2027: Pain of reforms over prosperity beckons says First Lady

First Lady Oluremi Tinubu has declared that the difficult phase of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s economic reforms is giving way to an era of prosperity urging Nigerians particularly women in the South-East to support his re-election in 2027.

Speaking on Saturday at the South-East zonal All Progressives Congress (APC) Women’s Presidential Rally in Enugu the First Lady likened the hardships associated with the administration’s reforms to the pains of childbirth expressing confidence that Nigerians would soon begin to reap the benefits of the sacrifices made.

She assured the gathering that the President remained committed to transforming the country and consolidating the gains of his administration’s economic policies.

‘As the President said it is time for prosperity. You know the pain of labour to birth a child is over. It is time for joy and prosperity’ she declared.

According to a statement issued by her Senior Special Assistant on Media Busola Kukoyi the First Lady said Nigeria was at the threshold of a new phase of economic development following the difficult adjustments undertaken by the administration.

She maintained that the APC was committed to fulfilling its promises to Nigerians assuring that the President would sustain efforts to improve living conditions and expand economic opportunities.

Senator Tinubu consequently appealed to women across the South-East to rally behind the Tinubu-Shettima ticket in the 2027 presidential election describing continuity as important to consolidating the administration’s reforms.

The rally which attracted women leaders party stakeholders and supporters from the five South-East states also provided a platform to highlight the administration’s programmes and mobilise support for APC candidates ahead of the general elections.

A major highlight of the gathering was the First Lady’s flag-off of the distribution of empowerment items to 5000 women as part of efforts to strengthen their economic participation and improve household livelihoods.

She said her Renewed Hope Initiative (RHI) has consistently provided financial assistance vocational training equipment and other forms of support to women youths and vulnerable Nigerians.

The First Lady assured beneficiaries that the interventions would continue stressing the importance of equipping women with the skills and resources necessary to become economically self-reliant.

The programme featured the distribution of empowerment equipment including sewing machines grinding machines and popcorn-making machines to support small businesses and income-generating activities. People’s Gazette Nigeria

Also at the rally Enugu State Governor Peter Mbah and his Ebonyi State counterpart Francis Nwifuru joined other APC leaders in canvassing support for President Tinubu’s bid for a second term.

The governors and other party stakeholders urged women in the zone to support the President and APC candidates contesting seats in the Senate House of Representatives and State Houses of Assembly.

Other dignitaries at the event included the wife of the Senate President the wife of the Speaker of the House of Representatives the Deputy Speaker of the House the Imo State Governor the APC National Woman Leader and the Minister of Women Affairs.

Earlier the First Lady accompanied by other women leaders visiting Enugu for the rally paid a courtesy visit to the state’s Traditional Rulers Council led by Igwe Samuel Asadu.

Speaking on behalf of the traditional rulers Asadu commended President Tinubu’s administration for what he described as significant achievements in national development.

He expressed the council’s support for the President and acknowledged the First Lady’s interventions aimed at improving the welfare of women youths and children.

The traditional rulers particularly praised the Renewed Hope Initiative for its empowerment and humanitarian programmes describing the interventions as important contributions to the wellbeing of vulnerable Nigerians.

The ‘resurrection’ of ‘senior man’ Kelechi Iheanacho in Turkiye

Few expected the present outcome when the news broke in July 2026. Kelechi Iheanacho, a former FIFA U-17 World Cup Golden Ball winner, a proven FA Cup winner with Leicester City, and a one time reliable English Premier League marksman, had packed his bags for north-western Turkiye. Even more surprising was the Super Eagles star’s destination: Bursaspor, an ambitious club fighting its way back from the doldrums in the TFF 1. Lig (the Turkish second division). Indeed, nobody saw this move coming.

Therefore, skeptics on social media were quick to write him off. At 29, many claimed ‘Senior Man’ was choosing an early retirement. His contract talks with Scottish giants Celtic had broken down after a domestic double, and a quiet move to Turkey’s second tier felt, to the outside world, like the fading twilight of a once-brilliant career.

They couldn’t have been more wrong because what followed wasn’t a quiet exit-it was a footballing resurrection, leading to the rebound that has seen him create records upon records in his new destination.

Iheanacho didn’t just adapt to Turkish football; he completely conquered it from his very first month. Playing in Bursaspor’s iconic green and white, the Nigerian forward ignited a scoring streak that shattered decades-old national records.

By late October 2026, Iheanacho achieved what no player in the entire history of Turkish football had ever done: he scored in 12 consecutive league matches. This is no mean feat even when one is playing in the lowest division of football.

His historic run eclipsed legendary milestones, including the long-standing streaks of Galatasaray icon Metin Oktay from 1963 and Kocaelispor’s Saffet Sancakli from 1995. Week after week, opponents like Istanbulspor, Manisa, and Fatih Karagmrk tried to stop him. Week after week, Iheanacho found the back of the net as he rolled back the years with Bursas.

