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The National Unity Platform (NUP) has removed the privilege to carry the party flag from some of its key leaders, citing lack of loyalty and underperformance, among other reasons. The power to assess and qualify aspirants to carry the party flag was vested in the Elections Management Committee (EMC), which released the list on Monday night.

Some of the notable names denied the honour include Busiro East MP Medard Sseggona, who was replaced by Mr Mathias Walukagga, a folk musician-turned politician; Mr Allan Ssewanyana of Makindye West, who was replaced by the KCCA speaker Zahara Maala Luyirika; and Derrick Nyeko of Makindye East, replaced by Ali Nganda Mulyanyama. The others are Mityana District Woman MP Joyce Bagala, replaced by Proscovia Nabbosa; Rubaga South MP Aloysius Mukasa, replaced by Nassolo Euginia; Wakayima Musoke of Nansana Municipality, replaced by Zambaali Bulasiyo Mukasa, a former journalist.

The party electoral committee overseer, Ms Harriet Chemutai, said their selection of the successful candidates was executed by an eight-member team, with five EMC members based at NUP party headquarters at Kavule in Kampala, and assisted by three commissioners in the sub-regions of Eastern, Northern, and Western Uganda.

‘We were looking for people’s support on the ground and how well they know the party as well as being loyal to what the party believes in,’ Ms Chemutai said.

Ms Chemutai said the aspirants were scored at 60 percent for ground strength, and 40 percent for credentials, including level of education, knowledge of the party, and loyalty to its ideals. Mr Jumah Magatto, the NUP general secretary for Mpigi, said the EMC prioritised candidates who can effectively mobilise the electorate and ensure the party wins the forthcoming general election. Apart from Muwanga Kivumbi, who is the party deputy president in charge of Buganda, and Mukono Municipality MP Betty Nambooze, the other leaders who joined from the DP bloc in 2020 have since been relegated or had the party flag withdrawn from them, even when they are incumbents in their constituencies.

Some analysts have cited their sympathy and leaning towards some of their former DP bloc parliamentary ranks who have since left. The quitters included Mr Mathias Mpuuga, the former NUP party deputy president in charge of Buganda, who left the party and subsequently formed his own political outfit, the Democratic Alliance, before it morphed into Democratic Front (DF). Many other leaders who were close to Mr Mpuuga were torn between moving with the embattled leader or staying a little longer in NUP.

Mr Ssegona, Ssewanyana, and Joyce Bagala, the Mityana District Woman MP, decided to stay in the party and mend fences, but their reception at the party headquarters has always been cold. It was, therefore, not surprising that none of them was given the nod to carry the party flag for the 2026 election despite the experience some of them have amassed.

Ssewanyana, who was denied an NUP ticket to contest for the second term under an NUP ticket, has vowed to run as an Independent in the 2026 elections. He said he did what was required of him to be the best NUP choice but wondered why he was not selected. Mr Ssewanyana said his major enemy is President Museveni, not the Opposition and that he was duty-bound to end the suffering of his electorate from land grabbing, poor education, and unemployment.

‘I once contested as an Independent and they elected me, and the people still have trust in me. I thought I could not contest again, but people have been asking me to and I have to respect their request that I come back because they see able leadership in me,’ he said.

‘We have offered ourselves so much for our party. That is why we endured two years of prison with [Muhammed] Ssegirinya. I have supported the activities of the party, especially in my area. We have registered new members, and we have carried out the core values of the party,” he added.

In June 2021, Mr Ssewanyana, together with the late Ssegirinya, was arrested and detained for nearly two years over accusations of links with the machete-wielding gangs that sprang up in the Greater Masaka sub-region. The duo was charged with murder.

Ms Luyirika, who was preferred over Ssewanyana, said her first major intention was to contest for Makindye West MP before shifting to Kampala Woman MP, but due to chaos, she decided to go back to the Makindye West seat.

‘All my heart was for the people of Makindye West. I have been their leader since my youth. I had submitted my papers to contest for Kampala Woman MP, but during the vetting process, I submitted another application for Makindye West that I had earlier desired. Everything was done transparently and democratically,’ Ms Luyirika explained.

For more than five months, Ms Luyirika has been campaigning and running activities as she was determined to replace Ms Shamim Malende on the Kampala Woman MP seat. But sources privy to the selection process said a meeting that involved top religious leaders and party bigwigs were drawn in to iron out the impasse, creating space for Luyirika, who hails from Makindye West, to be chosen over Ssewanyana. Mr Ssegona, who was denied the NUP ticket, will officially announce his next course of action today. Mr Ssegona says he has a legal background.

