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Chandrasekhar Joseph Vijay known to the world at large as Vijay is arguably the super star of Tamil cinema today. Although stylish veteran actor Rajinikanth has been acknowledged for long as Tamil cinema’s solitary super star, that position has changed in recent times. In terms of popularity and marketability, Vijay who celebrated his 51st birthday last June, is way above Rajini who will celebrate his 75th birthday this December.

Vijay who has a huge fan following in Sri Lanka is married to a Sri Lankan Tamil woman hailing from Chuzhipuram in Jaffna named Sangeetha Sornalingam. They have two children. Vijay is the highest paid actor in Tamil cinema today reportedly earning around 200 Crore Indian rupees per film. He is also the biggest box-office draw among Tamil actors. At an all India level, Vijay is ranked third below Hindi cinema’s Shah Rukh Khan and Telugu cinema’s Allu Arjun.

Tamil Nadu has a long tradition of film personalities entering politics and forming their own parties. Some even became chief ministers. Former Chief Ministers CN Annadurai and M. Karunanidhi were renowned film script writers. Among the Tamil film actors who entered films are NS Krishnan, MR Radha, KR Ramasamy, MG Ramachandran (MGR), Sivaji Ganesan, SS Rajendran, VN Janaki, Jayalalithaa Jayaram, TR Rajendar, SV Shekhar, Napoleon, Vijayakanth, Seemaan, Sarathkumar, Radhika, Kamal Haasan and Udayanidhi Stalin. Even the current chief minister Stalin has acted in a few films and TV serials.

‘Thamizhaga Vettrik Kazhagam’

Vijay is therefore the latest in a long line of Tamil film actors transforming themselves into political leaders. He launched his own political party named ‘Thamizhaga Vettrik Kazhagam’ (TVK) last year. Vijay’s fan clubs numbering around 85,000 were converted into party branches. The TVK claims a party membership of several millions.

Vijay and his party though untested at the hustings have gained a lot of media coverage. Though it is too early to make a proper assessment, there is little doubt that Vijay and his TVP will have a considerable impact on the Tamil Nadu state elections due next year.

In what seems to be part of his envisaged polls campaign for next year’s elections, Vijay began conducting district-wise political meetings from September onwards. Vijay addressed meetings every Saturday in the districts of Trichy, Ariyalur, Nagapattnam, Thiruvaarur, Naamakkal and Karur. The meeting held on 27 September at Karur was a huge disaster resulting in a humanitarian tragedy.

Karur crowd crush

Karur is a municipality in Tamil Nadu about 245 miles to the south west of the State capital Chennai known earlier as Madras. The TVP political rally was held at a place in Karur named Velusamypuram alongside the Erode-Karur highway. The attendance was expected to be around 10,000 to 15,000. The final turn out estimated at around 25 to 28,000 vastly exceeded the expected number. There was a terrible crowd crush resulting in 41 deaths and 105 serious injuries. Ten of the dead were children.

The Karur tragedy has gained much media coverage nationally and internationally. Although people getting killed in stampedes and crowd crushes are nothing new in India, it is very seldom that deaths of such magnitude occur in political meetings or rallies. Hence the incident continues to remain a controversial topic of discussion. The Karur tragedy and its consequences would be discussed in detail in a forthcoming article.

Meanwhile actor Vijay’s ill-fated TVP rally and its aftermath have drawn much attention to the peculiar politics of Tamil Nadu. One is the continuous rule of Dravidian political parties. Two regional parties namely the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) and the All India Anna-Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) have been governing the state alternately since 1967. The other is the influence of films and film personalities in the political sphere.

Dravidian party dominance

Dravidian party dominance in Tamil Nadu and the influence of cinema in Tamil Nadu politics are both inter-related issues. In a sense the rise of Dravidian politics and growing influence of cinema on politics were processes that complemented each other.

The fact that a leading actor like Vijay could launch his own political party and aspire to be the future chief minister of Tamil Nadu is mainly due to the ‘cinematic politics’ ecosystem prevailing in the state. It is against this backdrop that this column – with the aid of earlier writings – focuses on the evolution and growth of cinematic politics in ‘Dravidian’ Tamil Nadu.

