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There is an ongoing dispute over the cause of an oil spill that has devastated farmlands, creeks and streams between Azuzuama Community in Southern Ijaw Local Government Area of Bayelsa State and Oando PLC

While the community argued that the spill on the six-inch Azuzuama-Tebidaba flowline was caused by equipment failure due to corrosion, the oil company insisted that the spill was due to third party interference or sabotage.

The spill occurred on June 25 and the first Joint Investigation Visit (JIV) took place on July 8 while the second visit was on July 15, but the Joint Investigation Team (JIT) is yet to agree on the cause of the spill.

Uyabara Boneghen, Vice Chairman, Community Development Committee (CDC) of Azuzuama, had questioned the consistent reading of the testing device during the JIV, alleging that it was preprogrammed.

‘I was also at the spill site the first day Oando brought an instrument to test the spill point to ascertain the cause of spill. The testing device was placed at different spots on the pipe and it was giving consistent reading of 5.0.

‘So, I questioned, ‘does this not point out to the possibility of pre programming of your machine? How could it read the same result at different points up to five different times?’ The looked at me and said, ‘we haven’t come to that and we are not computer.”

Alagoa Morris of the Environmental Conservation Agriculture and Rural Development (ECARD), in his report after site visit, urged Oando to go ahead with cleanup of the impacted environment to prevent further spread of crude oil.

Morris stated: ‘Away from cause of spill, it is hereby suggested that Oando should proceed with containment and cleanup of the impacted environment to prevent further spread of crude oil.

‘Also, whether the other unattended underwater spill is spewing only gas or not, Oando should take immediate steps to stop it and carry out repairs.

‘Whether gas leak or crude oil, both are hydrocarbon and inimical to the environment; in this case, aquatic environment.

‘There is need for a JIV on this underwater leak, to ascertain cause and carry out repairs. Leaving the leak to continue would be viewed as an irresponsible and deliberate polluting action.’

It would be recalled that on July 9, 2015, an explosion at a section of the Azuzuama-Tebidaba pipeline killed 14 persons who were on a JIV.

Abdullahi Sule Governor of Nasarawa State has reignited Nigeria’s debate over religion and politics, insisting that the 1999 Constitution does not require political offices or electoral tickets to be shared along religious lines, as he defended same-faith presidential tickets and dismissed opposition criticism over inclusiveness ahead of the 2027 general election.

Speaking on Tuesday during an appearance on Channels Television’s Politics Today, Sule said the Constitution places greater emphasis on federal character, inclusiveness and equitable representation than on religious considerations, arguing that the issue of faith has often been misinterpreted in political discourse.

The governor was responding to criticism by Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, the 2027 vice-presidential candidate of the Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC), over issues relating to representation. Sule described the remarks as predictable opposition politics.

‘I think it is normal for Senator Kwankwaso, whom I respect a lot, to say that because he’s in the opposition. He cannot say anything good. It is expected of him to say that,’ Sule said.

He maintained that the constitutional provisions frequently cited in debates over inclusiveness do not prescribe religious balancing in appointments or electoral tickets.

According to him, Section 14(3) of the 1999 Constitution, which establishes the federal character principle, seeks to ensure equitable representation across the federation, while Section 15 promotes national integration and discourages ethnic discrimination. Neither section, he argued, makes religion a constitutional requirement.

‘There is no place where it talks about religion. Section 14 didn’t talk about religion. Section 15 did not talk about religion,’ he said.

To reinforce his argument, Sule pointed to the election of President Bola Tinubu and Vice-President Kashim Shettima on a Muslim-Muslim ticket in 2023, as well as the late Chief MKO Abiola’s presidential bid with Babagana Kingibe in the 1993 election.

‘You can see both elections have been clear that the Muslim-Muslim ticket has won. I pray that one day Nigeria will have a Christian-Christian ticket, and it will win. That’s what I pray to see,’ the governor said.

Sule, however, stressed that political realities vary across states and should not be conflated with national politics. He said his decision to retain Emmanuel Akabe, a Christian, as deputy governor of Nasarawa State was driven by competence rather than religion.