‘I did what I was supposed to do as a legislator. When the time for contesting came, I submitted my papers, so the reason why I have not been selected is a subject for NUP to answer,’ he said.

The interventions to get Ms Joyce Bagala, the incumbent Mityana Woman MP on the NUP ticket, ended in vain, after failing to respond to calls. Ms Baagala was replaced by Ms Proscovia Mukisa, alias Nabbosa, the former Kawempe North NUP victim of torture. Ms Nabbosa, a holder of a Mass Communication degree from Makerere University, says she was selected by NUP due to her strength on the ground, people’s choice, and loyalty to the party principles despite being one of the torture victims during the Kawempe North by-election.

She was among the 22 NUP supporters who suffered injuries on March 3, 2025, during the Kawempe North by-election when they were assaulted by security personnel. The election was won by Elias Nalukoola, but his victory was later nullified after the NRM candidate, Ms Nambi Faridah Kigongo, petitioned the High Court, citing irregularities.

Police have arrested local musician Patrick Mulwana alias Alien Skin, on allegations connected to the death of Wilfred Namuwaya, alias Top Dancer, a former member of his Fangone Forest crew.

Kampala Metropolitan Police spokesperson Patrick Onyango confirmed the arrest, saying Mulwana reported himself to the director of crime intelligence and was later taken to Katwe police station for statement recording.

“Alien Skin, whose real name is Patrick Mulwana, has been arrested today, October 1, 2025, in connection with the death of Wilfred Namuwaya, alias Top Dancer,” Onyango said. “He is currently at Katwe police where his statement is being recorded.”

According to detectives, Namuwaya’s decision to quit the group had angered its leader, Alien Skin. Before his death, Namuwaya reportedly told investigators that he was abducted and tortured on Alien Skin’s orders.

“They picked me up at my home, claiming that I stole something, and took me back,” Namuwaya recounted before his death. “When they reached there, I was beaten, kicked by several people on orders of Alien, saying; Why did I leave the group?”

A doctor at Ayaan Life Care Medical Center, who requested anonymity, said Namuwaya was brought in the night and abandoned outside with severe internal bleeding beyond their capacity.

“We tried to save him throughout the night before referring him to Mulago Hospital, but he was pronounced dead on arrival,” the doctor said.

Police are hunting for other suspects, including Commander Mdogo, Ibra Kabadiya, and Mijagulo, in connection with the fatal assault.

“The group severely beat Namuwaya and later dumped him at a clinic,” Onyango said. “We are pursuing all those involved.”

Mr David Byamugisha, a neighbor to the deceased, said Namuwaya had worked for Alien Skin for two years before leaving.

“Before he died, he appeared in a video which was trending online where Alien Skin’s men covered his eyes as he (Alien Skin) ordered for his beating,” Byamugisha said. “He was later thrown out in a bad condition.”

Police records link Alien Skin and his group to a string of violent incidents.

In a previous incident, the crew stormed Nsambya Hospital after a colleague was injured in a car accident, demanding medical forms from doctors.

When their demands were denied, they assaulted a doctor and two security guards, leaving three people seriously injured. Alien Skin was later arrested and remanded to Luzira Prison for several weeks before securing bail.

Tendo Mukalazi and Jonathan Kaweesa stood out on a weekend where 19 age group meet records were broken at the Dolphins Fast and Furious Gala.

The gala was held last weekend at Kampala Parents School and the aforementioned male swimmers ensured that every time they dived into the pool, they brought down a record in their respective 15 and Over and the 13-14 years age groups. Each record earned one Shs150,000 – a first in domestic swimming.

Aqua Akii’s Mukalazi brought the 100m IM home in under a minute (59.28) to sink longterm club and national teammate Atuhaire Ambala’s 1:01.77. He also drowned Adnan Kabuye’s 50m backstroke 28.76 to 27.62.

With 50m fly holder 27.49 Ampaire Namanya in the pool too, Mukalazi raised levels to 25.83. Then saved the best for last clocking a 23.26 to sink Ambala’s 24.86 in the 50m free, where he led the 15 and Over grid by nearly a body’s length from dive to finish.

