Bauchi, Ekiti, Ogun, Benue, Yobe, Adamawa, Kebbi, Katsina and Borno states for commencing implementation.

It also noted commitments by the governments of Kano, Edo, Plateau, Taraba, Gombe and Bayelsa states to begin implementation in September or October.

The union, however, warned governors yet to implement the agreement to urgently do so to avert industrial crises in their state-owned universities.

ASUU also expressed concern over the reported extension of the tenure of the Vice-Chancellor of Osun State University, Professor Clement Adegbooye, by Governor Ademola Adeleke, alleging that the extension was contrary to the law establishing the university, which it said provided for a single five-year tenure for the vice-chancellor.

The union further alleged that the law was hurriedly amended to accommodate the extension, warning that such a development could undermine university autonomy and standards of governance.

ASUU urged the university’s Governing Council to be allowed to discharge its statutory responsibilities without political interference.

The union called on students, parents, labour leaders, media practitioners and other Nigerians to intervene before the brewing crisis in the university system escalated, while maintaining that it remained open to dialogue with the Federal and state governments.

‘ASUU-NEC resolved to notify all concerned that the union may activate its suspended strike action without any further notice if the critical issues raised in this release are not speedily addressed,’ it said.

The vocal cords are like tiny, magical strings that produce sound every time you speak, sing, or shout. When they’re irritated or inflamed, things can get messy-cue hoarseness! Here are some common culprits: Acute Laryngitis: Often caused by a viral infection (like a cold or flu), laryngitis is one of the top reasons for a hoarse voice.

Vocal Overuse: Ever feel like your voice is ‘done’ after a karaoke night or teaching all day? Yelling, singing, or even talking too much can strain your vocal cords. Acid Reflux (GERD): Stomach acid sneaking up into your throat can irritate your vocal cords and lead to a raspy voice.

Allergies: Seasonal allergies can leave your throat irritated, making your voice sound anything but smooth. Serious Conditions: While rare, persistent hoarseness can sometimes signal more serious issues, like vocal cord nodules or even throat cancer. Hoarseness might seem like a minor annoyance, but sometimes it’s a sign that something more serious is going on.

So, how do you know when to stop waiting for your voice to come back and start seeking medical advice? Persistent hoarseness can be a symptom of an underlying issue that requires professional attention. ENT specialists are trained to diagnose voice disorders and throat conditions. They might use a laryngoscope (a small camera) to look at your vocal cords and see what’s causing the problem.

The sooner you get checked out, the better the chances of catching any issues early and preventing further damage to your voice. Ignoring persistent hoarseness might not just affect your ability to speak-it could mean overlooking a treatable condition that’s silently worsening. If something feels off, don’t wait. Your voice is worth protecting!

No, not everyone who has a seizure has epilepsy. Up to 10% of people worldwide will experience at least one seizure during their lifetime, but the proportion living with active epilepsy at any given time is only 4 to 10 per 1,000.

The gap between those two numbers is enormous, and it reflects a core distinction in medicine: a seizure is a single event, while epilepsy is a pattern of recurring, unprovoked seizures. Epilepsy is generally diagnosed after a person has had two or more unprovoked seizures separated by at least 24 hours. The word ‘unprovoked’ is doing heavy lifting here. It means the seizure wasn’t triggered by an obvious, identifiable cause like a head injury, a drug reaction, or a dangerous drop in blood sugar.

The seizure happened on its own, without a clear external explanation. A large share of seizures fall into the ‘provoked’ or ‘acute symptomatic’ category. These are seizures triggered by a specific medical problem, and once that problem is resolved, the seizures typically stop.

Across all age groups, the most common causes are head trauma, stroke, drug or alcohol withdrawal, and infections affecting the brain. The treatment for provoked seizures focuses on fixing the underlying problem, not on long-term seizure medication.

Correcting the electrolyte imbalance, treating the infection, or managing the withdrawal is what stops the seizures. These events don’t count toward an epilepsy diagnosis because the brain isn’t generating seizures on its own.