Independence struggle

The involvement of popular artistes in Indian politics dates back to the struggle for Indian independence. Back then it was more a case of singers, musicians and drama artistes involving themselves at a provincial level, where explicit and implicit messages extolling the virtues of Mahatma Gandhi and independence were conveyed to the audience. Social reform was also advocated.

Congress party leader Sathiyamurthy was one who recognised the political potential of actors and singers and began utilising their services in the Tamil speaking areas of the former Madras presidency. The singer-actor KB Sundarambal and the TKS Brothers Drama troupe being glittering examples in this sphere.

The message of Swarajya was projected through song recitals, street dramas, folk theatre, stage plays and later through silent and ‘talkie’ films. Logic gave way to patriotism in many instances. For example the mythological film ‘Sathi Anasuya’ had women of the Puranic era weave ‘Khadar’ on the hand loom in keeping with Mahatma Gandhi’s tenets.

As the film industry bloomed, some films were perceived by the erstwhile British rulers as possessing seditious content. The authorities clamped down on some ‘objectionable’ films, a notable example being the Tamil film Thyaga Bhoomi (Land of Sacrifice) made in 1938. It was written originally for the screen by ‘Kalki’ Krishnamurthy and serialised in the Tamil journal Ananda Vikatan. The film directed by K. Subramanyam spoke eloquently against oppression of women as well as against British rule.

The advent of Independence and the early post-Independence years saw cinema and politics becoming intertwined in South India especially Madras state as Tamil Nadu was then called. The larger-than-life image of movie stars and film personalities dominated the political scene. Tamil film stars were not mere ornaments but valuable assets. They served as an integral component of their parties. In most cases, they were the ‘stars’ around whom their parties revolved. The rise of screen actors in the cinematic politics of Tamil Nadu was greatly due to the state’s Dravidian heritage.

Self-Respect Movement

With a population of more than 72 million, Tamil Nadu is home to India’s original rationalist movement, started by E.V. Ramaswamy Naicker (Periyar) a century ago. Known as the Suyamariyaathai lyakkam, or Self-Respect Movement, it promoted healthy political protest against caste oppression, the imposition of Hindi as national language, oppression of women, and superstition in religion.

Periyar also founded the Dravida Kazhagham or Dravidian Party in 1943, to which both today’s ruling party DMK and chief opposition AIADMK in Tamil Nadu trace their lineage. In spite of this ‘Dravidian’ heritage of rationalism and self-respect, it is Tamil Nadu that has allowed film stars to exercise political hegemony like no other.

Aryan-Dravidian divide

The politics of Tamil Nadu for the past 85 to 90 years has been pervaded by notions of the Aryan-Dravidian divide. This concept itself is not very scientific and has been greatly mythologised. Nevertheless, this consciousness has helped politicise significant sections of the Tamil masses and has sustained whole political parties and movements.

According to Dravidian ideology proponents, the original inhabitants of India were the Dravidians and it was the invading Aryans who took over the north and pushed the Dravidians southward. In addition, the Aryans also imposed their caste structure on the Dravidians, who had until then a classless society.

This hierarchy placed the Brahmins on top. Dravidian ideologues maintained that Tamil Brahmins were not Tamil even though they spoke the language, but were alien Aryan relics. While its social reform platform was quite progressive, the Dravidian movement’s crude version of the Aryan-Dravidian interface and its venomous antipathy towards Tamil Brahmins left much to be desired.

Socio-historical reasons had enabled the Brahmins to remain the ruling elite in the state. They were better educated and dominated most fields, including the professions and arts. In addition there was the stamp of authority provided by orthodox Hinduism. The emerging non-Brahmin elites chose to adopt the Dravidian ideology to overthrow what they saw as Brahminic hegemony.

The clearly perceived position of power that the numerically inferior Brahmins enjoyed, made them vulnerable targets. The democratic process made easy the mobilisation of non-Brahmin caste groups on the basis of the Dravidian ideology.

Dravidian languages are 19 in all. Of these Tamil, Telugu, Malayalam, Kannada and Tulu are the most prominent. Interestingly, there were few takers for the ‘Dravidian’ ideology among the other South Indian states of Andhra Pradesh (Telugu), Kerala (Malayalam) and Karnataka (Kannada). However, it took firm root in Tamil Nadu.