The climax of this extraordinary run came at the Aktepe Stadium against Ankara Keçiörengc. With the match tied at a tense 2-2 just after halftime, Iheanacho stepped up in the 50th minute to slot home a crucial goal. Bursaspor went on to win 4-2, a victory that fired them straight to the top of the league table.

For Iheanacho, this career revival was entirely by design. ‘I heard about their project, that they wanted to climb up to the Sper Lig and also play in Europe,’ he revealed to Bursaspor TV. ‘I said this is a big project and it is very good for me to come and be involved and help the team. I asked my agent to make sure he does everything possible to make sure I come to Bursaspor.’

Interestingly, the gamble by both the club and player paid off handsomely. Bursa has embraced the Nigerian forward as a returning king, and his explosive form has caught the eye of the football world far beyond Turkiye. The resurgence is reminiscent of his early days when he scored goals for fun for the Golden Eaglets of Nigeria at the 2013 FIFA U-17 Championship in the United Arab Emirates.

Flying high with the Super Eagles again

The ultimate validation of Iheanacho’s Turkish resurrection came from the national team selectors. For over a year, ‘Senior Man’ had been cast into the international wilderness. He had been completely left out of the squad that claimed bronze at the 2025 AFCON in Morocco, and his days in the iconic green and white of Nigeria looked numbered. His starting role in the team had been taken by younger players who showed the potential to fill the big shoes he once wore in the Super Eagles.

However, his historic, record-breaking scoring exploit at Bursaspor made it mathematically impossible for Super Eagles’ head coach Eric Chelle to look away. Faced with a mounting selection headache-compounded by a sidelined Victor Osimhen and a struggling Paul Onuachu-Chelle handed Iheanacho a dramatic lifeline with a recall for October’s high-profile international friendly against Russia.

‘Senior man grabbed the opportunity with both hands. Iheanacho didn’t just show up to make numbers; he dominated from the moment he stepped onto the grass in training. Reports filtering out of the Super Eagles camp in Moscow revealed that Chelle was instantly ‘stunned’ by the 29-year-old’s razor-sharp fitness, clinical shooting drills, and natural leadership in motivating the squad’s younger debutants.

That training sharpness translated into pure magic on matchday at the Nizhny Novgorod Stadium. Handed the starting role and the responsibility of leading an experimental, highly youthful Nigerian line alongside another senior player Moses Simon who captained the team, Iheanacho needed just ten minutes to make his statement. Collecting a crisp layoff from Abdullahi Bewene, Iheanacho unleashed an absolute rocket from 21 yards out, leaving the Russian goalkeeper completely stranded and opening the scoring in what would finish as a thrilling 3-3 draw.

By the time he was substituted at halftime to rotate the experimental squad, the point was proven. Iheanacho was back to where he had taken a recess. His vintage performance, combined with his unparalleled ability to drop deep as a second striker or pull strings as an attacking midfielder, has given Chelle an invaluable tactical weapon. Now officially shortlisted for November’s crucial 2027 Africa Cup of Nations qualifiers against Tanzania, Iheanacho is no longer just fighting for a spot on the plane-he is once again positioned to be the heartbeat of the Super Eagles’ attack.

Thus, in the green of Nigeria and the green of Bursa, the narrative surrounding Iheanacho has completely transformed. He is no longer the player whose potential stalled in the UK or Spain. It will be recalled that he once struggled in the Spanish LaLiga when playing for Sevilla along with compatriots Chidera Ejuke and Akor Adams, who is now with Venezia FC in Italy’s Serie A. In the passionate football heartland of Turkiye, ‘Senior Man’ has risen again-more lethal, more historic, and more vital than ever before.

Economic policy: Back to drawing board

There is a need for an honest recognition that Uganda’s overarching economic policy strategy is defective, thus a return to the drawing board. I will explain. But first, a caveat is in order.

I am not an economist! My reflections and impressions are shaped by my field of academic training and professional specialisation – the study of politics. Thus, I come at this from the lens of national economic strategy as a function of politics and power play.

It wasn’t very long that our 1986 rulers fully embraced the articles of faith of neoliberalism and what was then dubbed the ‘Washington Consensus’, an agenda propagated by Western financial institutions and buttressed especially by the treasury of the United States of America.

Despite a supposed leftist, Marxist ideological background that would mean a sceptical attitude towards faith in free markets, and even after for a while toying with alternatives to standard market practices, President Museveni and his NRM government dramatically imbibed the neoliberal agenda.

At its core, it was an unmodulated faith in the magic of the free market to deliver a poor country like Uganda to the promised land of material prosperity. Except that, not in 1986 and not in 2026, there is no compelling evidence that an economically poor, socially and technologically backward country anywhere in the world ever attained economic turnaround through the magic of the market.

No doubt, the market is a very powerful tool that drives economic activity and shapes individual or firm incentives, but on their own, markets, however free, have never transformed societies. There is something more, in fact, many ingredients, that go into a grand strategy of national economic transformation.

A great deal of the problem is to conflate markets with capitalism, and to assume that unfettered capitalist pursuit of profit under conditions of unregulated markets means there will be economic growth and prosperity for all. Not quite.