‘I have always had a Christian as a deputy, Emmanuel Akabe. In Nasarawa State, it has always been a Christian. We thought it was important because Emmanuel Akabe is competent and our state is different from Nigeria. You cannot take a particular state,’ he said.

The governor noted that several states already operate with same-faith leadership, citing Enugu and Bayelsa as examples of states with Christian-Christian political leadership.

‘Take Enugu, for instance, they are Christian-Christian. Take Bayelsa; it’s Christian-Christian,’ Sule added.

His comments come amid renewed scrutiny of religious and regional representation in Nigeria’s politics as political parties position themselves and potential alliances begin to take shape ahead of the 2027 general election.

Yusuf Sani Yabagi is the national chairman of the Action Democratic Party (ADP) and has served as a former presidential candidate in Nigeria, energy analyst, and the immediate past chairman of the Inter-Party Advisory Council (IPAC). He spoke with AKOMBO AONDONA on his party’s preparation ahead of the 2027 general election and other key issues in Nigeria’s electoral system. Excerpts:

Since after the ADP presidential primary, nothing has been heard about your party’s strategic plans for the campaign and the 2027 general election. What is going on, Sir?

Yeah, as a political party, we definitely have our plans. But like you know, we are still in the process of uploading the data of our candidates to the INEC Portal. You know, that has not yet ended. This is why you have not been hearing much about what we have in terms of preparations for the 2027 election. But nevertheless, as a party, we are working on that. We are also trying to work on how we can sort out some of the internal problems in the party. You know, in all parties, not just peculiar to ADP, after primary elections, there are always issues that you have to resolve internally, of course. So, that’s what strengthens the parties. So, we are doing that process. We are also, like I said, getting ready to launch our campaign. But today, as we speak, we are still on the issue of uploading the names of our candidates to the INEC Portal.

But the INEC deadline for uploading the candidates list expired about a week ago. Why are you still in the process of uploading candidates’ details?

No, no, it has not finished. There are two batches. We still have the governorship and the State House of Assembly. You know, we have just finished the National Assembly and the presidential.

How can you refute the claim that your party, ADP presidential candidate, is a placeholder for ADC presidential candidate, Atiku Abubakar, should in case he misses the ADC legal squabbles considering the fact that you have a series of meetings with Atiku before your party’s primary elections?

Well, that’s speculative. Like you said yourself. I cannot react to speculations. Even if people can speculate whatever they want to speculate, I cannot control it. I don’t even know why they are thinking that way. But it is speculative.

Running a nationwide campaign requires massive financial outlay. How does ADP plan to fund its 2027 presidential campaign without relying on the controversial political fathers?

You know, politics, like you know, especially like you rightly said, campaigns are not normally funded by just one source. Even the All Progressives Congress that you will say has in-depth access to our country’s treasury is also looking for funds from other sources. So, we are going to launch our campaign appeal funds. We are going to also talk to Nigerians who feel very strongly about having a change of leadership, which we are poised to do. So, it is not so much that the party itself will have enough money to run the campaign for the candidates, as the case may be. But it is normal; we have members of the party, stakeholders and those who are interested in helping our cause. So, we are very much, you know, doing that too as part of our plans to help fund our campaigns.

With the current economic challenges in Nigeria, what are ADP’s immediate and concrete plans to stabilise the Naira and curb inflation in Nigeria, if elected?

Well, like I am sure you know, the life wire of Nigeria’s economy, the mainstream, is oil and gas. Regardless of what some people may be telling you, for now, as we speak, oil and gas remains the main source of income for the government to fund its activities. The problem that we are having is that that sector of the economy is the most disorganised sector. Is the most corrupt sector. So, the ADP government will definitely reorganise the oil and gas sector. We will chase the corruption out of it so that we can properly fund the activities of government because without money, you cannot do anything. We need the revenue. Revenue today, as you know, is being stolen. You know, crude oil theft is still going on, and crude oil terminals are even sources where money is kept. These are going on. So, we have to fight that cankerworm of our problems. That is the issue of corruption, especially in the oil and gas sector. Once we curtail that, I am sure Nigeria’s economy will move to its promised greatness. The issue of insecurity is also a very big challenge which we can also tackle. That too cannot be far away from corruption, especially in the military. So, these two sectors of the economy must be tackled head-on. Unless we do that, our economy can never see the kind of progress that it deserves. So, this is why a vote for ADP is a vote for the progress of Nigeria, its people and economic development.

