Moody’s cuts Philippine 2026 growth forecast to 3.3 percent

Moody’s Ratings has further trimmed its Philippine growth forecast for 2026 to 3.3 percent from 3.6 percent previously as elevated energy prices and weak investment continue to weigh on economic activity.

In a report, the debt watcher said real gross domestic product (GDP), the broadest measure of economic output, is expected to grow by 3.3 percent this year before recovering to 5.1 percent in 2027 as confidence improves and investment strengthens.

The new forecasts are lower than Moody’s August projections of 3.6 percent for 2026 and 5.3 percent for 2027.

Moody’s attributed the weaker near-term outlook to higher energy prices amid the conflict in the Middle East and ‘still-subdued investment activity.’

Still, it said Philippine growth dynamics remain stronger than those of similarly rated economies, supported by infrastructure spending, remittance inflows and reforms aimed at attracting greater private and foreign investment.

Remittances from overseas Filipino workers, equivalent to around eight percent of GDP, continue to support household consumption and provide a stable source of external financing.

Moody’s said progress in project execution, investment liberalization and public-private partnership reforms should help lift investment and productivity over the medium term.

However, ‘implementation delays or weaker-than-expected investment could weigh on confidence, constrain private investment and slow medium-term growth potential,’ it said.

The rating agency also flagged lingering governance weaknesses that could hamper public investment.

It said recent reviews of infrastructure planning, budgeting and procurement ‘exposed governance weaknesses that led to significant project delays and weighed on investor confidence.’

The Philippines also ranked below the 30th percentile globally in both rule of law and control of corruption based on the World Bank’s Worldwide Governance Indicators, according to Moody’s.

Despite these challenges, Moody’s said the government has maintained broad policy continuity and continued to pursue structural, fiscal and business environment reforms.

On the fiscal side, Moody’s expects consolidation to remain broadly on track despite weaker growth and uncertainty surrounding proposed revenue measures.

The general government deficit is projected to narrow to around four percent of GDP this year from 4.1 percent in 2025 as economic activity recovers, revenue administration improves and spending efficiency gains materialize.

However, Moody’s said weaker revenue growth, implementation challenges and pre-election spending pressures could slow the pace of deficit reduction.

It also noted that recent fiscal consolidation has partly reflected restrained capital spending, while improvements in revenue mobilization have remained gradual.

Government debt is expected to stabilize at around 58 percent of GDP over the next two years before declining gradually.

Debt affordability, however, remains the key constraint to fiscal strength, with interest payments projected to stay above 14 percent of government revenue compared with the roughly nine-percent median among similarly rated sovereigns.

Tried and tested: Samsung Galaxy S26 FE

THE first thing I notice when holding the Samsung Galaxy S26 FE for the first time is how perfectly it fits in my hand. It has a 6.7-inch display and is quite ‘tall.’ Its thickness is at 7.4mm. The back has a glossy finish. Like all Samsung phones, the Samsung Galaxy FE feels premium, encased in Corning Gorilla Glass Victus+ and an aluminum alloy frame. It has an IP68 rating for dust and water resistance.

As I am coming from using Samsung’s flagship devices, I immediately wanted to look at the difference in the FE’s 6.7′ display (2340 pixels with a 120Hz refresh rate). I like how big the display is and it was crisp and vivid. To be honest, it was not as bright as the S26 Ultra’s display. But with prices starting at P46,990 for the 8GB + 128GB model compared with the S26 Ultra’s P86,990, the S26 FE is looking good. Money is, after all, a serious consideration in these financially challenging times so if you want something reasonably priced without having to shell out nearly P100,000, you know the FE is a good deal. The other storage options for the FE are 256GB and 512GB.

The Samsung Galaxy S26 FE, which comes with 8GB of RAM and 256GB of internal storage, is powered by an Exynos 2500 chipset built on a 3nm process, an improvement from the 2025 processor. The Samsung Galaxy S26 FE also has the latest versions of Android and One UI out of the box. It will also get Android support up to Android 24 (seven major updates).