In the case of Uganda, as I argued last week, under the neoliberal regime of economics over the last three decades, we got some modest economic growth but not much to write home about in attaining a turnaround.

In the main, we are still stuck in the colonially created structure as a raw material exporting economy, and an importer of expensive finished goods we are unable to produce domestically precisely because we lack the skills and sophistication to do so.

There has been a smattering of industrial parks here and there, the production of tiles, textiles and marble in Kapeka and Karamoja, but not much significant progress in real industrialisation as to move the needle in expanding the overall size of our economy.

The policy choices taken in 1989/1990 have proved sticky and hard to reverse despite recent haphazard attempts at returning to the basics, including reviving the national airliner and recapitalising the national development bank.

The cavalier disposal of Uganda Commercial Bank was arguably the biggest blunder of all. It handed the nation’s countrywide retail and small business banking needs to foreign capitalist interests that are unlikely to have a long-term vested interest in Uganda’s national development ambitions.

There is big rhetorical talk of a $500b economy in, God knows, how long from now and the quest for integrating all Ugandans in the formal economy. But the rulers must make hard choices and bold decisions, the first of which is to divest from the purveyors of free market fundamentalism.

President Museveni has been on record conceding that the only thing he regrets was to have listened to external actors. Unless Uganda, and indeed all of Africa, reasserts policy sovereignty and pursues policies and programmes that reflect local thinking and appreciation of what we want as a people, big talk and lofty ideas will lead nowhere.

There are lessons from elsewhere to look to. For a while now, a popular phrase in development economics is the notion of ‘capitalism with Chinese characteristics’ to denote a distinct approach the Chinese took to their breathtaking march from a pitifully poor country only a few decades ago to a global economic and military superpower of our times.

Before China, the so-called Asian Tigers (Malaysia, Singapore, South Korea, and Taiwan) pulled off their own route to transformation from third- to first-world nations, doing so by not listening to some received wisdom from Western experts or the policy dictates of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. In fact, quite the contrary, they pulled off their economic ‘miracle’ by defying those Western financial bullies.

If Uganda under the NRM has the revolutionary credentials its supporters trumpet, undertaking an autonomous and homegrown economic strategy would be the definitive reflection. This hasn’t been. Thus, the ramblings by a one Ian Otega, suggesting the NRM and Museveni are comparable to China and Mao Zedong and that there is a Deng Xiaoping in the offing, are either crass intellectual dishonesty or blithely ignorance.

Makinde approves ?4.6bn compensation for Circular road-affected property owners

Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State has approved the payment of ?4.6 billion as the first tranche of compensation to property owners affected by the ongoing Senator Rashidi Ladoja Circular Road project and reaffirmed a 75-metre setback in built-up areas, addressing major concerns raised by residents along the corridor.

Governor Makinde who disclosed this on Friday during a meeting with affected property owners along the Circular Road assured beneficiaries that the compensation would be paid directly into their bank accounts and that disbursement would commence immediately.

According to him, the government has completed all necessary processes for the payment of the first tranche of compensation.

He said: ‘We have processed ?4.6 billion for the first phase of compensation payments. The money will be paid directly into beneficiaries’ accounts, and recipients should begin to receive payment alerts from tonight or by tomorrow morning.’

Governor Makinde also reiterated that the setback in built-up areas along the project corridor had been reviewed to 75 metres. He added that the corridor would be fenced to enhance safety and protect residents living within the area.

He explained that property owners whose buildings fall outside the 75-metre setback have no cause for concern and should continue with their normal activities.

The Governor urged affected residents not to be misled by rumours or misinformation, reiterating that his administration remains committed to protecting the interests and wellbeing of the people

‘This is your government. Do not allow anyone to deceive you. I promised that compensation would be paid before the end of this month, and I considered it important to meet with you personally before the payment process commenced,’ he said.

Governor Makinde reaffirmed his administration’s commitment to the successful delivery of the Senator Rashidi Ladoja Circular Road project, describing it as a critical infrastructure initiative that will improve connectivity, stimulate economic growth, and open up new development corridors across Oyo State.

Speaking on behalf of the affected property owners, Ahmed Abiodun, Kayode Oyejobi, Risikat Raji and Banke Adeyanju commended the Governor for approving the immediate payment of compensation and reviewing the setback for built-up areas to 75 metres.

They expressed appreciation for the government’s responsiveness to their concerns and assured Governor Makinde of their continued support for the success of his administration.

Group rejects removal of monarch in Edo

Concerned Indigenes of Ikpeshi/Egbigere Clan in Akoko-Edo Local Government Area of Edo State have protested the removal of Regent Nicholas Saliu Odamah III and the reinstatement of Lukeman Momodu Odamah III, as the traditional ruler of the clan.

Governor Okpebholo had, on November 13, 2025, in a statement signed by the Secretary to the State Government, Umar Musa Ikhilor, removed Lukeman Momodu and appointed Nicholas Odamah as regent pending the determination of the rightful occupant of the throne.