Let’s look at the insecurity, as you rightly said. What specific unconventional approach will ADP-led Federal Government take to end banditry and terrorism that the current administration is missing?

Well, we will hold people to account for their responsibilities, especially security heads. If you are appointed as a commander, for instance, of a particular platoon or formation of the army and something happens there, you will be held accountable. And that’s what is not happening today. You know, if I ask you how many times have you heard about anybody being court-martialed by the military or even the military itself, have not being held accountable by the government. You know, you will give them billions of dollars, and nobody accounts for it; that’s corruption. That’s why I said these two sectors of the economy, we are going to chase out corruption from them. That is the only time, that Nigeria’s economy can breathe, and that’s the only time it can achieve its greatness, which I told you before. So, it is not a magic science to really tackle Nigeria’s economic problems. If these two sectors can be reorganised properly, Nigeria will get it right. Nigeria would accelerate in terms of economic progress and then, you know, Nigerians will begin to now enjoy what God have given to us in terms of resources. But today these resources are being stolen and not put to productive use. That is where the problem lies.

Looking at INEC, do you have confidence in the current INEC leadership to conduct a free and fair election in 2027?

Well, you keep asking this issue of free and fair election. Even the recent ones they conducted, they got it wrong. They are always missing the point. The problem is not INEC, in particular; the point is: how did INEC come to be? You know, who put INEC in place? The crux of the matter is we are not addressing the core problem itself. We are always looking at the effects or chasing shadows. You literally undermine INEC’s independence by allowing one individual to appoint them and fund them. Is like a football match, like I always said. Where you have two teams and one team appoints all the officiating crew there, including referees and everybody. So, how then do you expect the other team to win? There is no level playing field in that game, and that’s why we keep complaining. It’s not about Amupitan or anybody. If you put another person there under this current arrangement that we have, he cannot perform credibly.

So, what are the technology or polling unit strategies that ADP is deploying to protect its votes and prevent rigging at the grassroots level?

My brother, the point I want you to understand is that votes don’t count. Votes don’t count because, deliberately, the procedure for conducting elections has been compromised. From the beginning, we know it. We have been shouting. We have been saying that we want direct transmission of results from the polling units to the IReV. That has not happened. So, we don’t want manual operations, manual counting, manual collation. But it is still happening. Manual collation is there. Manual counting is there. So, which system are we going to put in place that would check what? What are we checking?

Has your party nominated a Vice-Presidential Candidate for the 2027 general election?

Well, we have. We have uploaded all the necessary data that we need to upload for all our candidates, not only presidential and vice-presidential but also Senatorial and House of Representatives. We have done that, and we have finished with that.

What is your message to Nigerian as we move towards the 2027 general election?

Yes. Nigeria should look at itself in the mirror and see if they are happy. Are they happier than they were in 2023? And if they are not happier, then they should check themselves. You can’t be doing the same thing always and expect different results. So, we have to change our ways. Changing our ways means a change in the rules and laws and the guidelines governing the process of the elections, especially from the constitution points of view. You know, because leadership recruitment matters in the life of a nation. If you are not able to put in place a system that will guarantee you quality people that have empathy for the people and have the knowledge to govern them. If you have a fraudulent system of election, you are going to have fraudulent people in leadership. And that’s what has been happening. Until we change the system, we cannot get it right. Nigeria needs to take a second look at what we have as our laws, especially as far as elections are concerned and do the needful. We all know what to do.