“I came out to play team as my club does not have many big guys, but it was all good,” Mukalazi, who was level on 80 points in the end with Dolphins’ Pendo Kaumi, said as he was crowned best male swimmer in the 15 and Over age group as this competition prioritizes medals over points.

“The pool was clean and clear but there were some waves too. Maybe I could have gone faster,” Mukalazi, who skipped the 50m breaststroke which was won by Dolphins’ Ian Aziku, continued.

Peyton Suubi was also dominant among the 15 and over girls winning all five races to amass the maximum 100 points but the 100m IM, 50m breaststroke, and 50m free records eluded her by microseconds. The Jaguar jewel, however, broke the 50m backstroke one, previously held by Daaya Yalonda Mpeera, by three microseconds to 33.64 and 50m fly one, previously held by Charlotte Sanford at 30.75, to 30.36.

13-14 years

Meanwhile, Kaweesa smashed the 100m IM record by four seconds to 1:04.00. He also lowered the 50m breaststroke to 33.42 from 34.24, then 50m back to 29.52 from 30.44, 50m fly to 27.32 from 29.26, and 50m free to 25.86 from 26.39 to top the 13-14 boys and also collect the total 100 points.

Jaguar’s Zara Mbanga topped the 100m IM, 50m breaststroke, and 50m back to top the 13-14 girls. Gliders’ Tyrah Muganzi topped the 50m fly comfortably and the 50m free (swimming from the outer lane).

Both girls had no meet record but the age group still entertained especially in the 50m free which uncharacteristically saw two ties in the top five. Mackayla Ssali came second while her Dolphins’ teammates Crystal Ssemanda and Theresa Kikambi were tied in third. Mbanga and Ozprey’s Gabriella Opolot were tied in 5th while Abigail Mwagale, of Altona, also returned to racing.

“I am taking it one race at a time and hope to get back to my best,” Mwagale, who also missed the Uganda Aquatic National Championships in July, said.

11-12

Otters’ Nisha Pearl Najjuma won three gold medals (100m IM, 50m back, and 50m breaststroke) and amassed 87 points to top the 11-12 girls’ age group. Aquatic Academy’s Mushira Nabatanzi (50m fly) and Dolphins’ Jinan Nakato (50m free with a meet record of 29.14) got the other two gold medals.

Torpedoes Elijah Ayesiga and Kristian Bwisho renewed rivalries in the boys’ category. Ayesiga won the 100m IM and 50m fly (with a meet record 30.76) then Bwisho topped the 50m breaststroke, 50m back, and 50m free (with a meet record 28.31) to win the age group and record 94 points.

9-10 years

In the 9-10 girls, Sailfish’s Audrey Nyonyintono (50m free and 50m fly) and Aya Adams (100m IM and 50m back) took home two gold medals each. Denorah Natabi won the 50m breaststroke.

While Nyonyintono broke a 50m free meet record (32.09), accumulated 87 points and was followed by teammate Natabi on 82, Aqua Akii’s Adams was named group winner as she had two silver medals compared to Nyonyintono’s one silver in 100m IM.

For the boys, Jaguar’s Ashley Kimuli won the 100m IM and the 50m back to top the age group, where he also amassed 79 points. Silverfin’s Arnold Munaka won the 50m breaststroke while Dolphins’ Maynard Mukisa and Aqua Akii’s Tzion Tamale took the 50m fly and 50m free respectively but none of the boys got a meet record.

6-8 years

Altona’s Elisha Rukundo with 92 points three gold medals in 100m IM (1:32.33), 25m free (16.14), and 25 fly (17.98) was the best swimmer in the 6-8 boys category. The first two came with meet records sinking those held by Ethani Ssengooba and David Sine.

In the 6-8 girls’ category, Abigail Keza Muttamba accumulated 97 points and four gold medals, ceding only the 25m free to Sailfish teammate Alma Kirabo. Muttamba’s 25m back triumph came with a 19.33 meet record.

“Seeing that nearly 20 records have been broken this weekend, we believe that the cash has motivated the swimmers to focus on chasing time. I am sure next year we will see even better,” meet director and Dolphins coach Tonnie Kasujja, said after the gala that attracted 810 swimmers.