The state government, however, removed the regent in a statement issued by the Secretary to the State Government on Oct. 20, 2026, and reinstated Lukeman Momodu Odamah.

The government explained that the decision was taken in the interest of peace, stability and due process, and after reviewing appeals from Akoko-Edo indigenes and confirmed that the chieftaincy dispute was already before a court of competent jurisdiction.

Addressing journalists on behalf of the indigenes in Benin City, the group’s coordinator, Ms Peggy Agbo, appealed to Governor Monday Okpebholo to reverse the removal of Regent Nicholas Odamah III in the interest of the people and peace.

She expressed concern that the state government’s decision could threaten the peace and stability currently enjoyed in the community

She said the community had experienced relative peace during the 11 months of Nicholas Odamah’s regency before he was removed, warning that the decision could heighten tensions if not urgently reviewed.

According to her, the group had also submitted a written objection to the governor and the State Executive Council and approached the court to maintain the status quo.

She appealed to the relevant authorities to intervene urgently and ensure that the dispute was resolved peacefully and in accordance with the law.

‘We are appealing to Governor Monday Okpebholo, who is a man of peace, to suspend this action and reverse the decision contained in the statement issued by the Secretary to the State Government. We want peace, not war,’ Agbo said,

Responding, Lukeman Momodu Odamah III, said the government has acted in accordance with the law and with the customary tradition of the people.

He said the case is in court and that the protest cannot change the customs and tradition of the people, advising the protesters to wait for the court to decide.

Sowore’s alleged attack: Ekiti govt distances self calls for probe

The Ekiti State Government has distanced itself from the alleged attack on African Action Congress presidential aspirant Omoyele Sowore at a food canteen in Ado-Ekiti calling the allegations linking it to the incident unfounded.

The government also called on the police to conduct a thorough investigation identify those responsible for the attack and ensure they are brought to justice.

The Chief Press Secretary to the Governor Olayinka Oyebode made this statement on Saturday following allegations by Sowore linking the state government to his reported ordeal.

The statement said the government would ordinarily have ignored the allegations which it described as part of a pattern of unfounded claims and media attacks against the state administration over the past four years.

However it said the government decided to respond to set the record straight and prevent members of the public from being misled.

It noted that the organisers of the Ikogosi Marathon and the Ekiti State Police Command had issued official statements on the incident.

It added that the circumstances surrounding Sowore’s visit and the reported altercation raised questions about his motive while leaving the determination of the facts to the appropriate authorities.

The government said it was absurd to suggest that Ekiti which it described as a peaceful state would harass a presidential aspirant.

It reiterated the administration’s commitment to maintaining peace and security in the state stressing that it would not condone actions that undermine democratic principles and the rule of law.

It also assured residents and visitors of their right to safety and protection irrespective of their political affiliations or opinions.

The government said it remained committed to upholding the rights of all residents and visitors while sustaining Ekiti’s reputation for peace tolerance and respect for democratic values.

5 years after, attack victims remain displaced

For more than five years, home has remained a distant memory for many internally displaced persons (IDPs) living in camps in Benue, and Borno, where the hope of returning to their ancestral communities grows increasingly uncertain with each passing day. Weekend Trust highlights the plights of these IDPs.

Why we haven’t returned home – Benue IDPs

In Benue State, thousands of internally displaced persons have remained in camps for more than five years and unwilling to return to their ancestral homes for fear of being killed as persistent insecurity has continued t, hindering their safe return home.

Jacob Ibaah, one of thousands of the Internally Displaced People (IDPs) staying at the Agagbe camp in Gwer West Local Government Area of Benue after it was formally opened in 2021, stayed in different make-shift homes after their displacement from their homes by armed invaders.

‘The displacement started in my community in 2003. I remember vividly that I was in secondary school when the armed men first came and attacked us. Since then it has been off and on; we tried to go back but we are attacked again. In 2021, the government formally established the Agagbe camp where we are now.

‘We haven’t returned to our villages because those who tried it were killed. Others barely escaped with life threatening injuries,’ Ibaah said.

Dooshima Tyohem, another displaced person, and a mother of two at the Abagana camp along Makurdi – Lafia road in Benue State, noted that she had been displaced from her home since 2018.

‘We can’t go back home because it’s dangerous to do so,’ she said.

Similarly, Esther Francis, displaced from her Guma village to living in the Abagana camp, lamented that returning home remains a far-fetched dream for most people like her because it still wasn’t safe just as there are no houses to return to.

Francis said, ‘We are eager to return to our ancestral homes but it’s not safe. Men are still being killed as they try to go back to their farms while women are raped. Besides, the promised reconstruction of our destroyed communities by government is yet to be fulfilled.’ She said.

For Jessica Mbaneneen Halavaan, who has spent eight years at Ugba camp in Logo LGA, the situation in her village remains volatile for any resident to think of returning.

‘We can’t dare go back home. Any thought of doing so is a suicide mission,’ she replied to our correspondent.