Fifty-six serving ward councillors in Anambra state have sued Governor Chukwuma Soludo’s administration to court over the controversial two-year tenure for elected local government officials.

The councillors, in Suit No. A/261/2026 filed before the Anambra State High Court in Awka, are asking the court to declare the law limiting their tenure to two years unconstitutional and to grant them a full four-year term.

Joined in the suit as defendants are the Attorney General of Anambra State, the Anambra State House of Assembly and the Anambra State Independent Electoral Commission (ANSIEC).

The lawmakers are challenging Section 110(A) of the Anambra State Electoral (Amendment No. 3) Law, 2024, arguing that it violates Section 7(1) of the 1999 Constitution, which guarantees a democratically elected local government system.

According to the plaintiffs, the Constitution envisages a secure and stable tenure for elected local government officials and does not permit state authorities to cut short their mandate arbitrarily.

They are asking the court to strike down the controversial section of the state electoral law, describing it as unconstitutional, null and void.

The councillors also want the court to declare that all democratically elected local government chairmen, vice chairmen and councillors in Anambra state are entitled to a uniform four-year tenure, similar to elected officials at the federal and state levels.

In addition, they are seeking a perpetual injunction restraining the state government from dissolving or interfering with their tenure after two years.

They also want the court to stop ANSIEC from publishing any election timetable or conducting fresh local government elections until their alleged four-year mandate expires.

The legal action comes barely one month before the scheduled local government elections in Anambra, setting the stage for what could become a landmark constitutional battle over the tenure of elected council officials.

The State House of Assembly had, in 2024, amended the state’s electoral law to fix the tenure of local government chairmen, deputy chairmen and councillors at two years, a provision now being fiercely challenged in court by the affected councillors.

Across West Africa, cities are expanding faster than infrastructure. Wetlands that once absorbed floodwaters have been built over. Natural waterways have narrowed under unplanned development. Drainage systems designed for smaller populations now serve millions more people. Climate change has intensified rainfall, but poor placement has multiplied its consequences.

Lagos State, like several others this year, was on the national news diet. You can trust that it was for the wrong reason.

Every rainy season, we say the same things: ‘The rain was too much.’ ‘Flood everywhere.’ ‘It happened unexpectedly. What do we do now?’ Then, perhaps the waters recede. The television cameras leave. Relief materials are distributed. Promises are made. Committees are formed.

Whenever another rainy season arrives, the story begins again. It may be time to admit an uncomfortable truth. Floods do not merely reveal the force of nature. They reveal the society we have built.

As communities across Nigeria and Ghana mourn the lives lost, families displaced, businesses destroyed, and livelihoods washed away, our first responsibility is compassion. I grieve with those who have lost loved ones, homes, farms, businesses, and the memories attached to them.

No editorial can restore what has been lost. I pray that those affected find comfort, strength, and the support needed to rebuild their lives.

Our second responsibility is honesty. Flooding is not new to West Africa. Climate change has increased the intensity and frequency of extreme rainfall, but heavy rains alone do not explain why disasters repeatedly become humanitarian tragedies. Human decisions often determine whether rainfall becomes an inconvenience or a catastrophe. Across West Africa, cities are expanding faster than infrastructure. Wetlands that once absorbed floodwaters have been built over. Natural waterways have narrowed under unplanned development. Drainage systems designed for smaller populations now serve millions more people. Climate change has intensified rainfall, but poor planning has multiplied its consequences. Floods are becoming disasters because exposure and vulnerability have increased alongside the rain.

Water exposes what already exists. It exposes blocked drainage systems. It exposes buildings constructed on waterways. It exposes poor urban planning. It exposes projects existing in budgets but never fully materialise on the ground, drainage systems left unfinished, and environmental regulations enforced selectively rather than consistently.

It exposes weak enforcement of environmental regulations. It exposes neglected infrastructure. It exposes governments that prepare only after disaster strikes. And it exposes citizens who sometimes contribute to the very conditions that later threaten their own communities. That is why floods are not only environmental events. They are governance events. They are public health events. They are development events. And they are moral events.

