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Filipino actresses Lea Salonga and Liza Soberano are among the first names in the cast list for DreamWorks Animation’s upcoming film “Forgotten Island” centered on Philippine mythology.

Also making the initial voice cast are part-Filipino artists Manny Jacinto and Gabriella Sarmiento Wilson, better known as H.E.R., as well Hollywood stars Dave Franco and Jenny Slate.

“What if your lifelong best friend just forgot all about you? Forgot all the love, the joy, the pain, all of the memories and experiences you once shared,” goes the new logline for the film.

Liza and H.E.R. will voice two lifelong best friends Raissa and Jo stranded on the titular island Nakali, and the way back home may cost a lifetime of memories and emotions.

Filipino-American filmmaker Januel Mercado directs and writes the movie with Joel Crawford, their third collaboration off the heels of Oscar-nominated “Shrek” spin-off and another DreamWorks Animation title, “Puss in Boots: The Last Wish.”

Mark Swift also boards the project as a producer while Filipino-American composer Nathan Matthew David will create the score.

Dreamworks has had recent success with last year’s “The Wild Robot,” a sequel to “The Bad Guys 2” this year, and a well-received “How to Train Your Dragon” live-action remake.

Also on the studio’s plate is a fifth “Shrek” movie and the “How to Train Your Dragon” live-action sequel which will both come out in 2027.

“Forgotten Island” is set for a late September 2026 release to distribution by Universal Pictures.

The Department of Agriculture (DA) will assume responsibility for developing farm-to-market roads or FMRs starting next year, taking over from the Department of Public Works and Highways following the corruption scandal that has prompted probes into DPWH infrastructure projects.

Agriculture Secretary Francisco Tiu Laurel Jr. and Public Works Secretary Vince Dizon met a day earlier to review past FMR audits and map out the transition, including a catch-up plan to finish pending 2025 projects before the turnover.

‘These roads are badly needed by our farmers and fisherfolk. They will ease livelihoods, lower production costs and give farmers more time with their families,’ Tiu Laurel said in a statement.

Dizon said about 1,000 kilometers of FMRs are targeted for completion in 2025, adding that both agencies are looking at ‘outside-the-box’ ways to fast-track delivery.

‘Local government units will be engaged, similar to our approach with classrooms,’ he said.

The transfer follows President Marcos’ directive to streamline infrastructure delivery and ensure that projects are completed swiftly and at the right cost.

The DA said the catch-up plan for 2025 would also serve as the blueprint for how it will manage FMR development once it fully takes over in 2026.

At a recent Senate hearing, Tiu Laurel said the department is studying new construction technologies that could cut costs significantly.

He noted that the country still faces a backlog of around 60,000 kilometers, equivalent to six decades of work at the current pace.

The DA said it also plans to work with local governments and the Armed Forces of the Philippines, particularly the Army Corps of Engineers, to speed up FMR construction in remote and conflict-affected areas.

Dizon said audits of past FMR projects have flagged several segments that may warrant further investigation.

Of the nearly 1,000 kilometers inspected by the DA out of over 4,000 kilometers built in recent years, a few were found to have irregularities that could lead to complaints filed before the Ombudsman and the Independent Commission on Infrastructure.

‘These are small stretches, but accountability must still be enforced,’ Dizon said.

The DPWH is currently facing investigation over alleged widespread corruption in its infrastructure programs, particularly flood control projects worth as much as P1 trillion.

Melvin Jerusalem took care of business at home, outpointing a game Siyakholwa Kuse of South Africa to defend the World Boxing Council minimumweight championship in the “Thrilla in Manila 2” card early Thursday.

Jerusalem won on all three judges’ scorecards, 115-113 and 116-112 (twice), to successfully defend his title for the third time in front of a partisan home crowd at the Smart Araneta Coliseum.

In an action-packed bout that featured lots of exchanges, neither fighter appeared to be in serious trouble.

Jerusalem, fighting mostly while on his toes, spent most of the 12-round bout darting in and out to try to tag the challenger with significant blows.

