Author: user user

The principle that bail is a constitutional right, not a privilege, must be more than rhetorical. It must be lived in every courtroom.

Last week’s decision by the Kawempe Magistrate’s Court to deny bail to 10 members of the major Opposition party, the National Unity Platform (NUP), accused of ‘unlawful drilling,’ tests that principle under the weight of political tension and public scrutiny, leaving a lot of questions than answers.

Chief Magistrate Damalie Agumansiimwe, ruling via Zoom, acknowledged that while bail is constitutionally guaranteed, it is not automatic. She held that the applicants had failed to satisfy key legal thresholds.

The court also accepted prosecutorial concerns such as the flight risk of some of the applicants, witness tampering, and questionable sureties, issues the State argued with urgency and detail.

From the defence side, lawyers insisted that none of the accused faced a life sentence or capital charge, stressing the importance of the presumption of innocence and the right to liberty until proven guilty. They argued that the accused offered fixed residences and solid sureties, and they dismissed the fears of interference as speculative.

Yet the court, prioritising the severity of the allegations and the possible risks, found the defence not persuasive. But this case cannot be divorced from its political context.

Among the accused are prominent NUP figures, including the party’s deputy spokesperson, Alex Waiswa Mufumbiro, and others tied closely to the leadership of Robert Kyagulanyi, alias Bobi Wine.

The impression, whether fact or perception, is that the machinery of justice has too often intersected with the machinery of political control.

When State allegations accuse Opposition actors of organising ‘military-style training’ activities without authorisation, the question is: Do the charges rest on legal merit or political calculus? The big question is whether the ruling of the court is legally defensible or is politically influenced.

The denial of bail extends the pre-trial detention of these individuals, already held since February, into indefinite limbo. In doing so, it places heavy constraints on their ability to mount a defence, maintain personal life, or engage freely in public discourse.

Even if the court remains within its legal discretion, the optics are perilous. The law must not be used to silence or intimidate the political opposition. At stake is more than this particular case. It is the integrity of judicial independence and public confidence in justice on trial.

In politically charged trials, the Judiciary carries a solemn duty to act transparently and impartially to hold the State to its burden, and resist becoming subordinate to political imperatives.

Let the courts demonstrate, not just in rhetoric but in practice, that bail is not a barrier but a bridge, one that enables innocent individuals to remain free until their guilt is proven beyond reasonable doubt. Until then, every denial must be firmly grounded in evidence, not inference, especially when democracy itself is the subject.

Uganda’s political class has a love affair with titles. ‘Honourable’, ‘Right Honourable’, the prefixes roll off tongues as though dignity itself were being manufactured in bulk.

Yet the bearers of these lofty labels are often the very names listed in corruption reports, procurement scandals, and betrayals of public trust. At what point do we stop clapping for this colonial theatre and admit that the show is more farce than honour?

Britain’s medieval relics

The titles we so freely distribute are not Ugandan inventions. ‘Honourable’ and ‘Right Honourable’ trace back to an aristocratic and parliamentary order rooted in medieval hierarchy. They once carried weight because they were embedded in rigid class systems. But even in Britain today, they feel increasingly outdated. What exactly does ‘Right Honourable’ mean in a modern democracy?

Why should a 21st-Century MP in Westminster sound like a courtier from the 1600s? Britain, clinging to monarchy and pageantry, keeps these relics partly out of nostalgia. But Uganda did something stranger: we adopted them wholesale without ever asking if they were still relevant, even to their mother country. We embraced the vocabulary of medieval hierarchy while promising ourselves that we were building a modern republic.

From ‘honourable’ to ‘dishonourable’

In Uganda, ‘honourable’ has become the slipperiest word in the dictionary. It sticks automatically to Members of Parliament, regardless of their record. Even those caught red-handed in corruption scandals continue to be addressed with reverence in chambers, on airwaves, and at public functions.

The Luganda equivalent, ow’ekitiibwa, once evoked respect. Today, it has been twisted by sarcasm into a synonym for ‘thief.’ The satire has become so entrenched that when a non-Luganda-speaking MP recently discovered the translation, Parliament itself burst into laughter.

That moment of collective humour revealed something deeper: the people no longer see honour in those who wear the title. From inflated allowances to vanishing billions, the so-called honourables have transformed what was meant to dignify into a running national joke. It is no accident that young Ugandans, scrolling through memes, no longer treat ‘honourable’ as a mark of respect. It is shorthand for privilege, arrogance, and scandal.

The titles we abandoned

What makes the satire sharper is that Uganda once had titles that truly carried both honour and responsibility. In Buganda, katikkiro (prime minister), omuwanika (treasurer), and Ssabalangira (chief prince) were not empty badges. They were functions tied to duty, reputation, and accountability to the community. To be called by one of these names was to be measured daily against the values it represented. In discarding our indigenous titles for borrowed prefixes, we swapped responsibility for costume jewellery. The imported terms sound grand but carry no teeth. The indigenous terms sounded ordinary but carried weight.