Anita Tsavwua, a displaced teenager at Anyiin camp in Logo said they fled their homes at Tombu council ward in 2018 after initial attacks which began in 2014.

She noted that her village till date remains deserted because the attackers have occupied the area, making it difficult for her parent to return home.

‘There is nobody in my village, and we can’t go back because the attackers are still killing people on the road. Recently, a village close to ours was attacked and people were killed,’ she said.

A former Camp chairman of Tse-Yandev, Gabriel Yev, who had been in camp since 2020 lamented the plights of IDPs, noting that they are compelled by situation to live in the camps because anyone who tries to go back to their homes are usually killed by the attackers.

‘In the past, two of my younger ones went to check their farms because they cultivated their maize when the rainy season started before they were chased away from the village.

‘They went to see if they could get something to eat because there was no food in the camp for us to eat at the time. As they went there, they were caught alive, taken away and after some days, the gunmen who abducted them called and informed the father that his children were killed and he should go and pick their corpses, adding that while coming he should be prepared to fight. So, there was no way for us to retrieve the corpses,’ Yev said.

In the same vein, Damian Samuel, who has lived with five members of his family including his wife for six years now at the IDPs camp situated along Uniagric road in North Bank, Makurdi, said they really want to go back to their ancestral homeland.

‘There is no place like home but we can go back yet. Our community is not safe,’ he said.

Similarly, Abuugh Terese, 13, said, ‘I’m orphaned by the crisis. My mother and father were killed in the farm at our village in Ayanse in Yande – Moon district of Turan. We want government to send more security to quell the crisis so we can go back home.

Terese added, ‘Our community is still deserted and not safe for return.’

Also, Tsokaa Orngu, 8, a primary 4 pupil whose family was displaced from Kumakwugh council ward, appeals to government to provide security to enable them return home so that his father can resume farming activities in order to pay school fees and provide food for his household.

Little Oche Solomon from Agatu and many other children from the affected trio LGAs, whose family were displaced also seek government’s intervention so they can go back to their ancestral homes.

Awuhe Solomon, 35, a gunshot survivor when his village in Turan ward was attacked by the invaders now bears a health issue on his thigh below his abdomen but seek the intervention of government for people to return to their homes.

Solomon, a father of six children said his wife left him following the hardship which befell his family after their displacement, as he disclosed that he lost a total of 15 persons during the attack and now left with only four surviving siblings including himself.

‘I beg for food to survive. Look up there (pointing at a particular direction) is the road to my village but we can’t go beyond that place you can sight it from here because our killers are everywhere there. I’m afraid of my future and that if my children,’ he cried out.

In the same vein, retired Comptroller of Prisons, Chief Iorbee Ihagh, stressed the need for the President to direct the military to clear the state of bandits for farmers to return to their farms while the internally displaced persons return to their homes.

‘I’m also an IDP – our five council wards in Turan land were ransacked and taken over by the armed herders. As we speak for over 10 years, we have no access to Moon where I come from and where my parents were buried. Even when my wife died recently, we had no access to take her body there for burial so I buried her in Jato Aka.

‘I blame the federal government for the continuing insecurity. The solution remains with the federal government. The government should be clear on its directive – drive out the foreigners from our land so my people can go back to their homes,’ Ihagh maintained.

Only few days ago, the Executive Secretary of State Emergency Management Agency (SEMA), Sir James Iorpuu, told journalists in Makurdi that the agency was working with humanitarian partners, including the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), to provide resettlement facilities for the IDPs.

Iorpuu mentioned that approximately 110 displaced persons had been moved to an area identified as Akile, where they were expected to receive shelter and engage in farming to rebuild their livelihoods.

He further mentioned approximately 288 hectares of land reportedly provided by the state governor for resettlement purposes.

The SEMA chief said the initiatives were intended to decongest IDP camps, promote self-reliance and facilitate the eventual return of displaced persons to their ancestral communities when security conditions permitted.

‘Our homes still not liberated’

Similarly, in Borno, the case remains the same for many displaced persons. Despair deepens for IDPs in Maiduguri’s self-established camps years after fleeing their ancestral homes from the onslaught of Boko Haram insurgents, Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) living in the Shuwari and Shagari low-cost camps in Maiduguri say they are trapped in a cycle of neglect, despair, and deteriorating security. Displaced primarily from the Gwoza Local Government Area of Borno State, the IDPs report that despite ongoing military campaigns, their hometowns remain under the control of terrorists, leaving them with no safe path to return and no alternative relocation provided by the government. John Goma, Chairman of the EYN IDP camp, a government-registered facility currently housing 1,225 people across 385 households spoke candidly about the harsh realities of camp life. ‘We don’t even like to stay in the camp anymore, because life in this place is hell,’ Goma said. ‘I always appeal through the media for the federal government to reclaim our area so that we can return, but things are deteriorating instead.’ He said.

According to Goma, the overstretched use of official facilities like the EYN camp forced many desperate families to establish unofficial settlements, such as those in Shuwari and Shagari. Hundreds of vulnerable women, children, and elderly now reside in these unassisted enclaves.