The Samsung Galaxy S26 FE has a 4,900mAh typical battery capacity with support for 45W wired charging. The FE’s battery is higher than the Flip8’s 4,300 mAh and the Z Fold8’s 4,800 mAh, both of which last the whole day. The 4,900mAh means up to 29 hours on a single charge.

The Galaxy S26 FE features a triple rear camera setup and a single front-facing selfie camera, enhanced by Samsung’s ProVisual Engine and AI processing. The main camera is a 50MP wide sensor with an f/1.8 aperture and optical image stabilization. The 12MP ultra-wide sits at f/2.2 for landscapes and group shots, and the 8MP telephoto adds 3x optical zoom with its own OIS and an f/2.4 aperture.

On the front, the upgraded 12MP selfie camera offers a wider view. At the core of the camera experience is the ProVisual Engine, designed to enhance image quality across different shooting conditions, including low light and distant subjects. The main camera also supports up to 8K video at 30fps and 4K video at 60fps for detailed, high-resolution footage.

As someone who has used Samsung’s flagship models for years now, I would describe the S26 FE’s camera as reliable and steady. To compare, the Galaxy S26 Ultra still takes amazing photos from the Upper Box and General Admission of Mall of Asia Arena and the S26 FE can shoot good concert photos from Lower Box. For a midrange phone, this is very much acceptable.

To be honest, while the camera of the S26 FE is reliable, if you are a frequent concertgoer buying a phone for this purpose I would advise you to get the S26 Ultra because you won’t always be seated in Lower Box. However, if you’re using your phone camera normally for everyday things, the S26 FE is enough.

It’s worth noting that the S26 FE has the My FanCam feature. This Galaxy AI video-editing feature turns wider group or concert recordings into tight, personalized solo tracking shots. This is very helpful for taking videos and shooting photos during concerts and events.

As for videos, daylight videos are fine. The nighttime videos can be a bit bright. The stabilization is quite good, so that is a bonus.

In terms of performance, I would say the Galaxy S26 FE was fast, smooth, and reliable except for a few lags here and there. The lags usually happen at the end of the day so is it safe to say that they occur when the phone is ‘overworked?’ Otherwise, the S26 FE’s performance was satisfactory.

I would recommend the Samsung Galaxy S26 FE to someone who’s looking for a good everyday phone. The models with the larger memory will allow you to do more things seamlessly, such as gaming and streaming.

Considering the price and everything else, one of the major cons for me is the glossy back, which can be slippery and a fingerprint magnet. Otherwise, the S26 FE is a solid phone with some of the features that have made Samsung’s flagship phones iconic.

Over 60,000 passengers leave ports for Undas – PCG

More than 60,000 passengers have departed from ports nationwide as Filipinos travel for the observance of Undas 2026, the Philippine Coast Guard (PCG) said.

Based on data posted on the PCG’s official Facebook page on Saturday, October 31, the agency recorded 60,411 outbound passengers and 54,291 inbound passengers across ports nationwide from noon to 6 p.m. on Saturday, October 31.

To ensure passenger safety and smooth port operations, the agency deployed 6,221 frontline personnel from its 17 districts.

Coast Guard personnel also inspected 540 vessels and 806 motorbancas as part of its preparations for the expected increase in passenger traffic during the holiday period.

The PCG placed all its districts, stations and substations on heightened alert from October 29 to November 3 to monitor port operations and assist travelers.

The agency said the measures aim to ensure safe and efficient travel as more passengers head to their provinces and other destinations for the observance of All Saints’ Day and All Souls’ Day.

Boracay, Taipei top Filipino travel picks for ‘Undas’ break

FILIPINOS are heading off to Boracay Island and Taiwan for the Undas (All Saints’ Day and All Souls’ Day) break, officially from October 31 to November 2.

Booking data cited by AirAsia MOVE also indicated travelers’ growing preference for international destinations, even as domestic vacations continued to account for the majority of the booking platforms’ flights and hotel bookings.

In a news statement, the company said domestic flight bookings slightly slipped to 83 percent of total bookings this Undas from last year’s 86 percent, while local hotel bookings fell significantly to 62 percent from 82 percent last year.