Dravidian state

The original political demand of the Dravidian parties was a Dravidian state comprising present-day Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Pondicherry, Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka. It later modified itself into a secessionist movement, focused on Tamil Nadu alone. It was only after the 1962 war with China that the DMK dropped its separatist demand in the interests of national unity and security. It now agitates for greater autonomy within the Indian union.

Periyar’s Dravidian social reform movement was opposed to participation in politics. It was also very much under his autocratic control. A group of dissidents, revolted under the leadership of Conjeevaram Natarajan Annadurai and formed the DMK in 1949. Starting out as a social reform movement, the DMK later decided that change was impossible without capturing political power through democratic means. Following is a brief re-run of Dravidian party politics in the post-Independence period.

Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam

In 1957, the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) decided to enter electoral politics and secured 15 seats in the state assembly and two in Parliament. In 1962, the figure went up to 50 in the state assembly and eight in Parliament. 1967 saw it capture power for the first time when it got 138 out of the 234 seats in the state. The DMK also won all the seats (25) it contested for the Lok Sabha. Annadurai became chief minister.

Annadurai known widely as Anna died in 1969 and was succeeded by Muttuvel Karunanidhi as chief minister. In 1971, the DMK led by Karunanidhi registered a landslide victory when it captured 184 seats in the state and 23 in Parliament. The party seemed invincible.

All India Anna-DMK

But 1972 saw a major split. The DMK’s chief vote gatherer and matinee idol Maruthoor Gopalamenon Ramachandran, or MGR, broke away from the party and floated his own party that year. He named it after Annadurai and called it Anna DMK. It was later changed to All India Anna-DMK. MGR’s party won three elections in succession, securing 125 seats in 1977, 130 in 1980 and 125 in 1984. Karunanidhi had to remain content as opposition leader for 11 years.

When MGR died in 1987 December, his wife Janaki a former actress succeeded him. But the government fell after one month due to Congress machinations. With MGR’s ex-leading lady and then propaganda secretary Jayalalitha also staking her claim to party leadership, a split resulted. In 1989, a divided ADMK contested as two factions led by Janaki and Jayalalitha.

The Janaki faction (one seat) was trounced by Jayalalitha (24 seats) but the DMK under Karunanidhi romped home the winner. After Rajiv Gandhi’s death, the Jayalalitha-Congress combine routed the DMK. Only its leader, Karunanidhi, managed to win. In 1996, the DMK was returned to power and retained it till 2001.

Jayalalithaa returned to power in 2001 and was de-throned by Karunanidhi and the DMK in 2006.The wheel turned again in 2011 and Jayalalithaa became chief minister. The AIADMK under Jayalalithaa won again in 2016. Jayalalithaa died the same year. She was succeeded by O. Pannerselvam who was soon replaced as chief minister by Edappaady Palaniswamy. Karunanidhi passed away in 2018. The 2021 elections saw the DMK led by Karunanidhi’s son MK Stalin winning polls. The next election will be in May 2026.

Annadurai

The brief account of the political power struggle and its results within Tamil Nadu outlines the vicissitudes of the Dravidian parties in the past years. Of interest in all this is the role played by films and film personalities. It was the DMK that first attempted to use cinema for political propaganda in the post-independence years. Annadurai had once said that if it takes 10,000 political meetings to convey one message, it only takes one single ‘hit’ movie to deliver the same. He and his disciple Karunanidhi set out on that venture. Films scripted by Annadurai were well-received. Their political content made great impact. But it was Karunanidhi who really hit it big as script-writer.

Karunanidhi

Karunanidhi developed a writing style that was flowery and alliterative, and it soon became very popular. Courtroom scenes, inquiries in royal courts in historical movies and short dramas introduced into films that had a modern setting, provided ample scope for Karunanidhi’s captivating prose.

His reputation had producers advertising their movies by proclaiming, ‘Story and Dialogue by ‘Kalaignar’ (Artiste) M. Karunanidhi’. When film titles were projected in the cinema halls, his name would be shown ahead of the stars and greeted with applause. There were others to follow Karunanidhi in both content and style – Aasaithamby, Krishnaswamy, Maaran and Kannadasan. The DMK also spawned a school of actors who could effectively pronounce the lines of the scriptwriters.