Time for a Ugandan reset

Uganda must stop pretending. If we want leaders who command respect, let the honour be earned, not conferred by colonial grammar. Call our MPs Representatives. Call them Legislators. Let them introduce themselves by the work they do, not by the dust of an imported hierarchy. Until then, every corruption scandal involving an ‘honourable’ will remind us of this national irony: we imported the titles, we exported the scandals, and we left the honour behind.

Pregnancy is a time of joy and change, but it is also a critical period to prioritise oral health. Pregnancy hormones, particularly estrogen and progesterone, can make gums more sensitive to plaque, leading to gingivitis, a condition marked by red, swollen, or bleeding gums.

If untreated, gingivitis may progress to periodontitis, a more severe gum disease linked to complications such as preterm birth or low birth weight. Poor oral health can also allow bacteria to enter the bloodstream, potentially affecting the baby’s development. Keeping your mouth healthy protects both you and your little one.

Common concerns

During pregnancy, up to 75 percent of women experience gum inflammation due to hormonal changes. Gingivitis can progress to periodontitis, which may eventually cause mobile teeth or even tooth loss. Tooth decay is also a concern, as morning sickness, sugary cravings, and dry mouth can increase the risk of cavities.

After vomiting, it is important to rinse the mouth with water to neutralise acids and avoid brushing immediately to protect enamel. Some women may develop pregnancy tumours, also known as pregnancy epulis. These are harmless, non-cancerous gum growths that usually resolve after delivery, but a dentist should be consulted if they cause discomfort.

Tips

Brushing twice daily with a medium-bristle toothbrush and fluoride toothpaste ensures all tooth surfaces are cleaned gently. Warm saline rinses can help maintain gum health and reduce inflammation, serving as a safer alternative to commercial mouthwashes.

Flossing every day removes plaque and food particles between teeth, reducing the risk of gum disease. A balanced diet rich in fruits, vegetables, and dairy supports strong teeth, while limiting sugary snacks and drinks helps prevent cavities.

Staying hydrated is also important, as water helps combat dry mouth, which can increase cavity risk. Routine dental check-ups are safe during pregnancy, ideally in the second trimester, and it is essential to inform your dentist about your pregnancy and any medications you are taking.

Is dental treatment safe?

Most dental procedures, including cleanings and fillings, are safe during pregnancy. The second trimester is generally the best time for non-emergency treatments.

X-rays with proper shielding are usually safe, but any concerns should be discussed with your dentist.

Local anaesthetics are typically safe as well, though confirmation with a healthcare provider is recommended. Good oral health during pregnancy is simple: brush, floss, eat well, and see your dentist regularly.

After deliberating for nearly two years, history was made on October 8, 1995, when the 1995 Constitution of Uganda was promulgated, coinciding almost exactly with the 33rd anniversary of Uganda’s independence from Britain.

Three weeks prior, on September 22, 1995, the Constitution had been formally adopted by the Constituent Assembly.

The 1995 Constitution introduced term and age limits for the presidency, alongside a robust bill of rights emphasising citizens’ ability to determine their own governance. It was heralded as a framework that would guarantee a safe future for Uganda and provide avenues for meaningful participation in governance.

At the time, President Museveni had himself acknowledged that one of Africa’s challenges was leaders staying too long in power. Yet in August 2005, the term limit provision was removed, clearing the path for Museveni to rule without restriction.

Many Ugandans had assumed age limits might serve as a natural barrier. That assumption proved incorrect when, around 2017, the remaining age limit was removed amid a dramatic parliamentary showdown. Opposition members attempting to block the amendment were forcibly removed by the Special Forces Command, soldiers, enshrining what critics call a ‘life presidency’ into the Constitution once celebrated as progressive.

Perspectives from makers

Mr Kintu Musoke, a former prime minister of Uganda, recalled the tense debates during the Constituent Assembly sessions. ‘I was the chairperson of the Buganda caucus, and one of the demands of Buganda was granting it federal status. However, I had a difficult task convincing my colleagues that this would not be possible, and eventually, we settled for a unitary government,’ he said.

Mr Musoke reflected that past political experiences-from independence through successive regimes to Mr Museveni’s ascension with his Bush War colleagues-shaped the deliberations.

‘We had seen what happened during past regimes. When we set to debate this Constitution, we made sure it would stand the test of time. We made it the most progressive Constitution the world had ever witnessed. When you see later amendments, it is because our Constitution is dynamic and progressive,’ he added.

Yet Mr Musoke acknowledged the regrets arising from later events, particularly the removal of term and age limits. ‘While making this Constitution, we didn’t envision that we would have a family rule as it is today. We never thought it would be the father, the wife, the son, and relatives dominating the affairs,’ he said.

Chief Justice Alfonse Owiny Dollo, a participant in the 1995 Constitution framing, said Articles 102 and 105 were designed to ensure power rested with institutions rather than individuals.

‘People believe leaders should come, serve, and go, not peg the country on the strength of one individual, however good the person is, because we are only human,’ he said.

‘We should be the system, not the person. It is good to have strong and devoted leaders who love their country,’ he added.