The United Nations estimates that climate-related disasters are becoming more frequent and severe globally. Across West Africa, rapid urbanisation, inadequate drainage infrastructure, informal settlements in flood-prone areas, and changing rainfall patterns have significantly increased flood risks. Nigeria has repeatedly experienced devastating floods over the past decade, including the nationwide floods of 2022 that affected millions of people and caused widespread destruction. Ghana, too, continues to face recurring floods that disrupt lives and livelihoods, particularly in densely populated urban areas. These tragedies should no longer surprise us. They should educate us. Too often, our response begins and ends with government.

The government carries an enormous responsibility and should be held accountable. Citizens rightly expect functioning drainage systems, effective urban planning, early warning systems, emergency shelters, enforcement of building regulations, and disaster preparedness. Leaders should be judged not only by whether or not they visit disaster sites, but also by how effectively they reduce the number of disasters that become national tragedies. Compassion is not measured by the number of condolence messages issued after floods. It should be measured by the number of lives protected before they occur. But the government cannot do everything.

Flood resilience begins much closer to home. It begins with us. Every rainy season, countless drainage channels become clogged with plastic bottles, food containers, nylon bags, and household waste. Refuse dumped into gutters does not disappear. It waits.

Then, when the rains arrive, it returns to us as floodwater. Environmental responsibility is not merely an environmental issue. It is an act of protecting human life. Families also have responsibilities. Many households prepare for weddings. They prepare for funerals. They prepare for Christmas. Far fewer prepare for emergencies.

Every family should know what to do when floodwaters begin to rise. Parents should teach children basic flood safety. Families should identify safer locations, protect important documents, maintain emergency contacts, and know which elderly relatives or neighbours may need assistance during an evacuation.

Preparedness saves lives. Communities matter too. Strong communities do not wait for disaster before organising. Residents’ associations can coordinate drainage cleanup before the rainy season begins. Community leaders can identify vulnerable households. Volunteers can check on older adults, persons living with disabilities, and families who may struggle to evacuate quickly. Disaster resilience is built long before disaster arrives. Schools have responsibilities. Do students know what to do during severe flooding? Do schools have evacuation procedures? Do they monitor weather alerts? Can parents be reached quickly during emergencies?

The same questions should be asked of hospitals, churches, mosques, markets, universities, and businesses. Preparedness should become part of institutional culture rather than an afterthought. There is another lesson these floods should teach us. Poverty magnifies disaster.

The wealthiest families rarely lose everything to floods because they often live in safer neighbourhoods, possess stronger buildings, have insurance, and recover more quickly. The poorest frequently live where land is cheapest, often in flood-prone areas lacking adequate drainage, waste management, and resilient infrastructure.

This means flooding is also a justice issue. Climate hazards do not affect everyone equally. They punish vulnerability. That is why reducing flood risk requires more than sandbags. It requires reducing poverty, improving housing, expanding access to insurance and strengthening public infrastructure. Planning cities around people rather than political convenience. This is where governments must move beyond promises and camera lights.

Disaster response should not end with distributing relief materials for the evening news. Families need temporary shelter. Children need to return safely to school. Small business owners need support to rebuild. Farmers need assistance restoring livelihoods. Communities need functioning roads, drainage, healthcare, and clean water. Recovery is measured months after the cameras leave. Not while they are still recording.

There is also a lesson for faith communities. Churches and mosques often become places of refuge during disasters. They should also become places of preparedness. Faith leaders can educate congregations about disaster readiness, encourage environmental stewardship, organise volunteer response teams, and support affected families long after public attention has faded. The media also has a responsibility. Too often, flood coverage ends when the water disappears. Yet recovery takes months and sometimes years. Journalists should return after the headlines fade to ask whether displaced families have been rehoused, whether promised relief has arrived, whether damaged schools have reopened, and whether governments have fulfilled their commitments.

Accountability should not end when the cameras leave.