Sivaji Ganesan

When the DMK began using actors for political propaganda, the Congress leader Kamaraj dismissed them derisively as Koothaadigal (performers). This was contrary to the views held by Kamaraj’s political mentor Sathiyamurthy who encouraged artistes in politics. Congress stalwarts argued that those wearing ‘aridhaaram’ (make-up) should not enter ‘arasiyal’ (politics). But the Congress had to soon change roles and rely on people like Sivaji Ganesan and lyricist-script writer Kannadasan. Both had crossed over from the DMK.

M.G. Ramachandran

Even as filmstars were used for political propaganda, the actors in turn were using politics for their personal advancement. M.G. Ramachandran himself was constructing and consolidating a personal political base. Even when he starred in films not written by DMK ideologues, the lines he got carried hidden political meaning. An example was the constant reference to the rising sun, the DMK symbol. In colour productions, he would wear the party colours, black and red.

Gradually, MGR’s screen persona started reflecting the DMK’s image. The difference between reality and make-believe blurred, while he continued to pull crowds. As Annadurai once said of MGR, ‘Avar Sollukku pathu latcham. Avar Mugathukkiu muppathu latcham.’ (One million votes for his speech. Three million for his face.)

In his roles, MGR always spoke up for the underdog, fighting oppression and injustice. He took special care to project a social message in most songs, and took care to act in different roles so that different segments of the population could relate to and identify with him.

Fan clubs

A unique feature of the relationship between the movie stars of the Indian south and their fans was the proliferation of fan clubs. M.G. Ramachandran encouraged the phenomenon of fan clubs from late 1940s onwards, and the clubs ended up as a well-knit federation that counted its membership in the millions. The clubs held annual conventions and also participated in social service projects.

When MGR entered active politics, his fan clubs were in turn politicised and soon became an indispensable component of the DMK propaganda machine. Both spheres mutually reinforced each other -film popularity providing political mileage and political positions strengthening film popularity. Currently actor Vijay too has turned his network of fan clubs into TVK party branches.

The MGR phenomenon was no doubt unique, and his mystique continues its hold over Tamil psyche even today. Before his death, he had come to personify the aspirations of the common people but as more than just a symbol. As political leader, he was also seen as a vehicle for realising their dreams.

Jayalalithaa

Jayalalitha symbolised the transition from the MGR era to the future. It was MGR who had, as chief minister, introduced his former leading lady into politics. She was hailed as MGR’s political heir. As propaganda secretary of the party and Rajya Sabha member, she soon established her power base within the party and emerged as an extra-constitutional authority in the state.

Jayalalitha went on to become chief minister and ruled the state from 1991 to 1996, 2001-2006 and 2011 to 2016. She too set up a fan club network called the Jayalalitha Peravai (Federation). Jayalalitha became a key player on the national scene and enjoyed immense power.

The ascendancy of Jayalalithaa in the Tamil Nadu political milieu can be viewed as an ironic contradiction. The dominant political ideology in the state is that of Dravidianism. This is based on archaic concepts of the Aryan-Dravidian divide where the Brahmin community is seen as Aryans and other Tamils as Dravidians. Anti-Brahminism is a core element of Dravidian discourse. Jayalalithaa was a Brahmin.

Thus one could see that the Jayalalithaa phenomenon went against the grain of a hitherto dominant political concept in Tamil Nadu. She was a ‘Paapaathi’ (Brahmin woman) ruling the Tamil Nadu anti-Brahminist roost. The success of this embodiment in the socio-political realm of Tamil Nadu was a contradiction. Jayalalithaa in a way was an exception or aberration.

Vijay’s political entry

It could be seen therefore that the rise of Dravidian political parties in Tamil Nadu greatly helped enhance the influence of cinema in the State’s political sphere. Actor Vijay’s political entry is in keeping with this tradition. However Vijay and his TVP regard the DMK as their political opponent and the BJP (Bharatiya Janata Party) as their ideological adversary. The political prospects of Vijay and his TVP would be analysed in a future article.

The Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL) releasing its Financial Stability Review 2025 report yesterday said that despite the strong momentum in recent private sector credit growth, a widening private sector credit-to-GDP gap points to potential emerging risks in the financial system.

The gap, which turned positive in mid-2024, has continued to widen through 2025 amid sustained credit growth.