Justice Owiny Dollo explained that strong institutions were meant to guarantee Ugandans the ability to participate in governance.

‘The strength of the Constitution is our respect for the Constitution. We put term and age limits to ensure people serve a specific period of time and not beyond certain age limits,’ he said. Recalling the original intent, Justice Owiny Dollo noted the nationwide consultations and community engagements led by the Odoki Commission during the drafting process.

Wide consultations

‘The 1967 Republican Constitution was debated by academia and fora, but in 1995, nothing beats it in terms of consultation. The Odoki Commission went to all sub-counties, including war-affected areas, and came up with that document. It shaped the army’s role, participation of citizens, and the type of institutions we wanted,’ he said. Despite the rigorous process, Justice Dollo expressed regret that Articles 102 and 105 were not entrenched to require a referendum for amendments.

‘How could we, especially lawyers, be so foolish? How could we be lulled into not strengthening provisions for term limits? We left it as any other provision, which is why it was easy for Parliament to remove term and age limits. We did not secure it properly. That is a mistake we made in the past,’ he said.

Critiques from political veterans

Mr Peter Walubiri, a Uganda Peoples Congress stalwart and Constitution maker, argued that the 1995 Constitution was designed to entrench Museveni’s rule. ‘They largely ignored the fact that this Constitution was built on quicksand. When you see this Constitution faltering and being reduced to a mere piece of paper, the foundation was shaken. When President Museveni overthrew the Okello Junta by force of arms, he set out never to build a democratic society but to entrench himself in office,’ he said.

Mr Walubiri criticised the Constituent Assembly itself as a partisan body.

‘The rules for the election of the Constituent Assembly barred political parties from fielding delegates, claiming we were in a no-party democracy.

Inside the Assembly, there was an NRM caucus. Those opposed formed their own caucus, but because the elections were managed by the NRM, the majority of delegates served its interests,’ he said.

He said the Assembly’s skewed structure laid the groundwork for long-term dominance. ‘The seed for Museveni to entrench himself was planted in the rules for the election to the Constituent Assembly.

Article 69 barred political parties from participating in subsequent elections. Museveni got artificial majorities and continued building them up,’ he explained. By the time multi-party democracy was reinstated, Mr Walubiri said, it was too late to establish a truly pluralistic society.

‘Museveni manipulated the process, entrenched the NRA, which he calls NRM, as the dominant political force. This is by design, not coincidence,’ he said.

Concentration of power

Mr Walubiri argued that the biggest flaw in the Constitution was the concentration of power in the presidency. ‘The Constitution made good provisions: a strong bill of rights and many democratic institutions. But as long as power was concentrated in one man and his party, the Constitution could not be implemented or grow. It remained a stunted caricature,’ he said.

He cited how Mr Museveni has ignored the Bill of Rights, detained individuals beyond 48 hours without court access, appointed compliant judges, and exercised parliamentary control through the NRM majority.’

NRM is Mr Museveni. There is no real party structure. He has stifled democratic growth since 1986, banned political parties, and institutionalised corruption,’ Mr Walubiri said.

Reflections and lessons

The framers, including Justice Owinty Dollo and Mr Musoke, expressed that the Constitution’s failure to prevent long-term rule reflects a gap between intent and legal entrenchment. While the Constitution remains a model of citizen consultation and progressive rights, subsequent amendments have undermined its ability to safeguard Uganda’s democratic processes.

‘Read my judgment on the age limit petition,’ Justice Owiny Dollo said.

‘Uganda needed to test the Constitution. Discussions could have addressed deficiencies or limitations within the vision of the framers. That did not happen, and we see the consequences today,’ he added.

Mr Musoke added: ‘We made the Constitution with the intention that it would endure. The amendments show its dynamism, but they also reveal the risks of not fully securing critical provisions.’

Mr Walubiri concluded that while the Constitution offered a legal framework, it was designed and implemented under partisan conditions favouring long-term incumbency.

‘By concentrating power in the hands of one man and his party, the Constitution was vulnerable from the start,’ he said.

Thirty years on, the 1995 Constitution is celebrated for its extensive public participation, progressive bill of rights, and clear intent to balance governance and citizen participation. Yet, the removal of term and age limits has altered the trajectory foreseen by its framers, highlighting the tension between constitutional design and political practice.

As Uganda approaches future elections, the legacy of the 1995 Constitution continues to influence debates on governance, democracy, and institutional integrity.

Key Provisions of the 1995 Constitution

Bill of Rights: Guaranteed citizens’ fundamental freedoms and participation in governance.

Term Limits: Originally limited the president to two terms (removed in 2005).

Age Limits: Set an age ceiling for presidential candidates (removed in 2017).

Unitary Government: Rejected federalism after Buganda caucus negotiations.

Democratic Institutions: Established structures for Parliament, Judiciary, and independent commissions

The family, friends, and well-wishers of Geoffrey Kazinda, the jailed former principal accountant in the Office of the Prime Minister (OPM), have petitioned Chief Justice Alfonse Owiny-Dollo over a five-year delay in delivering a Supreme Court ruling related to his continued incarceration at Luzira Prison.