DOLPHINS FAST AND FURIOUS

NEW MEET RECORDS PER AGE GROUP

6-8 Years

Girls

25m back: Abigail Muttamba (Sailfish) – 19.33

Boys

Elisha Rukundo (Altona): 100m IM (1:32.33), 25m free (16.14)

25m back: Mathew Tendo Ssaka (Silverfin) – 19.13

9-10

Girls

50m free: Audrey Nyonyintono (Sailfish) – 32.09

11-12

Girls

50m free: Jinan Nakato (Dolphins) – 29.14

Boys

50m fly: Elijah Ayesiga (Torpedoes) – 30.76

50m free: Kristian Bwisho (Silverfin) – 28.31

13-14

Boys

Jonathan Kaweesa (Torpedoes): 100m IM (1:04.00), 50m breaststroke (33.42), 50m back (29.52), 50m fly (27.32), 50m free (25.86)

15 and Over

Girls

Peyton Suubi (Jaguar): 50m back (33.64), 50m fly (30.36)

Tendo Mukalazi (Aqua Akii): 100m IM (59.28), 50m back (27.62), 50m fly (25.83), 50m free (23.26)

Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) presidential candidate Nathan Nandala Mafabi yesterday took his campaign to Buvuma Islands, where he accused the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) government of neglecting the area for years, land injustices, and failure to deliver public services. Addressing supporters at Kirongo Landing Site, Mr Mafabi condemned what he called ‘decades of silence’ on issues affecting islanders.

During a visit to St Mary’s Buvuma Primary School, he expressed shock at the state of the facilities.

‘It is heartbreaking to see children learning in such a filthy environment. This is not the future we should be building for Uganda,’ he said.

‘For more than 30 years, NRM has ruled this country, and our children in Buvuma are still studying in mud-and-wattle classrooms,’ he added. ‘The roads are impassable, the health services are non-existent, and land rights have been trampled on.’

Local residents echoed his concerns. Ms Olivia Nasuuna complained that land had been grabbed for palm oil plantations, leaving many families landless. ‘Our land was taken without proper compensation. Some of us were paid peanuts, others got nothing. Now we are even being chased from the lake,’ she said. Mr Jonathan Ebwaru, MP for Soroti West Division, said islanders had been neglected to the point of desperation. ‘Many have been reduced to beggars,’ he said. Mr Mafabi pledged sweeping land reforms if elected president.

‘People must be paid fair compensation, and in fact, they deserve a share of the profits from oil palm products too,’ he said. He urged islanders to vote for leaders who would listen and act. ‘You deserve better. Buvuma deserves better. Let’s build a new Uganda that works for the people, not one that sells off their future,’ he said. Mr Mafabi is today expected to cross to Busoga Sub-region, where he will hold rallies in Iganga District.

Issues in Buvuma

* Dilapidated schools: Children studying in mud-and-wattle classrooms with poor sanitation.

* Neglected infrastructure: Roads are largely impassable; health services are minimal.

* Land grabbing: Large tracts of land taken for palm oil plantations; residents inadequately compensated.

* Economic hardships: Many locals have been marginalised, some reduced to begging.

Four Sudanese nationals have been arrested in Busia district in a crackdown on illegal mining, Ugandan energy officials said Wednesday.

The suspects, Abdel Gadir Mohamed, Abdallah Bashir, Mubarak Muhmad and Ashraf Muhmad, were detained Tuesday evening in Mawero, Buteba Sub-county, after they were found operating unlicensed gold mines and a processing plant.

Agnes Alaba, the commissioner for mines in the Ministry of Energy and Mineral Development, who led the operation, confirmed the arrests.

‘They are here illegally doing work which is supposed to be done by Ugandans,’ Alaba said, noting the group had no valid visas or work permits.

The men are employees of Alsakhoor Trading and Services Limited, a Sudanese-owned company accused of carrying out gold mining and processing in Tiira Town Council and Mawero without approval.

Documents seen by Monitor show the company is licensed only as a mineral dealer. Its license, issued by the ministry on July 30, 2025 under number MDL 20250578, expires on December 31.

The permit allows trading in gold and other minerals but does not cover mining or processing.

Alaba said the arrests form part of a wider nationwide operation to enforce compliance in the mining sector.

‘We have been to Tiira gold mining area and established serious concerns where some miners are operating without licenses, encroaching on gazetted wetlands and leaving abandoned pits,’ she said.

The four suspects were handed to Busia police station as investigations continue. They face multiple charges under Uganda’s mining laws.