Perhaps the greatest lesson is this. Floods do not discriminate. They do not ask whether you voted for the ruling party or the opposition. They do not ask your ethnicity. They do not ask about your religion. They do not recognise national borders. The floodwaters that overwhelm communities in Ghana carry the same message as those that devastate communities in Nigeria. Nature is impartial.

Our preparation has not been. If there is hope in this tragedy, it is that every flood teaches us something. It teaches governments where infrastructure failed. It teaches engineers where cities need to be redesigned. It teaches communities where solidarity matters. It teaches families where preparation was missing. It teaches citizens that every plastic bottle thrown into a drainage channel has consequences far beyond a single household. The measure of a society is not whether floods come. No nation possesses that power. The measure is whether fewer people die the next time. Whether fewer homes are destroyed. Whether children return safely to school. Whether families recover more quickly. Whether governments learn. Whether communities organise. Whether

citizens accept that caring for public spaces is also caring for one another.

The floodwaters will recede. The grief will not disappear so easily. The question is whether our memory will last longer than the water. Because if we forget these lessons once again, the next flood will not simply be another natural disaster. It will be another reminder that we failed to build the society we already knew we needed. Floods are often described as acts of nature. In truth, the scale of their destruction is often an act of policy, planning, preparation, and collective responsibility. Rain will continue to fall. The question is whether we will continue building societies that turn rainfall into mourning. The floodwaters will recede. What must not recede with them is our resolve to build differently.

Former President Goodluck Jonathan and Governor Douye Diri of Bayelsa State have shared their thoughts on the impact of crude oil production in Nigeria 70 years after it was discovered in commercial quantities.

The duo and other stakeholders spoke on Monday about the cost and gains of crude oil exploration in the Niger Delta region at the opening of the 2026 Sweet Crude Dialogue held at the Conference Centre of the Nigerian Content Towers in Yenagoa.

The dialogue with the theme: Through the Python’s Eye: 70 years of Oil and Gas Production in Nigeria brought together industry experts, academia and government officials, as they called on stakeholders to chart a better future for the region.

Jonathan, who chaired the event, in his remarks, said Nigeria could only make appreciable progress in the oil industry if most of the requirements for oil production are locally sourced.

He pointed out that the export of crude oil cannot result in economic diversification or adequate job creation in the country.

‘If we cannot develop or produce some of these things used in the oil industry within the country, we will not achieve anything significant in the oil industry. It is not just about selling crude oil.

‘Yes, we earn money from that, but that does not diversify the economy and create enough jobs. What will diversify our economy is the industrial aspects of the operations of the oil industry.

‘That’s why I am happy with the local content board law my administration enacted in 2010 and the Petroleum Industry Act of 2021. With these two pieces of legislation and if they are followed to the letter with amendments where necessary, I believe things will be much better,’ Jonathan said.

Governor Douye Diri, who was represented by Peter Akpe, his deputy, decried the level of environmental degradation in the Niger Delta and called on well-meaning organisations to work towards achieving justice for the region.

Diri said about 13 million barrels of crude oil were spilt between 1958 and 2010, quoting from the report of the defunct Bayelsa State Oil and Environment Commission led by John Sentamu, an archbishop.

He described the Commission’s findings as sobering, stressing that what happened to the state is ‘nothing short of an environmental genocide.’

The governor therefore urged De Mangrove Conversations and other environmental advocacy groups to collaborate with the state government to ensure the implementation of the recommendations of the commission.

Ibibia Worika, a Professor of Comparative Petroleum and International Law and Policy, said 70 years of oil production had generated unprecedented wealth for Nigeria, but also exposed structural weaknesses in governance.

Worika added that the Niger Delta, which bears the brunt of oil production, has little to show for its contribution, stressing that environmental justice for the region is ‘a constitutional, moral and developmental imperative.’

Sheriff Oborevwori, Governor of Delta State, represented by Johnson Erijo, his Chief of Staff, was among those who delivered goodwill messages at the two-day event.

The session was moderated by Franklin Osaisai, a Professor of Nuclear Engineering and former Director General of the Nigeria Atomic Energy Commission.