In a letter dated September 29, and received by the Chief Justice’s office the same day, the family expressed frustration that no judgment has been issued in Kazinda’s Supreme Court appeal, which was lodged by the Attorney General in 2020.

‘As his community of support, we speak on his behalf before you as the head of the panel that heard the appeal. We respectfully plead that you engage the other justices to conclude the matter so it is not left in endless pendency,’ the letter reads in part.

The family said their petition is not intended to influence the outcome but to request a decision, any decision, so they may pursue further legal avenues to secure Kazinda’s release. The case stems from an August 7, 2020, ruling by the Constitutional Court, which halted further criminal proceedings against Kazinda that were based on the same or similar facts related to his role in the OPM.

The court held that continued prosecution amounted to double jeopardy, violating Article 28(9) of the Constitution, and ordered his immediate release from Luzira Prison, where he has been detained for over a decade.

However, dissatisfied with the ruling, the Attorney General appealed to the Supreme Court and sought a stay of the Constitutional Court’s orders, including the release directive.

Kazinda had been convicted of several offences, including abuse of office, forgery, embezzlement, illicit enrichment, and causing financial loss. In their petition, the family described the personal toll of the prolonged detention, particularly on Kazinda’s 81-year-old mother, Teopista Nanfuka, who is no longer able to physically visit him at Luzira Prison.

They also spoke of the emotional impact on Kazinda’s children, a son who was two years old when Kazinda was jailed and is now 15, and a daughter who was 18 at the time and is now 31.

With Chief Justice Owiny-Dollo set to retire on January 18, 2026, upon reaching the mandatory retirement age of 70, the family has urged the court to deliver its decision before his departure, since he chaired the panel that heard the appeal.

Represented by lawyer Richard Omongole, the family accused the State of using the legal system to frustrate justice and insisted that the Supreme Court has a duty to end this prolonged legal limbo.

Attempts to reach the Judiciary spokesperson, Mr James Ereemye Mawanda, for comment on the delay were unsuccessful, as he did not respond to calls by press time.

At least 29 supporters of the National Unity Platform (NUP) were arrested on Monday, October 6, for allegedly blocking the road as the party’s principal and presidential candidate, Mr Robert Kyagulanyi, alias Bobi Wine, was heading to Mityana District to address campaign rallies ahead of the 2026 polls.

Kampala Metropolitan Police spokesperson Patrick Onyango said the arrests happened at Bujjuko Trading Centre, where a group of supporters of the country’s main opposition party allegedly blocked the road, disrupted traffic, and caused unrest as they awaited the arrival of Mr Kyagulanyi.

‘Today, October 6, 2025, presidential candidate Kyagulanyi Ssentamu Robert had planned to travel to Mityana District for his presidential rally, although he was expected to use the Mityana Highway, he opted to take Hoima Road,’ Mr Onyango said in a statement, adding that the joint security teams had been deployed to facilitate Kyagulanyi’s movement and maintain order along the designated routes.

However, the situation at Bujjuko escalated when some supporters began drumming, whistling, and blocking traffic despite repeated warnings from security personnel.

‘The group ignored several warnings from our officers; as a result, 29 suspects were arrested and are currently detained at Wakiso Police Division as investigations continue,’ Mr Onyango said.

Police have since urged all presidential candidates and their supporters to adhere to approved route plans and traffic guidelines to ensure public safety and order during the ongoing campaign period.

‘We appeal to all candidates to comply with traffic regulations, follow approved movement plans, and respect the rights of other road users,’ Onyango added.

Police have, over the past week, clashed with some opposition presidential candidates, including Kyagulanyi and Forum for Democratic Change (FDC)’s Nathan Nandala Mafabi, over campaign routes. On Friday, Mr Kyagulanyi was forced to cancel rallies in Iganga after security blocked his intended route.

The security agencies reiterated their commitment to facilitating peaceful campaigns while enforcing the law against acts that disrupt public order.

However, the NUP and FDC camps have accused the police and sister security agencies of impartiality and selective application of the law, claiming that supporters of the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) have on several occasions been seen violating traffic and electoral laws but are never arrested or interrupted.

The different types of heart disease diagnosed in hospitals differ by age group. Among children, congenital heart defects top the list. Conditions such as a ventricular septal defect (a hole between the heart’s chambers) are among the most common.

Rheumatic heart disease also begins in childhood, but its effects often appear later, in the teenage years or twenties. By then, the damage to heart valves may be severe.

For adults, hypertension dominates. Patients often present with hypertensive heart disease, which, if untreated, progresses to heart failure.

Coronary artery disease, which is responsible for heart attacks, is also rising. The prevalence of heart disease is rising due to different prevalent conditions, as Beatrice Nakibuuka and Bill Oketch report.

A family in Kole District has sold everything they own in an attempt to raise money to treat their son, who has been battling heart disease for the last 17 years. Headed by a widow living with disability, this underprivileged family cannot afford to take their son, Daniel Epur, for specialised treatment.