During the same operation, ministry officials visited Tiira mining sites where they found extensive environmental degradation. Local miners acknowledged the challenges.

Stephen Engido, a miner, told NTVUganda that they were ‘aware of the degradation of the environment’ but insisted they were putting in place mitigation measures.

‘We are required to undertake all this mitigation in order to be given the environment impact assessment report from NEMA,’ Engido said.

Another artisanal miner, Paul Angesu, chairperson of the Tiira Landlords Mining Association, admitted mining was impossible without some damage but said backfilling had begun.

‘We have embarked on backfilling some of these pits because it is one of the requirements by the Ministry of Energy and NEMA,’ Angesu said.

Alaba warned that miners have three months to comply with environmental standards, acquire valid documents, and regularize their activities, or face closure.

A disturbing video clip has resurfaced online and gone viral. In it, Congolese independence hero and first Prime Minister Patrice Émery Lumumba is shown in his final moments in January 1961, stumbling through an open field, his tormentors chasing, slapping, and beating him with rifle butts as though he were a common street thief.

Lumumba’s last days remain among the darkest chapters of Africa’s independence era. Ousted in a September 1960 coup led by Colonel Joseph Mobutu (later Mobutu Sese Seko), Lumumba was arrested near Port Francqui (today Ilebo) in Kasai Province on December 1, 1960, and flown under guard to Leopoldville (now Kinshasa).

After weeks of humiliation, he was transferred to Katanga on January 17, 1961, where treacherous Moïse Tshombe’s secessionist regime and Belgian officers awaited him. That evening, Lumumba and two allies-Maurice Mpolo and Joseph Okito-were driven to a clearing outside Élisabethville (now Lubumbashi). They were beaten, mocked, and tied “kandoya” style (their arms twisted behind their backs). Strapped to trees, they were shot dead by a Katangan firing squad supervised by Belgian officers.

Their bodies were hacked to pieces and dissolved in sulphuric acid. A Belgian officer kept teeth and bone fragments as macabre souvenirs-returned to Congo only in 2022. It was an attempted erasure, a determination to deny him even a grave. Instead, it immortalised him. The image of Lumumba bound, defiant, and executed in that Katangan night has remained etched into Africa’s collective memory. The clip-now circulating widely on X (Twitter)-has reignited debate about Lumumba’s legacy. The iconography of this legacy is immense. In Uganda, there is Lumumba Hall at Makerere University, as well as Lumumba Avenue in Kololo. Children are still being named after him.

Across Africa, from Cairo and Algiers, through Central Africa and everywhere in the southern African swathe, his name runs through streets and institutions. Then there are countless books, T-shirts, murals, and stickers. In just a few months of leadership, Lumumba captured the hopes of a continent breaking its colonial chains. His fiery Independence Day speech on June 30, 1960, denouncing Belgian exploitation and affirming dignity for all Congolese, set him apart from more cautious contemporaries.

He stood for Pan-African unity, refusing to let foreign capitals or reactionary local elites dictate the future of Congo. Unlike many leaders of his generation, he resisted tribal temptations. He refused to be a regional boss or an ethnic warlord, insisting instead on a unified Congolese nation. But if all we do is weep over Lumumba’s torment and exalt his martyrdom, we risk missing the real lessons. His brief and turbulent reign as Congo’s first prime minister, from June 24 to September 5, 1960, was marked by brilliance, yes, but also grave miscalculations.

His most damaging error was his refusal to build broad coalitions. From the moment Congo became independent, he treated rivals, including President Joseph Kasavubu, Katanga’s Tshombe, and South Kasai’s Albert Kalonji, as enemies to be crushed rather than bargained with. Within weeks, Katanga seceded on July 11, 1960, followed by South Kasai on August 9, and the country began to splinter. His insistence on a rigidly centralised unitary state was equally self-defeating. A country bigger than Argentina and South Africa combined, with over 200 ethnic groups, was never going to be ruled by decree from Leopoldville. His push for central control fanned rebellion instead of suppressing it.

The army was another disaster. On July 5, 1960, he authorised the “Africanisation” of the Force Publique, sacking European officers overnight; fine, but without preparing Congolese replacements. The army mutinied within days, looting towns and terrorising civilians. Belgium sent in paratroopers on July 9 to “protect its citizens”, tightening its grip on Congo. Economically, Lumumba denounced monopolies and foreign strangleholds but offered no serious plan for mines, banks, or transport. Investors fled-technical staff packed up. Shortages worsened.