But Kuse also had his moments, catching a lounging Jerusalem with solid counter shots for several times. But the South African simply lacked power to hurt the reigning champion.

“Magaling din yung kalaban natin,” Jerusalem said, tipping his hat to Kuse.

The 22-year-old Jerusalem thus improved his record to 25-3, with 12 knockouts.

Kuse fell to 9-3-1 (4 KOs).

My fascination with maps began during my grade school days when I became obsessed with reading historical fiction books and books about other countries. This led me to try to locate other countries using a globe. As I got older, I began to read that world events were very dependent on geography. Hence, the term ‘geopolitics.’ As I read and wrote about geopolitics, I began to buy books about maps and their influence on world events. These are the reasons why this book is especially fascinating to me.

Jerry Brotton’s ‘A History of the World in 12 Maps’ is a richly detailed and intellectually stimulating exploration of how maps have shaped human understanding of the world. Published in 2012, this ambitious work spans centuries and continents, offering a fascinating look at the interplay between cartography, power, ideology and identity. Going beyond mere geographical tools, the 12 maps selected serve as reflections of the cultural, political and philosophical frameworks of the societies that produced them.

The book asserts that maps are not objective representations of reality, but rather shaped by the purposes and worldviews of their creators. Brotton, a professor of Renaissance studies and a historian of maps, approaches cartography not as a technical discipline but as a cultural artifact – one that reveals how people have imagined their place in the world across time.

There are 12 emblematic maps, each from a different era and region, from ancient Babylon to Google Earth. These include the Babylonian World Map (6th century BCE), Ptolemy’s Geography (2nd century CE), the Mappa Mundi of Hereford Cathedral (c. 1300), al-Idrisi’s Islamic world map (1154) and the 1507 Waldseemller map – the first to name ‘America.’ Brotton continues with Mercator’s 1569 projection, which would go on to shape Western cartographic norms, and concludes with the digital revolution of satellite imagery and global positioning.

Each map is given a full chapter and situated within its historical, cultural and political context. Brotton’s storytelling excels in drawing connections between seemingly distant maps and the enduring questions they represent: who holds power? what is the center of the world? how is ‘truth’ constructed? For example, the medieval Hereford Mappa Mundi places Jerusalem at the center of the world, symbolizing the centrality of Christian faith in medieval Europe. In contrast, the Chinese Kangnido map (1402) places China at the center, representing a different political and cultural worldview.

One of the strengths of Brotton’s work is his ability to unpack the layered intentions behind each map. He argues persuasively that no map is ‘neutral.’ Each is a product of its time, created for specific reasons – be it imperial conquest, religious instruction, commercial navigation or national identity-building. This is especially clear in the case of the Mercator projection which, while useful for navigation, significantly distorts the size of land masses near the poles, exaggerating the importance of Europe and North America while minimizing the global South. Brotton uses this example to critique the Eurocentric narratives embedded in many Western maps.

Each map comes to life with accompanying vignettes. Readers learn about Claudius Ptolemy and the rediscovery of his Geographia in the Renaissance, al-Idrisi’s work at the court of King Roger II of Sicily and how early explorers like Columbus and Magellan navigated using incomplete or speculative maps. Brotton deftly explains how changing technologies – from woodcuts to satellite imaging – have continually reshaped the ways humans map the globe.

Importantly, Brotton does not just focus on European cartography. He includes significant contributions from the Islamic world, China and the Americas, emphasizing a more global perspective. His chapter on Japan’s Gy?ki-style maps (17th century) and the Ottoman cartographer Piri Reis challenges Western-centric narratives and broadens the reader’s understanding of how diverse civilizations have approached the act of mapping.

Brotton’s prose is erudite yet accessible, making complex ideas about geography, politics and epistemology comprehensible to a general audience. One comes away with a deeper appreciation not just for maps themselves, but for the ways in which maps have influenced historical events and human self-perception.