‘This suggests a potential accumulation of systemic risk within the sector,’ the CBSL said. ‘However, higher GDP growth in tandem with credit expansion would support a healthy expansionary phase conducive to financial stability.’

Credit-to-deposit ratios across the banking sector began to recover after remaining weak earlier in the year. The CBSL attributed this to a gradual improvement in bank lending and a stronger appetite for loans among businesses and households.

Survey data showed that banks’ willingness to lend and borrower demand both increased in the second quarter, supported by low interest rates, stable liquidity, and improved confidence in the economic outlook.

The CBSL said continued correction in the allocation of credit away from Government borrowing and toward productive private sector activity would be key to sustaining recovery and ensuring balanced financial intermediation.

The bank said that private sector credit remains below pre-crisis levels despite increasing banking sector loans and a steady slowdown in Government borrowing.

Total credit extended by regulated financial institutions, including banks and finance companies, grew by 14% year-on-year by the end of the second quarter of 2025.

The CBSL said this reflected an improvement in lending conditions and the impact of its accommodative monetary policy stance. Finance companies recorded a sharp 35.1% expansion in lending, while the banking sector grew by 11.4% during the same period.

The CBSL said credit to the private sector continued to expand, supported by lower lending rates and broad-based demand across key economic sectors. Household borrowing also increased, driven by gold- and vehicle-backed loans and stronger consumer activity.

However, private sector credit-to-GDP was still below pre-crisis levels.

‘Private sector Credit-to-GDP, which stood at 28.6% at end H1 of 2025, remained well below pre-crisis levels, indicating room for further expansion,’ the CBSL said.

It observed that the moderation in credit to the Government and public corporations has created space for private sector borrowing, but the recovery remains incomplete.

Exposure to the Government sector declined to 46.5% of total credit by end-June 2025, continuing a correction that began in 2024 when fiscal consolidation gathered pace.

‘The tilt in exposure towards the Government and public corporations continued to decline, though there remains scope for further enhancement of private sector credit,’ the CBSL said. It added that expanding private sector credit could support strengthening production capacity and contribute towards sustained economic growth.

The Geoffrey Bawa Trust has announced the much anticipated opening of the Bawa Design Store on Saturday, 11 October. After significant merchandise expansion inspired by the Trust’s collection, the flagship store will open its doors to the public at 41/1 Horton Place in Colombo 07. The new design store is located in the Geoffrey Bawa Space, home to the Geoffrey Bawa Trust offices, archives, and public gallery, allowing visitors the chance to check out the current exhibition alongside some unique retail therapy.

Established by the late architect in 1982, The Geoffrey Bawa Trust works to advance the fields of art, architecture, and ecology in Sri Lanka, and the Design Store is proud to continue this mandate. Community-based craftsmanship and locally sourced materials were central to Geoffrey Bawa’s practice. As the architect once said, ‘the contribution of the makers, particularly the older carpenters and masons who are passionate about what they do, is equal to or more . than ours.’

Continuing Bawa’s preference for working with local artisans, the Trust collaborates closely with small and medium-sized enterprises to create customised items inspired by Bawa’s practice and design ethos. All retail products are designed and made in Sri Lanka, through ethical partnerships that promote craftsmanship and support local livelihoods.

The Trust launched the first collection of merchandise in 2019 as part of the Bawa 100 centennial celebrations. Expanding on the original t-shirts and tote bags, offerings now include a variety of artisanal products that reflect Geoffrey Bawa’s prolific career and diverse artistic interests and collaborations.

The product range includes, but are certainly not limited to, cast brass gongs reminiscent of those hanging in Bawa’s Lunuganga garden, re-prints of hand-drawn maps, the gorgeously petit nil veralu shaped candles, funky black and white checkered soaps, and notebooks bound in fabric custom designed for Geoffrey Bawa by his friend, collaborator, artist, and Barefoot founder Barbara Sansoni. Also on offer is the Trust’s retrospective of Geoffrey Bawa career, Drawing from the Archives, an in-depth exploration of the architect’s work and official record of his lasting legacy.

For those outside of Colombo, the Trust maintains an online store. First opening in 2020, the online store has proved a popular outlet for items such as limited edition Bawa postcards, customised stationary, and miniature reproductions of Geoffrey Bawa designed chairs, including a tiny Next-door Cafe Chair in the original red and tan design.