On the other hand, international bookings rose to 17 percent of total bookings this year’s Undas, from 14 percent in 2025. The booking platform’s data also showed that the share of international hotel bookings more than doubled to 38 percent this year from 18 percent in 2025.

MOVE’s findings appear to be supported by the latest data shared by the Manila International Airport Authority, which showed that passenger foot traffic at the Ninoy Aquino International Airport from October 27 to 30 reached 590,016, a slight uptick of 2.74 percent from the same period last year.

So far, domestic passengers accounted for 51 percent of total Undas foot traffic, or 301,351, almost unchanged from last year. International passengers, on the other hand, rose by 4.88 percent to 288,665, year on year.

Among the world’s best beaches

Boracay, popular the world over for its creamy powdery white beaches, remained a standout destination this year across flights, hotels, and SNAP! (flight and hotel) customer choices.

Cebu and Manila also continued to be favorites across all said booking categories, while Iloilo and Tacloban were among the leading destinations for both flights and hotels.

Moreover, MOVE’s booking data indicated that more Filipinos are tapping the SNAP! combination, with domestic bookings rising to 76 percent this year, from 66 percent in 2025. Boracay, Cebu, and Manila were among the top local choices for these travel packages.

Meanwhile, Taipei ranked first among international bookings for flights, hotels, and SNAP! in 2026.

Da Nang in Vietnam led in international flights and hotel bookings, while Kuala Lumpur was a popular choice across flight, hotel, and SNAP! packages. Bangkok remained a popular destination for hotel bookings and SNAP!.

MOVE’s findings reflect the recent outbound travel data of the Department of Tourism, which showed a 7.16 percent increase in Filipinos traveling abroad from January to September 2026, and where Vietnam and Taiwan were also top destinations.

Shifting travelers category

‘What stands out is that familiar travel traditions and the desire to explore new places can coexist. Undas remains an important time for Filipinos to reconnect with family, but the holiday also allows some travelers to discover destinations beyond their usual routines. Our role is to help them find travel options that fit the kind of break they want to have,’ said Malou Japson, Country Representative of AirAsia MOVE in the Philippines.

While solo travelers accounted for the largest category of flight bookers this Undas at 55 percent of the total, it was lower than in 2025, when they accounted for 66 percent, according to MOVE data.

There has been a slight uptick in ‘duo’ bookings, or bookings made for two travelers, at 22 percent from last year’s 18 percent, while ‘small-group’ bookings rose to 10 percent from 6 percent. Flight bookings by families also edged up to 10 percent from 8 percent.

Hotel bookings also showed a similar shift in travelers: Family bookings rose to 17 percent in 2026 from just 6.5 percent the year before, even as duos remained the largest share at 58 percent, although this was significantly lower than 72 percent in 2025.

MOVE’s data suggested that Filipinos are planning their vacations earlier, with 72 percent of flight bookings made at least 15 days before Undas 2026, compared to 51 percent in 2025. Still, the average length of trip was consistent, lasting six days for both years.

AirAsia MOVE is Capital A’s travel platform and voted Asia’s Best Travel Booking App at the World Travel Tech Awards for four consecutive years since 2023. It offers a comprehensive selection of travel choices across over 700 global airlines and more than a million hotels worldwide. The booking platform also offers travel services like airport transfers, travel insurance, duty-free shopping, attractions, live-event ticketing, among others.

Second-half rally takes Sarasavi Uyana through in inaugural girls’ rugby encounter

Sarasavi Uyana College produced an impressive performance to defeat Hemamali Girls’ School 32/10 in the inaugural ‘Singha Denuwange Ran Satana’ 12-a-side girls’ rugby big match, played at

the Bogambara Grounds in Kandy recently.

Hemamali made the early breakthrough through Chaturika Ranaweera, while Tisali Perera replied for Sarasavi Uyana. At the short breather it was 10 apiece.