‘They are on their own, and don’t receive any intervention from the government, and just like all of us here, can’t go back to their communities due to the insecurity of the area,’ Goma added.

For those living in the informal camps, the daily struggle for survival has taken a heavy toll on family structures and social values. Mary Joseph, an IDP at the Shuwari camp, described being cramped into fragile trampoline huts with little to no food to feed her children.

‘Ever since we came into this camp, our children have turned against our values; they don’t listen to us anymore,’ Joseph lamented, fighting back tears.

‘They realised that we have nothing to give them. We can’t feed them, we can’t pay their school fees, or take care of their needs.’ Joseph noted that the breakdown of parental control has left young girls vulnerable, with some failing to return home at night. ‘That is why we always appeal to the government to liberate our areas and make the place safe for us to return and raise our children on our own terms.’

Another displaced resident, Peter Timothy, accused authorities of abandoning them to their fate. He called on the federal government to intensify military operations to flush insurgents out of Gwoza and surrounding communities.

Voicing deep frustration over unfulfilled security promises, Timothy asked, ‘Forget the government promises, now what happened to the pupils of Mussa and Lassa that were abducted by the insurgents?

Tell me. And these communities are relatively secure compared to our deserted villages.’ He emphasized that living in the camp was not a choice, but a desperate necessity dictated by survival.

‘We have nobody to help us here, living a very difficult and helpless life in the camp, but we have no option.’ A 32-year-old Thabita Joseph, said she has been living in the camp for 15 years after Boko Haram terrorists displaced them from Ngoshe town.

‘Boko Haram displaced us from our village. I have three children to take care of, and now that the Harmattan cold is approaching we and the children will suffer through the season.

‘As it is now, our children need food, blankets, mats, and more but the government and even the NGOs have stopped their interventions. Very few organizations like the rescue are still helping us,’ said Joseph Another IDP Ilya Peter said, ‘Actually the weather will soon be really harsh but there is nothing we can do. Our prayer is for God to answer our prayers to return to our villages. Now our children have cold and severe fever and we can’t even afford to buy them warm clothes,’. Surayya John, a mother and a housewife, also said she spent over a decade in the camp but life in the camp is everyday turning from bad to worse.

‘Since the time we left our homes and farmlands, food has become a serious problem to all of us, and it has become a problem for us to feed and clothes our children. ‘Our children stopped going to school, some of them started following men who often gave them money and engaged in illicit affairs with them. ‘For that reason, the majority of us are now hypertensive because our husbands have no jobs and we have no means of supporting them. As the insurgency continues to cast a long shadow over northeastern Nigeria, the IDPs in Maiduguri’s margins remain steadfast in a single, urgent plea: for the government to reclaim their lands so they can finally rebuild their lives.

Rosegie also bags bronze in world meet

Rosegie Ramos bagged a bronze medal at the 2026 International Weightlifting Federation (IWF) World Championships late Thursday at the Ningbo Olympic Center in China.

The Asian Junior gold medalist lifted 97 kgs in women’s 53 kilograms for third place in the snatch as China’s Zhang bagged gold with a 98-kg lift and won the tiebreaker over Miranda Ulrey of the US, also with 98 kg in snatch.

Ramos fell short in clean and jerk, placing fifth with a 114-kg lift. Kim So Hyon of North Korea (123 kgs) won, while Zhang (123 kgs) bagged the silver and Ulrey claimed the bronze (122 kgs).

Ramos fell to fifth in total lift of 211 kgs while Zhang took home the gold with 221 kgs followed by Ulrey (220 kgs) for the silver and Kim (214 kgs) for the bronze in total.

This was the second bronze medal for Team Philippines after Rose Jean’s snatch effort in women’s 49 kgs last Tuesday.

The 49 kgs is not an Olympic weight event in Los Angeles 2028 Games, but Rose Jean and Rosegie can bring up their ranking points in 53 kgs weight class or any Olympic weight division in the upcoming next nine of the five Olympic qualifying tournaments.

Other Filipinos that will compete are two-time Olympian Elreen Ann Ando in women’s 61 kgs on November 1 – on her 28th birthday, Kristel Macrohon in women’s 69 kgs is set next week, and Nagoya Asiad bronze medalist Albert Ian delos Santos in men’s 70 kgs was competing as of press time.

IWF Ningbo Worlds is one of the competitions that provides ranking points for aspiring weightlifters who want to qualify for the 2028 Los Angeles Olympics.

Dismantling culture of terror holding NPFL hostage

The beautiful game in Nigeria continues to be held hostage by a familiar, violent specter: football hooliganism. Despite the Nigeria Premier Football League (NPFL) Board’s aggressive rollout of heavy fines, point deductions and stadium bans during the ongoing 2026/2027 season, the recurring plague of fan violence remains stubbornly uncurbed. From pitch invasions and hostage-like standoffs to bloody physical assaults on match officials, Nigeria’s local stadiums continue to turn arenas of sporting entertainment into high-risk flashpoints of lawlessness.