The Trust will also be launching two new Design Stores later in the month at Geoffrey Bawa’s Residence (Number 11) in Colombo 03, and the Lunuganaga garden in Bentota. Each store will have its own selection of products for sale unique to that location. Visitors to the Number 11 Store, for example, will be able to purchase reproductions of the Sunburst batik made for Geoffrey Bawa by his friend and renowned artist Ena de Silva, and which hangs in the entryway to his Colombo residence.

The Lunuganga Design Store will include bespoke products crafted from materials found in the garden, such as reeds and wood grown and harvested on the property. There are also plans to develop a line of custom plush animals made by local artisans.

The Bawa Design Store is open Thursday through Sunday from 11:30 a.m. – 5:30 p.m.

Laugfs Power PLC has announced the appointment of Russell De Zilva as its new CEO and as a Non-Independent Director to its Board.

De Zilva currently serves as Joint Chief Executive Officer of Vallibel Power Erathna PLC.

He possesses over two decades of experience in the renewable energy sector, having played a key role in the development and operation of hydropower, wind, and solar power projects within the Vallibel Power Group.

De Zilva holds a Bachelor of Science (Hons) Degree and a Postgraduate Diploma in Electrical Engineering, with specialised expertise in advanced automation and control systems, grid-connected and floating solar PV technologies, and project management.

Over his career, he has contributed to the design, engineering, and implementation of more than 50MW of grid-connected renewable energy systems across Sri Lanka.

He has also provided strategic leadership in the planning and development of upcoming floating solar PV initiatives, positioning himself at the forefront of emerging sustainable energy solutions.

His blend of technical proficiency, strategic leadership, and industry insight has supported the continued growth and innovation of Sri Lanka’s renewable energy and infrastructure sectors.

De Zilva currently holds directorships in several companies within the Vallibel Group, including, Vallibel Power Kiriwaneliya Ltd., and Vallibel Willwind Ltd.

Additionally, he holds a Joint Chief Executive Officer position in Alternate Power Systems Ltd., and Country Energy Ltd.

When the Indian Ocean tsunami reached Myanmar’s coast in 2004, the Moken people had already sought safety on higher ground. They had no written records of tsunamis. What guided them were oral histories of an ancient wave – stories passed through generations that saved lives centuries later.

Across Asia and the Pacific, traditional methods have long helped communities endure disasters. In flood-prone regions, houses were built on stilts. Along storm-battered coasts, homes were made low-slung and flexible, easy to rebuild after being blown apart. Families kept food safe in granaries or buried in underground pits.

Resilience was once woven into daily life. Modernity, in many ways, has disrupted that knowledge.

Sprawling cities now stretch into disaster-prone areas, built in ways that magnify risk. And when calamity strikes, recovery too often means little more than replacing the precarious structures that were lost: houses rebuilt on flood plains, power lines strung across fragile poles, schools reopened in unsafe buildings. Communities remain trapped in a costly cycle of destruction and repair.

The price tag is staggering. On average, disasters cost countries across Asia and the Pacific more than $100 million in damage every day. The long-term effects are worse. Disasters hit the poor hardest, often trapping them in poverty. For emerging markets that aspire to join Asia’s economic miracle, the lost potential is incalculable.

Every year on 13 October, the International Day for Disaster Risk Reduction, we celebrate the people and communities who work to reduce their exposure to disasters. Often, they are the ones who understand that recovery must not be treated as emergency patchwork. Every reconstruction effort should cut future risks and open new opportunities.

Examples across the region show progress. In Tonga, power lines rebuilt underground after Cyclone Gita kept hospitals running when the next storm struck. Some countries are better prepared for safer futures, such as Nepal where schools were built after the 2015 earthquake using designs and materials resistant to tremors, with facilities for girls and students with disabilities. In Indonesia, enforced building codes now prohibit construction on disaster-prone land.

These investments prove that recovery can be the beginning of resilience, not the end of disaster.

But progress is uneven. Too often, recovery is slow to start, fails to meet the needs of the poor, and is disconnected from broader development investments. Financing must match the scale of the challenge, and governments, development partners, and households cannot shoulder this burden alone. Asia and the Pacific is the world’s most disaster-exposed region, yet pre-arranged financing, including insurance, remains strikingly low with coverage below 1% in many developing countries. The private sector, especially insurers, must take on a greater role in spreading risk and speeding recovery.