His June 30 independence speech, while a much-loved African thunderbolt of truth, humiliated Kasavubu and alienated moderates. Lumumba mistook mass adulation for political consensus. To sanctify Lumumba without reckoning with his errors is to risk repeating them. These are warnings to every African leader who thinks charisma can replace institutions or that slogans can substitute for actionable policy. His biggest tactical blunder was alienating both local and external centres of power at once.

He quickly lost support from Western powers, the United Nations, and powerful Congolese factions, leaving him exposed. Leaders today who burn bridges simultaneously-without building durable local coalitions or independent economic bases-risk the same isolation. And for the Ugandan Opposition, a lesson too. Now, with the race for next January’s elections on, and the arrests, abductions, and torture of Opposition members mounting, they too need a tactical reflection. Bobi Wine and his National Unity Platform have captured mass enthusiasm. Still, they must learn from both the brilliance and the mistakes of Africa’s heroes, or risk being trapped forever in cycles of martyrdom without victory.

Fishermen on Lake Victoria have called for the reinstatement of Beach Management Units (BMUs) at landing sites, claiming that their absence has facilitated illegal fishing practices and weakened community control over the lake.

BMUs, introduced in the early 2000s, were community-based groups tasked with co-managing the fisheries sub-sector in fishing villages by registering boats, enforcing fishing regulations, and monitoring illegal gear at landing sites in collaboration with the fisheries departments in districts. But in 2017, President Museveni disbanded them and handed the responsibility of fisheries enforcement to the military-led Fish Protection Unit (FPU), citing corruption in BMUs.

Now, local fishermen say the vacuum has caused more harm than good.

‘BMU members could know every fisherman operating on the lake and those possessing illegal fishing gear at every fishing village. The soldiers we have today do not operate at the village level, so by the time they arrive at any landing site for an operation, illegal fishers will have hidden their nets or already done the damage,’ Mr Sunday Gerald Kayita, a fisherman in Mazinga said during an interview yesterday. Mr Godfrey Ssenyonga Kambugu, another fisherman and head of the Association of Lake Fishermen and Lake Users of Uganda (AFALU), said the enforcement of regulations on the lake without involving local structures is ‘next to impossible.’

‘Since BMUs were scrapped, there have been no landing site management committees. FPU tried to fill the gap by appointing committees, but those have only created more problems and divisions among us,’ he said. He added that some of the interim committees have been accused of corruption and favouritism, leading to widespread mistrust. ‘The fisheries ministry should redesign BMUs, involve genuine fishermen, and fill the leadership vacuum,’ he added. However, the FPU spokesperson, Lt Lauben Ndifula, defended the army’s role on Uganda’s water bodies.

‘In the past, local leaders at various landing sites worked tirelessly to protect the lake. But today, many fishermen don’t care. They fish right on the shoreline, use pesticides, or build beaches that destroy breeding grounds,’ he said. Lt Ndifula said Lake Victoria is under immense pressure. On Uganda’s side alone, the lake spans more than 13,000 square kilometres, with 6,000 landing sites, each hosting 300 to 500 people. He said more than 1.7 million people now depend on Lake Victoria, compared to a much smaller population decades ago.

He added that increasing population growth, coupled with illegal gear, has strained fish stocks in the lake.

‘Some landing sites that were planned for only 60 boats now have more than 100. Others were planned for 70 boats, but currently have 300 boats. Regulations allow only 50 fishing nets per boat, but some carry over 150 nets,’ he said. Lt Ndifula admitted that BMUs did valuable work during their time, but insisted they were not free from corruption. ‘Some members of BMUs used to work with illegal operators. Those calling for them now are genuine fishermen who love the lake, but we also know others want them back to resume illegal practices,’ he said.

He revealed that FPU is currently having discussions with the Ministry of Agriculture, Animal Industry, and Fisheries to review co-management regulations and explore how BMUs could be reinstated in a stronger, more transparent form.

The trial of suspects in the murder case of Kampala businessman Henry Katanga resumed yesterday, with the lead investigator suggesting a third party may have been present at the scene. The crime scene was Katanga’s master bedroom, where he was found dead on November 2, 2023. ‘My lord, the smears of blood on the wall, the ladder which was in the room. Like, I could not believe that someone could kill themselves and then again touch the wall with their hands. I could also not believe that a retired colonel could fire and have another live ammunition come out during suicide,’ Detective Superintendent of Police (DSP) Bibiana Akongo told Justice Rosette Comfort Kania.