The heart condition, which has baffled this family in Abilonino Village, Agege Parish, Bala Sub-county, started in 2008, a few months after the child’s birth. The mother, Florence Amongi, had just lost her husband, who was trampled to death by a cow. He left her with nine children.

‘He was diagnosed with heart disease at Lira Regional Referral Hospital (LRRH). He stopped going to school seven years ago.In 2019, we sold one acre of land at Shs2.5m to pay for a surgical procedure. However, the money was not enough. We ended up using the money on medication from a private clinic,’ she says.

In 2023, the family sold their only goat to buy painkillers for Epur. Unfortunately, his medical documents were destroyed after one of the grass-thatched huts in the family compound was engulfed in a fire.

Whenever the boy’s condition worsens, his siblings carry him on their backs to soothe him.

However, he always cries from the pain. In 2023, at least 8,784 people died of heart disease-related conditions across the country, according to data from the District Health Information System (DHIS2). Dr David Okino, the District Health Officer (DHO) of Kwania, says the government has invested in health facilities and training of specialists to mitigate the disease.

‘All public health facilities have been encouraged to increase the orders and supply of medicines that help in managing various chronic health conditions, such as anti-hypertensives, to reduce the cost burden to the population. In addition, regular health screening has been encouraged,’ he says.

Awareness drives undertaken by different groups of health workers are ongoing to sensitise the populace about the problem.

The government, through the community health department, has conducted health education talks in various public and private health facilities. However, the level of awareness creation might not be as required, especially for persons in rural settings,’ Dr Okino adds.

A national problem

Heart disease has quietly become one of the most pressing health challenges in the country. For years, Uganda has focused on malaria, tuberculosis, and HIV, yet medical practitioners now warn that unless urgent interventions are put in place, cardiovascular diseases will soon overtake these traditional killers.

Dr Peter Lwabi, the deputy executive director of the Uganda Heart Institute (UHI), says the numbers have risen sharply over the years.

‘We are seeing more children, young people, and middle-aged adults being diagnosed with different types of heart disease. Many of these are preventable. We need to act now before the numbers overwhelm the health system,’ he cautions.

According to UHI, one in every four Ugandan adults lives with high blood pressure. Hypertension, as doctors call it, is the leading risk factor for heart disease. Because it often does not have symptoms, the disease silently damages blood vessels for years before leading to devastating events such as stroke or heart failure.

Every year, Uganda welcomes about 1.6 million babies. Of these, roughly 16,000 are born with congenital heart defects and abnormalities in the structure of the heart present at birth.

Around half of these infants require urgent surgery, yet the majority do not receive it because UHI, the country’s only specialised heart hospital, cannot meet the overwhelming demand. Another group at risk is school-aged children, particularly those affected by rheumatic heart disease (RHD).

This entirely preventable condition develops from untreated throat infections, yet it still afflicts an estimated 300,000 Ugandan children.

‘No child should lose their future because of a sore throat that was never treated,’ Dr Lwabi stresses.

The burden is not limited to children, though. Cardiovascular diseases now account for more than a third of annual deaths in Uganda, joining diabetes and hypertension as major contributors to the growing wave of non-communicable diseases (NCDS).

The country faces a double challenge: infectious diseases remain deadly, but the quiet rise of lifestyle-related conditions adds an equally dangerous threat.

‘The available data shows the prevalence of heart conditions and hypertension seems to be the highest at 23.4 percent in men and 24.4 percent in females. This implies that the prevalence is at 23.9 percent,’ Dr Lwabi says.

Most affected areas

Most literature reveals a high prevalence in the urban districts. Kampala reports alarming figures, with hypertension and related conditions linked to urban stresses such as poverty, crime, alcohol consumption, smoking, social environments, and limited access to healthy diets.

People in urban areas often consume more processed foods, engage in less physical activity, and face greater stress.

Health facilities in towns also tend to screen more patients, which means cases are detected more often compared to rural areas. But that does not mean the countryside is safe. In places such as Karamoja, Busoga, and West Nile, the apparent lower numbers may only reflect a lack of diagnostic facilities. The true burden could be far higher than reported.

What causes heart disease?

The causes of heart disease are varied and often interlinked. Hypertension remains the biggest driver, silently damaging the heart and blood vessels over time. Left uncontrolled, it causes strokes, kidney failure, and heart failure, which conditions are increasingly becoming more common in Ugandan hospitals.

Congenital heart defects contribute significantly to childhood cases. While the causes are often unknown, factors such as maternal infections during pregnancy (including syphilis and measles), harmful drug use, and genetic conditions raise the risk.

Rheumatic heart disease (RHD), however, tells a different story. It is not congenital but develops after repeated untreated throat infections caused by streptococcal bacteria. These infections scar the heart valves, eventually leading to heart failure and sometimes sudden death. Unlike congenital conditions, RHD is entirely preventable if children receive timely antibiotics.