Promising tools already exist. Parametric insurance – which pays out automatically when rainfall, extreme temperatures, wind speed, or other agreed triggers are reached – is expanding across Asia, projected to grow by more than 10% a year through 2028. In Pakistan, inclusive insurance programs are linking risk financing with flood resilience, helping to ease fiscal strain after disasters. These approaches deliver quick liquidity when it is needed most. Yet they are constrained by patchy data, regulatory hurdles, and high costs.

Disaster-prone countries cannot afford to improvise when the next cyclone or earthquake strikes. They need clear strategies to manage fiscal risk, with roadmaps that spell out how relief will be financed and how recovery will be sustained. They need rules that open the door to innovative instruments such as parametric insurance. And they need stronger data and risk models, so that decisions about where to invest and what to insure are grounded in evidence rather than guesswork.

International partners have a critical role to play in making this shift possible. Multilateral and bilateral institutions should help countries design strategies and build the partnerships that turn them into action. They can support regional risk pools, which spread exposure across borders and lower costs for everyone. They can also invest in the data systems and analytics that insurers need to price risk accurately and keep premiums affordable.

The stakes extend well beyond Asia and the Pacific. If the world’s most dynamic region is repeatedly set back by disasters, the consequences will reverberate everywhere: disrupted supply chains, intensified migration, and mounting threats to global stability.

Survival is no longer enough. Recovery must be treated as the first step toward resilience. Every disaster is an opportunity not just to repair a loss, but to build stronger, safer, and more prosperous societies.

Fighting bribery and corruption is a common topic which dominates the political discourse in Sri Lanka. The significance of punishing those who were involved in bribery and corruption figured prominently at the last Presidential election. The anger towards the country’s political class for alleged corruption intensified with the onset of the 2022 economic crisis. Politicians by and large are viewed as corrupt and untrustworthy by the society.

It has often been said that it takes two individuals to commit an act of corruption and do not be one of them. The willingness of the public to pay bribes to dishonest public officials and political agents has contributed in no small measure towards the non-ending cycle of corruption and graft in Sri Lanka.

Bribery and corruption is a malaise which is rampant and widespread throughout the Sri Lankan society and it is not only confined to the island’s political class. Although much attention and scrutiny takes place on the corrupt activities of politicians, adequate attention is not paid towards the financial misconduct of officials in the public sector. The truth of the matter is that corruption among bureaucrats is more endemic and severe than corruption which is prevalent within the political system.

According to a survey conducted by the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC) last year, the Sri Lankan public perceives Police as the most corruption-prone institution in the country followed by the Customs, Department of Immigration and Emigration, Education Ministry and schools, the Land Registry, Provincial Councils, the Foreign Employment Bureau, Divisional Secretariats, Registrar General’s Department and the Judiciary. Meanwhile, underhand activities of Customs, Inland Revenue Department and provincial revenue offices, Excise Department, Immigration and Emigration, as well as the Department of Motor Traffic had been recognised as having the worst impact on the national economy.

Corruption in customs authorities is a worldwide issue arising from complex laws, high official discretion, and organised networks. Under-invoicing and smuggling are regular malpractices in Sri Lanka owing to the misconduct of Customs authorities that result in loss of valuable tax revenue to the national coffers. Corruption in customs authorities stifles private investments and raises cost of doing business, causing a drag on economic growth. Unfortunately, Customs Department in Sri Lanka is synonymous with bribery and corruption. Last year, the Colombo High Court sentenced four former Sri Lanka Customs officials to 35 years in prison for soliciting a Rs. 150 million bribe and accepting Rs. 125 million to release bus spare parts for the Sri Lanka Transport Board.

The gravity and scale of corruption in top State revenue-earning agencies like Customs, Inland Revenue, and Excise forced the IMF to urge the Government to establish internal affairs units in the respective institutions to investigate allegations of corruption against officials by the general public. As per the IMF’s Governance Diagnostic Assessment for Sri Lanka, exposure to corruption in customs and tax administration is substantial, given the absence of effective systems for performance monitoring and detecting and sanctioning officials for improper behaviour.