Sarasavi Uyana raised the tempo after the break, adopting an attacking approach and putting the Hemamali defence under pressure. Isanka, Kaumodi, Umasha and Bimasa crossed the line, with a successful conversion helping the winners complete a 32-point tally. Heshan Gamage coached the winning outfit. Deepal Punyawardena refereed. Isanka Weeraperakrama won the Player of the Match award while Gayathri Sanganayaka won the Rising

Star award. (SJ)

Mining tragedy: Alake vows superlative enforcement drive to end mine disasters

The Minister of Solid Minerals Development Dr Dele Alake has declared a firm resolve to scale up law enforcement frameworks and security operations across all mining corridors in Nigeria warning that the Federal Government will no longer tolerate illegal mining operations that compromise national security and claim innocent lives.

Alake made this stance known on Friday in Abuja while receiving the probe report from the High-Level Investigation Committee set up to investigate the tragic gas poisoning incident at the Zurak lead-zinc mining site in Wase Local Government Area of Plateau State.

Responding to the findings of the 19-member committee-led by the Ministry’s Permanent Secretary Engr. Faruk Yusuf Yabo-the Minister stressed that while accidents can occur globally the government’s primary duty is to be aggressively proactive in enforcing preventive policies that insulate citizens from avoidable loss of life.

‘We need to gird our loins and improve our regulation frameworks increase enforcement of policies particularly preventive policies against such incidents. In my own estimation the most effective tool is enforcement-strengthening the capacity of relevant enforcement agencies to combat illegal mining.’

Reflecting on the findings Alake noted that all 37 victims of the February 18 2026 disaster were illegal operators who had trespassed into abandoned unventilated colonial-era shafts on Mine Lease ML111H10 during an operational holiday break.

He pointed out that the incident underscores the severe dangers posed by illegal mining which he described as a ‘hydra-headed monster’ that previously left the country’s solid minerals sector almost comatose.

To permanently stem the tide Alake announced plans to significantly boost the operational capacity armament technological gadgets and nationwide footprint of the Mining Marshals-a specialised elite security architecture created under his administration’s seven-point agenda in collaboration with the Ministry of Interior.

‘The Mining Marshals have been extremely salutary to the efforts of the ministry in stemming the tide of illegal mining’ Alake stated revealing that the unit has already reclaimed over 100 illegal mining sites across Nigeria and handed them back to legitimate titleholders alongside prosecuting scores of perpetrators.

As part of the intensified enforcement drive Dr Alake fully endorsed the committee’s strategic recommendation to establish a Nigerian Army Battalion in the remote Zurak mining district of Plateau State.

The Minister noted that the deployment of military personnel will complement the Mining Marshals ensuring that once illegal miners are flushed out of difficult remote terrains like Zurak armed forces remain on the ground to maintain order and preserve access for licensed leaseholders.

In addition the Minister pledged to scale up the findings to the Federal Executive Council (FEC) and direct regulatory bodies to execute a nationwide audit to seal up all hazardous abandoned colonial shafts-which hold over 50 million tons of legacy mineral deposits-to prevent unauthorized entry.

Earlier the Committee Chairman Engr. Faruk Yusuf Yabo formally submitted the report detailing how 37 artisanal miners died from toxic inhalation of accumulated carbon monoxide and hydrogen sulfide gases inside unventilated colonial workings dating back to German and British mining eras.

‘Every one of us on this committee carried the weight of the loss of lives through this assignment… behind each statistic is a family is a community that is mourning.’

Yabo confirmed that the licensed operator Solid Unit Nigeria Limited held a valid title running to November 2043 maintained 45 technical staff adhered to explosive regulations and paid ?157295 in royalties on 71130 tons of ore produced.

However the committee recommended that the leaseholder must take full responsibility for physically securing all legacy workings within its general lease area and sponsor community skill acquisition schemes.

Closing his address Alake urged Nigerians and academic institutions to embrace modern technological solutions-such as localised gas detection devices-to overcome environmental hazards rather than relying solely on spiritual interventions.

He assured the public that the report would not gather dust on government shelves pledging that the lessons from the 37 tragic deaths in Zurak will drive aggressive concrete enforcement reforms to safeguard lives and sanitize Nigeria’s solid minerals sector.

Ikogosi Marathon organisers kick Sowore out of 2026 race

The organisers of the Ikogosi Marathon have barred AAC presidential candidate, Omoyele Sowore, from participating in the 2026 edition of the race, citing security concerns and documented conduct.