It is deeply unfortunate that this persistent culture of violence not only compromises the physical safety of players, referees and broadcasting crews, but also severely devalues the commercial appeal and structural integrity of a league desperately trying to command global respect. Consequently, fans are steadily losing interest in attending local football matches out of fear for their safety. Moreover, if this trend persists, a day will come when no referee will agree to officiate in match venues that have become synonymous with slaughterhouses. Indeed, in recent incidents of hooliganism, match arbiters have been the primary targets of vicious attacks by irate fans.

With only 10 match days executed so far in the current NPFL season, at least five major incidents of hooliganism and severe misconduct have already been officially documented. This underscores the devastating impact of a cancer that continues to threaten the very existence of the league. However, it is important to recognise the efforts made by the league organizers to bring the situation under control. These ugly incidents-all occurring throughout October 2026-have been met with a wide range of penalties, from heavy financial fines to point deductions and stadium bans, in an effort to uphold security and sportsmanship across Nigerian football venues.

At this juncture, it is imperative to highlight the disturbing acts of hooliganism that have hit five match venues in the 2026/2027 NPFL season. During the early October clash between Inter Lagos and Katsina United, severe misconduct erupted when club officials and fans held the refereeing team hostage for over an hour. The incident escalated into physical violence, resulting in an assault on the first assistant referee. In response, the NPFL issued a comprehensive penalty package totaling a N5.25 million fine, a severe 3-point and 3-goal deduction, and a N250,000 compensation payment for player injuries.

On Matchday 9, at the Pantami Stadium in Gombe, home fans at the Doma United versus Kun Khalifat FC match breached venue security and exhibited hostile behaviour toward match officials. The situation deteriorated when fans physically assaulted the visiting team’s head coach. He allegedly lost a tooth in the physical attack on him. The league sanctioned Doma United with a N5.25 million fine and mandated that the club play its next 3 home matches behind closed doors.

Furthermore, a violent episode occurred following the late October match between Warri Wolves and Kano Pillars when a home supporter brutally attacked the second assistant referee, leaving him bleeding from the nose. The NPFL penalised Warri Wolves with a N4.25 million fine, a 3-point and 3-goal deduction and ordered the club to host all remaining home games behind closed doors. The club later paraded the suspect responsible for the barbaric act, but it is another case of medicine after death. In the past, such offenders were presented to the public just to calm frayed nerves as they were not served appropriate punishment to deter others.

Then, Matchday 10 witnessed protocol breakdowns during the Katsina United and Plateau United fixture. Home fans violated safety guidelines by encroaching on the pitch, directly compromising the safety of players and officials. The NPFL handed Katsina United a N2 million total fine, split evenly into N1 million for security failures and N1 million for pitch encroachment.

In late October, security failures at the Abia Warriors host ground were compounded by media disruption when the club’s multimedia officer attempted to physically interfere with the live television broadcast crew. The NPFL imposed a N3.2 million fine on Abia Warriors and issued a 5-match ban specifically targeting the involved multimedia officer.

The league organisers must be commended for doing their best to minimise or eliminate acts of hooliganism in the NPFL. However, in doing so, the principle of fair play and the equitable distribution of punitive measures must be strictly observed. While there were clear breaches of NPFL safety guidelines in both Gombe and Warri, Doma United faced no point deductions, whereas Warri Wolves suffered a 3-point and 3-goal penalty (pending the outcome of their appeal). Many observers struggle to understand the inconsistency. Fans of both clubs engaged in similar acts of hooliganism; therefore, both clubs should have faced comparable sanctions to ensure basic fairness.

Furthermore, beyond the fines-which no one can confidently confirm are ever fully paid by the clubs-concrete measures must be put in place to ensure that hooliganism is either eliminated completely or reduced to the barest minimum.

First, the league must transition from merely penalising clubs to criminally prosecuting individual offenders. While point deductions and multi-million naira fines dent a club’s campaign, they do little to deter a radical supporter hiding within a chaotic crowd. The NPFL board’s ‘produce the culprit’ mandate must be backed by real state law enforcement. Club management can no longer treat hooligans as overzealous loyalists; they must be treated as criminals. Handing perpetrators a lifetime ban from match venues is a necessary start, but it must be paired with immediate police arrests, public arraignments and prison sentences. When a supporter realises that assaulting a referee or invading a pitch leads directly to a jail cell rather than a slap on the wrist, the incentive for violence will plummet.

In addition, the structural approach to matchday security requires a drastic, technology-driven overhaul. Relying on generic stadium stewards and ill-equipped local security personnel has repeatedly failed, as demonstrated by the recent lapses at Katsina United and Doma United. Currently, Barau FC is dealing with its own stewards, who attempted to physically assault their players after a 1-1 draw with Kwara United at the Sani Abacha Stadium. Instead of helping to maintain order before, during and after matches, certain security personnel and stewards actively contribute to incidents of hooliganism.