‘You could see a sign of someone trying to mop after that observation, and the room seemed to have had a third party,’ she added.

Her remarks came after Assistant DPP Samali Wakooli asked what made her suspect more than one person was present. She, however, did not identify the alleged third party.

DSP Akongo, the 23rd prosecution witness, testified that while on duty in Kinawataka, she received a call from the Bugolobi OC about a suspected suicide by shooting.

‘We reached the scene of the crime and found the door closed. Otai (Charles, one of the suspects) was standing at the door. The legs were tied together using a gauze. On that same bed, at the edge, there was a pistol, a projectile, and one cartridge,’ she said. When asked what had happened, Otai allegedly told her Katanga had shot himself. He further said the deceased was a retired UPDF colonel and that Katanga’s wife, Molly Katanga, had collapsed on hearing the news and was taken to hospital.

The investigator said Otai later gave police three different versions of events. She added that a depression in the ceiling and a deformed projectile were discovered. ‘The one that hit the ceiling got deformed, but the one that shot the person (Katanga) was never recovered. When you shoot someone, he or she is not a hard rock to make a projectile deform,’ she explained. Her conclusion was that Katanga’s death was homicide, not suicide.

Campaign slogans are never accidental. They tell us not just what a politician promises, but also what they fear losing.

President Museveni’s 2026 campaign message ‘Protecting the gains’ is a revealing one. It forces us to ask, how do you actually protect progress? By holding onto power indefinitely, or by building systems strong enough to outlive any one leader? When Museveni first took power in 1986, he spoke words that electrified a weary country: ‘The problem of Africa in general and Uganda in particular is not the people but leaders who want to overstay in power.’ That pledge of renewal set him apart from the dictators of his time. Nearly four decades later, those words hang over his legacy like both a prophecy and a contradiction. Uganda has certainly registered gains since then; roads, schools, health facilities, and a degree of stability compared to the bloody turbulence of earlier regimes. But stability is not the same as permanence. True progress is only secure when it is institutionalised.

By scrapping term limits and age limits, Uganda has stumbled into the very trap Museveni once warned against turning leadership into personal tenure. If ‘protecting the gains’ is to mean anything today, it must begin with the one thing Uganda has never had: a peaceful, democratic transition of power.

It is legitimacy, not incumbency, that secures a country’s future. Another reality Museveni cannot escape is demographics. Uganda is one of the youngest nations in the world, with over 75 percent of its people under 30. For years, the ruling NRM has leaned on the youth as mobilisers and foot soldiers. But young Ugandans are no longer content to simply serve in someone else’s project. They want agency in shaping their own future. Ignoring their frustration risks

Turning Uganda’s greatest asset into its most volatile challenge.

That is why the 2026 race feels less like another election and more like a reckoning. It offers starkly different paths. Museveni embodies continuity, but continuity of a system that has calcified around patronage and control. His strength has been in reorganising power so thoroughly that even disempowered elites often rally behind him. Yet this continuity has left ordinary Ugandans, despite fertile soils and abundant resources, stuck in poverty that feels both unnecessary and permanent.

On the other end stands Robert Kyagulanyi, alias Bobi Wine, the musician-turned-politician who has become the voice of Uganda’s restless youth. His movement has restored a sense of possibility, proving that Museveni is not invincible. But questions linger. Can raw charisma and street mobilisation translate into the discipline of governance? Uprooting a regime is one task; rebuilding institutions is another. Nathan Nandala Mafabi represents another strand of Opposition politics. In Parliament, he has been a fierce watchdog, relentlessly exposing

Corruption. Yet his style, often confrontational, risks deepening divisions at a time when Uganda needs broad coalitions and an inclusive national vision. Fighting corruption is necessary, but alone, it is not enough. Then there is Gen (rtd) Mugisha Muntu. He offers something rarer in Ugandan politics patience, principle, and discipline. His philosophy is clear ‘The human being is the core of development.’ For Muntu, Politics starts not with roads or ribbon-cuttings, but with rebuilding institutions, investing in education and healthcare, and reviving agriculture. These are not flashy promises, but they speak to the foundations of a sustainable State. Uganda’s options, then, mirror its history. Museveni offers continuity of the system he built. Kyagulanyi offers rupture, powered by youthful energy but still untested. Mafabi offers accountability through confrontation, but without yet a unifying vision. Muntu offers the slow, principled work of reconstruction.