Unfortunately, in many parts of Uganda, throat infections still go untreated. Other culprits are linked to lifestyle and metabolism. Rising rates of diabetes, obesity, and high cholesterol, especially in urban populations, are fuelling the epidemic. As Ugandans shift from traditional diets to fast foods and sugary snacks, the risks multiply.

The role of lifestyle

Dr Lwabi emphasises that modern lifestyles are worsening the situation. Many jobs, particularly in cities, involve long hours of sitting.

‘People increasingly use cars and motorcycles instead of walking. Even children now spend more time watching television or playing video games than engaging in active play. Dietary habits are changing too. Fast foods, fried snacks, and heavily salted meals are becoming common,’ he says.

A study in Kampala revealed that about 10 percent of adolescent school children are already obese. Childhood obesity is a dangerous trend because it raises the likelihood of developing hypertension and diabetes in adulthood.

Substance use further complicates the picture. Tobacco, whether smoked or chewed, significantly increases the risk of heart disease, while alcohol consumption is rising, particularly among young adults.

‘Stress and lack of sleep, often overlooked, also add to the burden. Our bodies are not designed to run on constant stress and little rest. Over time, the heart pays the price,’ Dr Lwabi explains.

Beyond the statistics lies the devastating impact on families. Treating heart disease is extremely expensive. Many patients travel abroad to countries like India or Kenya for surgeries not available locally, spending millions of shillings in the process. For families with limited income, this is impossible, leaving children and young adults to die from conditions that are treatable elsewhere.

At Mulago National Referral Hospital, where UHI is based, the waiting list for surgery is long and growing. Each year, only a fraction of patients receive the operations they desperately need. The rest must wait for charity support or face declining health.

Prevention

The most powerful weapon against heart disease is prevention. Regular health checks are vital, especially for adults over 30. Detecting hypertension, diabetes, or high cholesterol early can prevent complications. Dietary change is another key step.

Ugandans are encouraged to embrace traditional diets, while reducing salt, processed foods, and fried meals, and promoting physical activity. For children, schools can make a difference by encouraging active play and sports while limiting sedentary habits.

Public campaigns to reduce tobacco and alcohol consumption are equally critical. Stress management and adequate sleep should not be underestimated either. On the medical side, early treatment of sore throats will drastically cut down rheumatic heart disease cases. Expectant mothers should also be supported with antenatal care to reduce the risk of congenital heart defects caused by infections or harmful substances.

Cardiovascular Disease Outlook in Africa

Cardiovascular diseases (CVDs) are emerging as a major cause of death across Africa. According to the World Health Organisation, non-communicable diseases now account for 37 percent of all deaths in the African region, up from 24 percent in 2000. Among these, CVDs are the most frequent, responsible for roughly 13 percent of all deaths and 37 percent of NCD-related deaths.

Hypertension remains the leading risk factor for heart disease and stroke in Africa. Yet fewer than a third of people living with hypertension are on treatment, and only about 12 percent have the condition under control. Lifestyle factors such as tobacco use, physical inactivity, unhealthy diets, and harmful alcohol consumption contribute to nearly 80 percent of coronary heart disease and stroke cases. Rising obesity and high cholesterol, often outcomes of modern diets and sedentary lifestyles, further increase the risk.

Challenges in healthcare access

Access to healthcare is a significant challenge. Many people, especially in rural areas, lack essential medications and services to manage cardiovascular conditions. Specialized facilities and trained medical personnel are limited, leaving large segments of the population vulnerable.

Preventive measures

Prevention is key. Regular health screenings can detect risk factors early, while promoting balanced diets, physical activity, and reduced tobacco and alcohol use can reduce the risk of heart disease. Public awareness campaigns are vital to educate communities about CVD risks and the importance of early intervention.

Conclusion

The rising prevalence of cardiovascular diseases in Africa presents a serious public health challenge.

Combating it requires improving healthcare access, promoting preventive strategies, and encouraging healthier lifestyles across the continent.

The Federation of Uganda Football Associations (Fufa), as the country’s football governing body, holds the ultimate responsibility for the sport’s health.

However, recent moves by Fufa to exert greater control over the operational aspects of the Uganda Premier League (UPL), particularly regarding venue selection, format, and match organization, have sparked significant resistance from the clubs.

While the intent may be to improve professionalism, a comparison with successful global leagues suggests that a domestic football association should primarily govern, not manage, the top-tier competition.

The Uganda Premier League needs autonomy to thrive, and the current ‘top-down’ approach undermines the very clubs that are the competition’s lifeblood.

The core of the issue stems from the principle of commercial and operational independence.

Clubs are legally registered entities that bear the vast majority of match-day expenses.

When Fufa dictates venues, the capacity of clubs to generate crucial revenue from gate collections, which they largely shoulder the cost to run, is compromised. This forced appropriation of operational control and potential income unlawfully interferes with the financial autonomy of the clubs.

Furthermore, a centralized, and often non-consultative, approach to match organization leads to several practical and competitive drawbacks.

By dictating venues and sometimes even appropriating income, Fufa places severe financial and operational strain on clubs who rely on home gate receipts to cover their running costs.