In an official statement dated October 31, 2026, the Ikogosi Marathon Initiative said it had decided to deny Sowore participation in the 17.5-kilometre race scheduled for Saturday, October 31.

The organisers added that his eligibility for future editions would be subject to further review in line with the event’s participation standards and security considerations.

According to the statement, although Sowore had registered for the race, he was neither issued a race bib number nor cleared to participate.

The initiative stressed that its decision was based on what it described as documented conduct and security considerations, rather than Sowore’s political affiliation, beliefs or political ambitions.

It maintained that while it respected individual political rights, it would not allow activities capable of compromising the safety, neutrality or sporting objectives of the event.

‘The Ikogosi Marathon remains open to participants from all backgrounds who comply with our rules and uphold peaceful sporting engagement,’ the organisers said.

The initiative further reaffirmed its commitment to providing a safe, inclusive and politically neutral environment for thousands of runners expected to participate in the event.

The decision comes amid public attention surrounding Sowore’s activities and his recent encounter with security-related controversies in Ekiti State.

However, the marathon organisers did not provide specific details of the documented conduct cited as the basis for excluding him from the competition.

US court rejects discovery bid against Tinubu DCI Group in FOIA suit

A United States federal court has rejected an attempt to obtain discovery from President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and DCI Group in an ongoing Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) lawsuit involving the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA).

The United States District Court for the District of Columbia in a ruling delivered on Friday October 30 2026 denied a motion filed by Aaron Greenspan seeking limited discovery from the Nigerian President and DCI Group over alleged cyberattacks on his website.

The development was disclosed in a statement posted by Bayo Onanuga the Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy on his verified X handle @aonanuga1956.

According to the statement the court held that the proposed discovery was not sufficiently relevant to the substantive issues in the FOIA litigation involving the two American federal law enforcement agencies.

The ruling effectively rejected Greenspan’s attempt to introduce the alleged cyberattacks into the proceedings limiting consideration to matters directly connected to the underlying information-disclosure dispute.

Onanuga’s post also said the court rejected Greenspan’s motion for summary judgment along with other applications connected to the litigation.

It specifically denied a separate application by Karl Von Batten a non-party to the proceedings seeking permission to submit an ‘amicus curiae’ or friend-of-the-court brief.

Greenspan’s related request for judicial notice was equally denied.

In response attorney Christopher W. Carmichael described the ruling as a reaffirmation of the legal boundaries governing FOIA proceedings.

‘The Court’s decision makes clear that this Freedom of Information Act proceeding cannot be used to pursue discovery unrelated to the legal questions before it.

‘By denying the request for discovery against President Tinubu and DCI Group the Court reinforced the importance of keeping this litigation focused on the issues properly before it’ Carmichael said.

Another attorney Oluwole Afolabi said the decisions had established important procedural limits on the scope of the litigation.

‘The Court also denied the plaintiff’s motion for summary judgment and rejected a separate request to introduce an amicus brief.

‘While the underlying FOIA issues remain before the Court these rulings establish important procedural boundaries and clarify which matters are appropriate for consideration in this litigation’ Afolabi said.

Israel’s electoral post-mortem: Caretaker’s paradox and rigid coalition matrix

To understand what Benjamin Netanyahu’s political standing means for the Middle East, one must first analyse the internal forces molding his domestic base. Rather than a sudden collapse, the election on 27 October 2026, resulted in a complex political deadlock, cementing Netanyahu’s role as a consummate political survivor while leaving the country facing massive gridlock.

The 7 October reckoning and security failure

Critics frequently accuse his Government of failing to prevent the assault and subsequent multi-front escalations. They view his strategic maneuvering not only as an effort to prolong regional conflict for personal political survival, but as an affront to the families of the victims who demand accountability. For decades, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s primary contract with the Israeli public was centred on guaranteeing national security. That perception was profoundly challenged during the Hamas-led attacks of 7 October 2023.The public has remained deeply divided over the systemic intelligence and operational failures that occurred under his watch. While opponents view his subsequent actions through the lens of political self-preservation, his core supporters continue to view him as the most capable hand to navigate existential multi-front security challenges.