The Customs Ordinance gives Customs officers extensive powers, allowing them to act as judge and jury without judicial oversight. The extensive powers granted by the Customs Ordinance have been cited as one of the prime reasons for high level of corruption in the agency associated with cross border trade. Many attempts to amend the Customs Ordinance of 1869 have been met with stiff resistance from powerful trade unions linked to the Department.

Corruption in agencies like Customs and Inland Revenue cannot continue without the involvement of the private sector. Leaders in the private sector must also look into their mirrors when blaming the public sector for corruption. Eradicating corruption in Asian countries requires a considerable effort and sacrifice. Having stringent laws alone is not sufficient to fight this human misdeed and a fundamental change in attitudes across the society is sine qua non.

The Bar Association of Sri Lanka (BASL) celebrated its Golden Jubilee year with a bell-ringing at the Colombo Stock Exchange (CSE) on 7 October 2025, symbolising the enduring partnership between the legal profession and the financial markets in driving Sri Lanka’s progress.

BASL President Rajeev Amarasuriya reflected on the association’s fifty-year journey since the formal adoption of its constitution in November 1974 and the convening of its first Bar Council meeting in June 1975, when Dr. H. W. Jayewardene, QC, served as its first President. He emphasised the BASL’s historic and continuing role in safeguarding judicial independence, human rights, and the rule of law.

Amarasuriya observed that, ‘the rule of law and the rule of markets are inseparable,’ noting that the CSE’s recent record performance reflects investor confidence built on institutional trust and legal certainty. He reminded that both institutions ‘carry the duty to see Sri Lanka advance to the status of a developed nation – one built on fairness, integrity, and opportunity.

CSE CEO Rajeeva Bandaranaike, lauded the Bar Association’s ‘enduring commitment to professionalism, integrity and upholding the rule of law’ and noted that, ‘both institutions share a singular mission to uphold trust – trust in markets, trust in institutions, and trust in systems that power national growth.’ He highlighted the critical role played by the legal profession in the growing capital market, and called for greater collaboration between the legal profession, the Colombo Stock Exchange, and the wider economy.

CSE Chairman Dimuthu Abeyesekera, and other members of CSE senior management represented the CSE, while BASL Secretary Chathura Galhena, members of the BASL Executive Committee and the legal profession represented the BASL.

The event concluded with the ceremonial ringing of the market-opening bell – a resonant symbol of unity between justice and development.

Domino’s has expanded its offering in Sri Lanka with the launch of first-ever burger platform-The Dominator. This marks a milestone for the brand, introducing burgers to the Sri Lankan market for the very first time, while staying true to its promise of freshness and quality delivered ‘from our oven to your hands.’

The move comes as demand for high-quality, innovative quick-service meals continues to grow in Sri Lanka. Domino’s identified an opportunity to meet this demand with a burger platform that emphasises freshness, bold flavours, and an elevated consumer experience.

At the heart of The Dominator is the freshly baked bun, prepared in Domino’s own factories and sprinkled with herbs for added flavour. Every burger is crafted in-store with Domino’s signature touch, combining two types of cheese sauces, ketchup, mustard, and fresh vegetables including onion, tomato, and jalapeños.

The Crispy Chicken Burger, priced at Rs. 1,399, features a crispy chicken thigh fillet paired with crunchy grilled vegetables and rich sauces. The Mexican Chicken Burger, priced at Rs. 999, offers a Tex-Mex inspired flavour profile with seasoned Mexican chicken, jalapeños, and layers of cheese and sauces. Customers can also create a full meal by adding potato wedges and a Pepsi for just Rs. 199.

Domino’s Sri Lanka Director/Country Head Vijaya Bhaskar said: ‘The Dominator represents an important step in our journey to diversify the Domino’s experience in Sri Lanka. Burgers are a growing category in the market, and we are confident that our unique approach – from baking herb-infused buns to preparing each burger fresh in-store – will set a new standard for quality and taste. This launch gives our customers greater choice while staying true to the core values that define Domino’s.’

With the introduction of The Dominator, Domino’s reinforces its commitment to innovation and growth in Sri Lanka. By expanding beyond its iconic pizzas, the brand is responding to evolving consumer preferences while ensuring that quality, freshness, and value remain at the heart of every product.