Loss of Identity and Fan Engagement: A core part of club football is the home stadium advantage and the tradition of playing in the club’s established location. Undermining a club’s ability to host matches in its preferred venue alienates the local fan base and weakens the club’s identity, which is a major commercial asset.

Undermining Sporting Integrity: Recent proposals, like multi-phase league formats with point resets or uneven distribution of home and away matches, have been criticized by clubs like Vipers SC and SC Villa for undermining sporting integrity and penalizing consistency. An imbalanced schedule created by a centralized decision-maker can lead to sporting disadvantages.

Commercial Liability: Sponsors and broadcasters seek a simple, marketable, and predictable product. A complex, fluid, and unpredictable competition format dictated without consensus becomes a commercial liability, deterring long-term investment.

A global can help too. Across the world’s most successful football nations, a clear separation of powers exists between the Football Association (FA) and the top professional league. The FA serves as the regulator, licensor, and overall governing body that oversees national teams, lower tiers, and enforces Fifa/Caf/Uefa regulations.

The professional league, however, is typically run as a separate commercial entity, often a company owned by the member clubs, responsible for its own commercial operations, match organization, and scheduling.

The English Premier League (EPL): The FA of England is the overall governing body, but the Premier League operates as a corporation jointly owned by its 20 member clubs. The Premier League is fully responsible for setting its fixtures, commercial deals (broadcasting and sponsorship), and managing match operations. The FA’s role is supervisory and regulatory (e.g., controlling the rules of the game and sanctioning officials). This autonomy allowed the English Premier League to become a global commercial powerhouse.

Spain’s LaLiga: LaLiga is managed by the Liga Nacional de Fútbol Profesional (LFP), an organization distinct from the Royal Spanish Football Federation (RFEF). The LFP manages the professional aspects, including match scheduling, commercial rights, and financial regulations, while the RFEF focuses on governance, referees, and national team duties.

The German Bundesliga: The Deutsche Fußball Liga (DFL) is a separate entity responsible for running the Bundesliga and Bundesliga 2. The DFL manages all business aspects, including the centralized marketing of media rights, giving the clubs direct control over their product.

For the Uganda Premier League to truly professionalize, attract major corporate partners, and secure a greater broadcast deal, it must be granted operational and commercial autonomy. FUFA’s most constructive role should be:

Licensing: Establishing and strictly enforcing clear criteria for club licensing, stadium quality, financial fair play, and governance.

Regulation: Overseeing refereeing, maintaining the rules of the game, and serving as the ultimate judicial and appeals body.

National Team Focus: Concentrating resources on the national team, grassroots development, and lower-tier competitions that genuinely require the FA’s direct management.

The UPL clubs, perhaps through a dedicated, independent league company, should be empowered to organize their own matches, select their own venues based on licensing standards of their home stadia, and collectively manage the league’s commercial operations.

By shifting from a ‘manager’ to a ‘governor’ role, FUFA can ensure the integrity and standards of the game, while giving the clubs the operational freedom necessary to turn the UPL into the self-sustaining, marketable, and financially robust league Ugandan football deserves.

As dusk settles over Kampala, its skyline glitters with new towers and estates, some unfinished, many unoccupied, and most untaxed.

They stand as monuments to ambition and inequality, symbols of a nation where wealth is visible but revenue is invisible.

From Kololo’s mansions to the glittering lakeside estates in Munyonyo, Uganda’s real estate sector is booming.

Cranes tower over Kampala, gated communities expand across Wakiso, and rural towns are dotted with new rentals and shopping complexes.

But, behind this frenzy is a revenue blind spot, referenced by the World Bank in its 25th Uganda Economic Update.

The report, published last week, details the property and real estate boom, but reveals a glaring mismatch in which property-related taxes (land rates, rental income tax, and stamp duties) contribute less than 0.4 percent of GDP.

While the elite continue to invest heavily in land and property, government captures very little of this growing wealth, with the World Bank describing real estate as ‘the fastest-growing store of private wealth and one of the least taxed’.

The real estate boom

Uganda’s wealth distribution is tilting sharply. The World Bank shows that the top 10 percent of Ugandans now control nearly 40 percent of the national income, while the bottom 40 percent share just 13 percent.

Much of this wealth is concentrated in urban property, which has become the investment of choice for high-net-worth individuals, politicians, and corporates.

‘Real estate is now a parallel economy. It absorbs much of Uganda’s savings, foreign remittances, and undeclared income,’ the World Bank notes in the 25th Uganda Economic Update.

This, as a result, the report notes, has created a price bubble, in which land prices have risen by more than 400 percent in the last decade in Greater Kampala.

Low tax returns

The real estate sector contributes barely 2 percent of all domestic tax collections, the World Bank notes, helping little to lift Uganda’s tax-to-GDP ratio, which has stagnated at about 13.2 percent in the last three years, far below the sub-Saharan average and government’s own target of 18 percent.

The World Bank attributes this difficulty to taxing the real estate to money lost through trade misinvoicing, smuggling, and corruption.