Israel Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu

Israel’s former military chief and Opposition politician Gadi Eisenkot

US President Donald Trump

The conscription crisis and domestic fracture

Netanyahu’s political alliances with ultra-Orthodox (Haredi) parties have increasingly alienated mainstream secular and nationalist voters. The boiling point arrived over military conscription exemptions for Haredi men. While secular Israelis and reservists bore the immense physical and economic burden of ongoing conflicts, Netanyahu’s legislative coordination with ultra-Orthodox parties drawing public ire sparked widespread demands for systemic reform. Opposition figures like Gadi Eisenkot have strongly mobilised voters by campaigning for a ‘Zionist Government of enlistment’ to counter what they characterise as a ‘draft-dodging bloc.’

Projections of long-term rule: Pros and cons

As Israel evaluates its long-term direction, the impact of Netanyahu’s historic 19-plus years in office remains a central debate:

Pros: Supporters credit Netanyahu with transforming Israel into a global technological and economic powerhouse, successfully bypassing traditional diplomatic blockades to secure the historic Abraham Accords, and maintaining an unyielding, necessary deterrent posture against Iran and its proxy network.

Cons: Critics point to deepening domestic polarisation, institutional strain caused by controversial judicial overhauls, international isolation over civilian casualties during the regional conflicts, and long-running corruption trials that opponents argue compromise his governance.

The irony of the Kingmakers: The deadlocked results

Preliminary results from the Israel Central Elections Committee reveals that neither major political bloc secured an outright majority to easily form a Government.

According to official preliminary counts with over 90% of standard ballots processed:

Netanyahu’s Right-Wing Bloc: Projected to hold 53 to 54 seats in the 120-seat Knesset, short of the 61 needed for a majority. Netanyahu’s Likud party remains the largest single party in parliament, outperforming pre-election polling to clinch a projected 26 seats.

The Opposition ‘Change’ Bloc: Led by former military chief Gadi Eisenkot and his Yashar party (projected at 21 seats), the anti-Netanyahu coalition stands at a combined 48 seats.

The Arab-Led Parties: Spurred by a massive mobilisation rejecting Netanyahu’s platform, Arab-led parties surged to an unprecedented record of 19 seats.

The Joint List leadership signaled on October 28, that Arab voter turnout had played a decisive role in keeping Netanyahu short of a parliamentary majority. However, because most mainstream Jewish Opposition parties have historically declined to form direct governing coalitions with Arab-led parties, a rigid coalition matrix emerges. Without them, Eisenkot has no clear path to a 61-seat majority, leaving Netanyahu to remain in power as caretaker prime minister indefinitely while political gridlock plays out.

Geopolitical realities for the wider Arab world

With Netanyahu locked into a caretaker status and neither bloc holding a clear mandate Israel’s strategic posture vis-à-vis its neighbours enters a decisive phase governed by a complex domestic stalemate.

A recalibration of regional conflict

Netanyahu’s signature regional strategy has been defined by an aggressive, high-stakes confrontation with Iran. The depth of this brinkmanship was laid bare when it emerged that Netanyahu had pressured its Israeli military to authorise pre-election strikes against Tehran; a move that prompted Opposition leader Gadi Eisenkot to publicly warn security chiefs to resist political exploitation of national defense. While an indefinite caretaker administration technically retains full wartime powers, institutional analysts at the IDI note that transitional Governments are legally bound by a strict ‘duty of restraint’. Any attempt by Netanyahu to leverage security policy for coalition negotiations will face unprecedented domestic oversight and legal friction from a deeply divided Knesset.

The Abraham accords and Trump’s influence

The normalisation paradigm faces a critical juncture. President Donald Trump publicly endorsed Netanyahu ahead of the vote and claimed credit on social media for converting what could have been a decisive defeat into a come-from-behind stalemate. Analysts suggest that Trump may use his significant leverage to press Netanyahu into forming a broader unity Government, potentially sidelining far-right extremist ministers like Itamar Ben-Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich. Sidelining far-right elements would remove a primary friction point for Arab capitals like Riyadh, which have conditioned further integration on meaningful diplomatic movement for Palestinians.