Therefore, the NPFL must mandate the implementation of digital fan registries and biometric ticketing for high-risk fixtures. Furthermore, clubs must be forced to invest in high-definition CCTV surveillance around pitch perimeters, tunnel areas, and referee dressing rooms. This will create an unassailable digital trail, stripping violent actors of the anonymity that currently fuels their impunity. Security cannot remain an afterthought or a basic compliance checkbox; it must be treated as a core component of the league’s broadcast and commercial product.

Finally, club administrators must dismantle the toxic subculture of victimhood they often foster among their fans. Too often, club officials subtly validate fan anger by aggressively hounding referees in the media or physically disrupting broadcast crews as witnessed in the Abia Warriors incident. When management projects the narrative that the entire ecosystem is rigged against them, they lay the psychological groundwork for crowd violence. True reform requires clubs to actively educate their supporters on sportsmanship and implement internal self-policing mechanisms. If domestic football in Nigeria is to attract corporate sponsorship and global prestige, clubs must accept that losing a match fairly is part of the game, while winning through intimidation is an existential threat to the entire sport.

Report says construction has job creation solution

The 26th World Bank economic report has revealed that the construction sector offers an important near-term entry point for job creation that Uganda’s Tenfold Growth Strategy could leverage on.

Data from the bank shows that as the economy seeks to expand from a GDP of US$50 billion to US$500 billion by 2040, construction will play a central role in supporting the infrastructure and urban expansion needed to sustain long-term growth. It adds that the sector, which remains well below its employment potential, has a major untapped opportunity that could yet support Uganda’s growth ambitions.

‘Despite growing by 11.6 percent in FY25, it employs an estimated 2.3 percent of Uganda’s workforce-less than one-third the employment share of comparable East African economies-reflecting low productivity, limited firm growth, and weak job quality,’ the report discloses.

It further states that construction also plays a broader role in structural transformation by providing the infrastructure through which urbanisation translates into higher productivity across firms, workers, and cities. The report also examines how reforms to strengthen land governance, urban planning, firm productivity, and labor-intensive public investment can position construction as a stronger engine of more and better jobs, productive urbanisation, and structural transformation.

The employment gap in construction reflects a dual market failure, on the demand and supply side. Despite a large underlying need for housing and infrastructure, formal housing remains unaffordable for most Ugandan households. This is thanks to mortgage rates of 16-22 percent, leaving a large gap between housing need and effective demand.

On the supply side, low productivity, fragmented firms, and high input costs limit the sector’s capacity to scale. Together, these constraints suppress activity in the affordable housing segment, where the significant potential for job creation lies, underscoring the need for coordinated reforms to unlock both demand and supply, the report states.

Uganda’s construction sector is dominated by small, informal firms, with few medium-sized firms able to scale productivity and employment. Weak certification, limited career pathways, and low participation of women reinforce low-quality employment and constrain productivity gains, despite evidence that stronger sector organisation and standards can improve these outcomes.

The report reveals that sector underperformance reflects inter-connected constraints spanning three areas.

‘Governance failures are the most foundational: the absence of a sector regulator, weak land administration, slow permitting, inadequate urban planning coverage, and an unapproved land acquisition and compensation policy together create the conditions in which informality is more rational than formalization,’ it states.

‘Second, market failures compound these issues: without a wage premium for certified skills, neither workers nor firms invest in training; without a contractor register, lenders cannot price construction risk, and credit remains expensive and scarce,’ it adds.

Structural conditions-including shallow capital markets, a landlocked geography, high input costs, prohibitive mortgage rates, and tight credit-squeeze both contractor liquidity and household demand while cementing dominant informality in the sector.

Uganda’s own programmes show that construction can generate jobs at scale when project design is aligned with employment objectives, with the report pointing to the Uganda Support to Municipal Infrastructure Development (USMID) and the Greater Kampala Metropolitan Area Urban Development Program (GKMA-UDP). The two undertakings indicate that labour-intensive urban investments can generate labour shares of 38-44 percent of project costs, compared with 18-22 percent for mechanised works, while also supporting stronger inclusion outcomes.

‘These experiences provide a credible domestic basis for scaling construction approaches that are more job-intensive and inclusive,’ the report states.

The report proposes a sequenced reform agenda built around three mutually reinforcing policy pillars. The first, and the prerequisite for the others, strengthens the institutional foundation through enacting the Construction Industry Development Bill (CIDB) (formally called Uganda Construction Industry Commission-UCICO Bill), endorsing the land governance legislative package, and streamlining permitting.

The second activates demand through reforming the Physical Planning Act to mandate integrated planning, updating physical development plans with infrastructure servicing commitments, establishing serviced plot programmes on verified public land, scaling labor-intensive public investment and affordable housing.

Qimiao Fan, World Bank director Somalia, Kenya, Rwanda and Uganda, said the third reduces construction costs and strengthens market competition by expanding contractor finance, improving procurement and local content, lowering input costs, and strengthening construction skills.

‘Together, these reforms can transform construction from a fast- growing sector into a leading engine of more and better jobs, competitive cities, and structural transformation,’ he said.