Uganda is estimated to lose between $550m and $750m annually to such outflows, much of which re-enters the economy disguised as property investment.

‘Real estate has become a preferred destination for recycled wealth. It offers anonymity, asset appreciation, and weak enforcement,’ the World Bank notes

This, the report says, distorts the housing market through inflated land prices and deepening inequality.

Thus, while a small elite accumulates luxury assets, millions of Ugandans face rising rent, poor housing, and limited access to land.

World Bank’s data shows Uganda’s Gini coefficient, which measures inequality, has risen to 0.44, up from 0.42 in 2020, a clear sign of widening inequality.

The bottom 60 percent of Ugandans, mostly in rural areas, now earn less than Shs10,000 per day, while the urban middle class faces stagnant wages.

Yet property and wealth remain untaxed, leaving Uganda’s fiscal burden to salaried workers through pay-as-you-earn and consumption taxes.

‘Uganda’s tax system is regressive. High-income individuals benefit most from tax exemptions and weak enforcement,’ the report says.

The politics of taxing real estate

Efforts to tax high-end property have repeatedly stalled due to political resistance.

But URA, with technical support from the World Bank and IMF, has revived plans for a high-net-worth individual compliance unit, tasked with mapping luxury property, tracking asset transfers, and linking land ownership to income declarations.

However, the unit remains weak, according to the World Bank, due to resource limitations and access to data.

For instance, the Update notes that because of limited resources, the unit only audited 44 high-net-worth individuals between 2012 and 2021, despite managing a register of over 1,200 individuals.

Therefore, the World Bank says there is need to improve property and wealth tax administration, which could add 2.5-3.5 percent of GDP to domestic revenues or roughly Shs4 trillion annually.

‘If Uganda wants to finance its growth without debt, it must tax its wealth. And that wealth is sitting in land, not in the banks,’ the report says.

Climate change is no longer a future threat-it is a daily reality for Uganda. From floods sweeping away homes along Lake Victoria to prolonged droughts leaving families in Karamoja hungry, and landslides burying villages in Bududa, the country is already facing the brunt of the climate crisis.

These disasters undermine food security, destroy livelihoods, and reverse hard-won development gains. Between 2010 and 2024, Uganda suffered repeated floods, droughts, epidemics, and landslides, leaving lasting scars.

Today, shifting rainfall patterns are reducing crop yields, and by 2050, Uganda could lose up to one-third of all food crop production. With agriculture contributing a quarter of the economy, these losses mean increased hunger, reduced household income, and rising unemployment. Critical infrastructure like roads, bridges, and hydropower plants are also under threat, costing the nation billions.

The burden is not shared equally. Youth, who make up 78 percent of Uganda’s population, face vanishing opportunities in farming and related sectors. Women, meanwhile, walk longer distances for water and firewood during droughts, sacrificing time for education and income-generating activities.

Climate change in Uganda is personal, immediate, and demands political action. Uganda already has progressive frameworks, including the National Climate Change Policy (2015) and National Development Plan III, which promote low-carbon growth and climate-smart agriculture.

More recently, the National Adaptation Plan (2023) and commitments under the Paris Agreement pledge a 24.7 percent emissions reduction by 2030. Promising initiatives like ClimSA have strengthened early warning systems, and gender-responsive policies are slowly gaining traction.

But the greatest hurdle remains implementation. Weak coordination, inadequate funding, and competing priorities-particularly oil development-continue to slow progress. This is where politics must step in. Parliament can anchor climate action by mandating climate impact assessments for all Bills, ensuring dedicated budget allocations for green initiatives, and strengthening accountability.

Mainstreaming climate action into politics is not a burden but an opportunity to protect vulnerable communities, create jobs, and grow the economy sustainably. Green jobs present a unique chance to tackle unemployment while safeguarding the environment.

Already, solar and biogas projects are equipping youth with skills in clean energy installation. The Green Jobs Programme is supporting the informal sector through apprenticeships and industrial hubs.

Initiatives in agroforestry, organic farming, and recycling are proving that sustainability and job creation can go hand in hand. Women and youth-led enterprises are leading the way in innovation.

However, barriers such as lack of green skills and limited access to finance must be addressed through targeted education reforms, tax breaks, and subsidies for green enterprises.

Environmental justice remains central. Communities displaced by projects like the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (Eacop) or those in Karamoja losing land to mining often face exploitation without fair consultation or compensation.

Polluted water sources in West Nile highlight how environmental harm deepens inequality. Courts and young activists are demanding accountability through principles like polluter pays, ensuring corporations-not ordinary citizens-bear the costs of damage.

Uganda’s just transition initiative launched in 2024 offers hope of building a green economy without deepening inequalities. But for it to succeed, politics must amplify the voices of youth, women, and indigenous communities in decision-making.

Mainstreaming climate action is not just a policy choice-it is a political responsibility and an electoral opportunity. By embedding climate in governance, creating visible green jobs, and protecting vulnerable communities, both ruling and Opposition leaders can present a vision of Uganda that is resilient, fair, and future-ready.