Post-War horizons for Palestinian governance

The political gridlock delays a clear post-war roadmap for Gaza and the WB. While Gadi Eisenkot and centrist factions are highly vocal about engaging with international frameworks and U.S.-led peace plans to resolve Gaza’s governance, they lack the parliamentary numbers to bypass Netanyahu. As such, the entry door to comprehensive regional diplomacy remains heavily guarded by a deadlocked domestic system.

Global fallouts of the US-Iran military conflict

The political gridlock in Jerusalem injects profound uncertainty for both Washington and the ME, particularly as a fractured Israeli caretaker Government navigates the fallout of a direct U.S.-Iran military conflict. With Netanyahu lacking a clear majority but retaining full security powers, the U.S. faces an uphill task of managing an unpredictable ally while attempting to contain regional escalation. In a direct confrontation between Washington and Tehran, any unilateral Israeli strike against Iranian assets could instantly drag the U.S. into a deeper, open-ended war, further straining American military and diplomatic resources. For the wider Middle East, this volatile dynamic threatens to destabilise vital maritime trade corridors like the Strait of Hormuz and the Red Sea, triggering severe global economic shocks through spikes in oil prices and disrupted supply chains. As such, Gulf capitals, hemmed in by a gridlocked Israel and an aggressive Iran, find themselves compelled to fast-track localised de-escalation and defensive security pacts, effectively sidelining broader, U.S.-led regional agreements.

Emerging economic and security scenarios under the stalemate

The ongoing political deadlock, coupled with the fallout of the U.S.-Iran conflict, sets the stage for highly volatile economic and security outcomes. Real-time assessments point toward two primary trajectories:

The Fragmentation Scenario (High Risk): On the security front, an unchecked Israeli caretaker Government operating without a strong legislative mandate might engage in miscalculated tactical escalations against Iranian proxies to assert domestic strength. Economically, this would solidify the closure of vital maritime trade corridors like the Strait of Hormuz. For the global economy, prolonged disruptions there risk driving oil prices past $100 a barrel, severely choking energy-dependent European and Asian markets and inducing a persistent inflationary shock. Within Israel, the lack of a cohesive state budget due to gridlock, paired with astronomical defense spending, threatens to trigger further credit rating downgrades and capital flight.

The Transactional Stabilisation Scenario (Moderate Risk): Alternatively, heavy diplomatic pressure from Washington could force a frozen status quo. In this security framework, Israel shifts toward a purely defensive posture, relying heavily on the US regional air-defense umbrella while avoiding deep offensive incursions. Economically, this baseline stability would allow GCC states to accelerate localised trade corridors and supply-chain workarounds that bypass active conflict zones. While broader regional normalisation agreements would remain frozen, defensive security pacts and energy-sharing agreements between Israel, Jordan, and Egypt would function on a strictly transactional, back-channel basis to protect baseline regional infrastructure.

Broader security dilemmas and implications for the Middle East

The October 2026 election underscores that the era of a monolithic far-right executive branch in Israel has been checked by the electorate, yet the Opposition has failed to construct a seamless alternative. For the wider Arab world, this signals a transition into an era of highly transactional, defensive, and fractured governance in Jerusalem. While security concerns across the Israeli political spectrum remain deeply conservative, the immediate future will be dictated by intense coalition bargaining, external pressure from Washington, and the inescapable matrix of a divided parliament.

Omo-Agege Iyabo Obasanjo Pantami make INEC updated list for 2027

Former Deputy Senate President Ovie Omo-Agege of the Nigeria Democratic Congress and Iyabo Obasanjo of the Peoples Democratic Party are among the candidates on the updated list for the 2027 general elections.

The Independent National Electoral Commission published the updated list of candidates for the National (Presidential and National Assembly) and state (Governorship and State Assembly) elections on Saturday.

Many had anticipated that Omo-Agege and Iyabo Obasanjo who were aspirants in their respective parties before joining the NDC and PDP might be affected by the Supreme Court’s judgment on the validity of Section 77 of the Electoral Act.