Whichever path Ugandans choose, the stakes could not be higher. The median age in this country is just 15. If the post-Museveni era collapses into chaos or slips into populist cycles, it is young Ugandans who will pay the price. But if we seize this moment to rebuild institutions and refocus on citizens rather than personalities, Uganda could finally unlock the vast potential that has always been within reach. In that sense, ‘protecting the gains’ is not about freezing time or defending one man’s tenure.

It is about ensuring when leadership changes as it must, the country keeps moving forward. The truest legacy President Museveni could leave, after nearly 40 years in power, would be to oversee Uganda’s first peaceful handover of power. That would be the boldest infrastructure project of all: an orderly democracy.

Opposition stalwart Dr Kizza Besigye has asked the High Court to allow him to personally raise concerns in his treason proceedings, prompting debate over the extent of a represented accused person’s right to speak in open court.

The four-time presidential contender, who is jointly charged with Hajji Obeid Lutale, told Justice Emmanuel Baguma that he had a matter of concern that he wished to present before the court could proceed with the plea taking.

“A very good morning, my Lord. I wish to raise a matter of concern before we proceed with this business,” Dr Besigye said after being recognised by the presiding judge. Justice Baguma responded by reminding the accused that he was represented by counsel, including senior lawyers Martha Karua, Frederick Mpanga, and Ernest Kalibbala, among others. “We must follow the procedure,” the judge said. “Since you are represented, you cannot simply put off your lawyers.”

But Dr. Besigye insisted: “I put off my representatives until I finish my submission. I will be brief. It is about our presence here. To give it a background, I would like to inform this court…” Before he could continue, Justice Baguma asked him to pause and later ruled that his legal team of 10 advocates should first capture and present his concerns formally.

“I have listened to you, and I am saying the 10 lawyers representing, unless they put in writing that they are no longer representing you. I am directing that the 10 lawyers get all the concerns and address them to court,” the judge ruled.

Senior Counsel Karua then intervened, noting that the court had given them only a few minutes to consult, and they had not received adequate instructions.

“Our client still wants to raise the concerns by himself, and he believes it is within your powers to hear him,” Karua submitted. Counsel Mpanga added that the size of the defense team made quick consultations difficult. Defense lawyer Ernest Kalibbala argued that an accused person never loses the right to directly speak to the court merely because they have legal representation.

“While it is true we are a team of ten lawyers, the accused retain overall authority to determine any of the matters over which they want to be spoken for by their lawyers,” Mr Kalibbala submitted. “Appointing lawyers or legal representation doesn’t close the mouth of the party. Otherwise, in all cases, all parties would cease to exist in the face of legal representation. There is no law that bars any of the people in the dock from speaking in court by raising or responding to any issues. Our prayer is that you allow Col. Besigye to raise any issues he wishes to.”

After hearing from both the accused and his defense team, Justice Baguma ruled that Dr. Besigye could only raise his concerns in writing. “I have listened to Besigye and his lawyers that he wants to raise his concerns, but on condition that they are raised in writing. I am giving you until Friday and come back here on October 8 for my response,” the judge directed.

The development is the latest in the drawn-out treason proceedings, which stem from allegations that Dr. Besigye and Hajji Lutale conspired to overthrow the government. Both men deny the charges and remain on remand. The case has also been marked by sharp disputes over judicial impartiality.

Earlier this month, Dr. Besigye and Hajji Lutale refused to appear before Justice Baguma for their second bail application, accusing him of bias and insisting that the case should instead be handled by the International Crimes Division of the High Court, where they were first committed. Their lawyers, led by Kampala Lord Mayor Erias Lukwago, argued that Justice Baguma should disqualify himself, citing remarks they said showed prejudice. The judge rejected that application, ruling that the question of recusal had already been disposed of in August.

With the new directive, the court will reconvene on October 8 to hear the written concerns from Dr. Besigye and his legal team, alongside the pending issues in the treason case.

Background to the case

The duo faces a charge of treason together with Capt. Denis Oola from the Uganda Peoples’ Defence Forces (UPDF), to which the state alleges was committed with others still at large between 2023 and November 2024, in various countries, including Switzerland, Kenya, and Uganda, contrived a plot to overthrow the government.