A close study of the list revealed that the names of the NDC candidate in Kano State Abdulsalam Gwarzo and the PDP candidate in Ogun State Adebutu were missing with only former Minister of Communication and Digital Economy Ibrahim Ali Isa Pantami on the list.

However the NDC was listed without a candidate while in the column for comment the commission merely wrote ‘court Order’.

The updated lists of candidates published by the commission also include former Deputy Senate President Ovie Omo-Agege who is the NDC senatorial candidate for Delta Central and Iyabo Obasanjo daughter of former President who is the PDP senatorial candidate in Ogun Central.

The Commission said final clearance for Gwarzo will depend on the outcome of a subsisting court case.

Also listed without a candidate is Accord for the Presidential election even though a Federal High Court in Abuja had asked the commission to recognise Olawepo Hashim as the party’s presidential candidate.

The Nation reported that the Accord Party has challenged the Federal High Court’s decision at the Court of Appeal as the party has consistently said it did not present any candidate for the election because Hashim failed to meet the deadline for the expression of interest and sale of nomination forms.

The Nation also observed that the name of the NDC candidate in Kaduna which was earlier omitted from the final list published on October 10 2026 was published as Mohammed Sani Abbas instead of Danjuma La’ah whose name was displayed during the claims and objections.

The updated list contained 20 new names of governorship candidates with one additional name in Jigawa Katsina Kebbi Kwara Niger Oyo Taraba and Zamfara states; Kaduna Cross River and Nasarawa had two new names included on the list while Gombe and Kano states had three new names included (this includes the NDC with the space left blank). The list of parties contesting the election in Abia was reduced from 15 to 14.

According to the updated list the All Progressives Congress (APC) and the African Democratic Congress (ADC) are fielding candidates in the 28 states where governorship elections will take place while the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and the Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC) are fielding candidates in 26 states respectively.

The PDP has no candidates in Kebbi and Ogun states while the NDC has no candidates in Abia and Ogun. The updated final list omitted the NDC candidate in Abia State Ndubuisi Ogah who had initially been on the final list.

The names of NDC candidates added to the list include John Odey Upan (Cross River) Shammah Danladi Dodo (Nasarawa) and Muktar Farouk Alhaji (Kebbi).

Although the Federal High Court in Gombe had nullified the nomination of former Minority Whip Ali Isa JC as a candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC) for the Balanga/Biliri federal constituency of Gombe State and banned him from recontesting the primary the Commission published his name as a candidate in the election.

It was noted that none of the names published by the Commission before the Supreme Court’s judgment were affected by the changes the Commission made to the list of candidates.

The Commission had assured Nigerians that after reviewing complaints from candidates and political parties it would publish an updated final list of candidates on its website.

The Chairman of the Information and Voter Education Committee Mohammed Haruna confirmed that some petitions were successful while others failed.

The statement reads: ‘Further to its Press Statement of 13th October 2026 the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) wishes to inform political parties candidates and the general public of the outcome of its consideration of complaints received following the publication of the final lists of Governorship and State Houses of Assembly candidates on 10th October 2026.

‘The complaints concerned the omission of certain political parties the wrongful inclusion of candidates of political parties whose names were not contained in the membership registers submitted by their political parties and instances of alleged multiple nominations.

‘Following a review of the complaints relevant records and applicable legal provisions the Commission found merit in some representations and approved the inclusion of affected candidates and their political parties while complaints found to be without merit were declined.

‘In addition some names that were wrongfully published in the final list were removed after verifying that their names were not on the register.’

‘The Commission also approved the removal of candidates whose nominations were found to be inconsistent with the applicable legal requirements. In particular the decisions affecting State Houses of Assembly candidates sponsored by political parties were informed by specific complaints received and determined in accordance with the law and the Commission’s established criteria.

‘In summary a total of 69 petitions were received from 12 political parties across 26 states for the governorship election. Forty-one of the petitions succeeded while 28 failed. Similarly for the State Houses of Assembly 61 petitions were received from 11 political parties across 11 states. Twenty-five succeeded while 36 failed.’