In the final chapter, Brotton examines the implications of modern digital mapping technologies, including Google Earth and GPS. He raises thought-provoking questions about surveillance, privacy and the illusion of omniscient objectivity in the digital age. In an era when maps are ubiquitous and often taken for granted, Brotton reminds us that every map is still a choice – a selection of certain data over others, framed by human priorities and limitations.

The book is not just a history of cartography; it is a history of human thought and aspiration. It shows how we have sought to make sense of our surroundings, impose order on chaos and situate ourselves within a vast, often mysterious world. By exploring maps not just as scientific tools but as cultural texts, Brotton invites us to reconsider how we see the world – and how the world has been made visible to us.

Jerry Brotton’s book challenges the illusion of cartographic objectivity and reveals the profound cultural meanings behind the lines and shapes drawn on maps.

Six drivers were found positive for illegal drug use during a surprise drug test conducted at major transport terminals in Western Visayas yesterday, ahead of the expected influx of commuters on All Saints’ and All Souls’ Days this weekend.

The six were among 1,013 public transport drivers, conductors and dispatchers subjected to drug testing by the Philippine Drug Enforcement Agency-Region 6 (PDEA-6) and the Land Transportation Office (LTO) under Oplan Harabas.

The PDEA-6 said Oplan Harabas aims to ensure that drivers are fit to transport passengers safely to their destinations and are not under the influence of illegal drugs. It also involves a K9 sweeping operation to ensure safety in public transport terminals.

Ralph Rommel Torres, PDEA-6 chief, said the operation also aims to prevent the transport of illegal drugs through public vehicles.

PDEA-6 information officer Ma. Graziella Tanaleon said five of those who failed the drug test are tricycle drivers from Antique while the sixth is a truck driver in Caticlan in Malay, Aklan.

Those who failed the test were referred for confirmatory testing, although their licenses were already confiscated by the LTO, Tanaleon said.

Among the transport hubs inspected were the old Tagbak and Mohon terminals in Jaro and Arevalo districts in Iloilo City; Caticlan jetty port in Malay, Aklan; Pueblo De Panay in Roxas City, and Funda Dalipe in San Jose, Antique.

Meanwhile, in Quezon, the provincial police office intensified its security and traffic management operations under Oplan Undas 2025, deploying more than 3,500 police, fire, military and security volunteer personnel across the province.

Col. Romulo Albacea, Quezon police provincial director, said the main focus is on preventing road congestion and ensuring public safety along major highways and transport terminals.

‘We are learning from last year’s experience. Our focus now is to improve traffic management and public safety based on the lessons we learned,’ Albacea said.

He added that police are coordinating with the Department of Public Works and Highways, particularly in Lopez and Calauag towns where roadworks are causing bottlenecks.

Albacea advised the public that heavy trucks and trailers are not allowed to pass through Lopez town proper during peak hours.

‘If everyone follows traffic laws, we won’t need to deploy such a large number of personnel. But we are prepared to ensure public order and safety,’ Albacea said.

The recently concluded mining summit may have resolved some of the outstanding fiscal issues constraining the growth of our mining industry. But many other problems closer to the ground discourage investments in mineral extraction.

Earlier this month, Woggle Corporation managed to secure a restraining order against protesters that blocked a public road leading to their mine. The blockade interrupted exploration operations since August and imposed financial costs on the investor.

The protests are said to have been instigated by local politicians who lost in the previous elections – although clothed as environmental advocacy. When they were in power, these politicians were extorting from the mining investor. Blocking mining operations appears to be the new way of perpetuating old forms of corruption.

The restraining order commands the so-called protesters from maintaining the barricade erected along the Keon Barangay Road close to the junction with the Aritao-Quirino Road, a national highway. Blocking the road is in itself an illegal act.

In issuing a restraining order, the court agreed with the plaintiff Woggle Corporation that the illegal blocking of road access caused the investor to suffer irreparable damage and ‘grave injustice.’ The court directed the director of the Nueva Vizcaya Police Provincial Office to assist the sheriff in serving the order.

The barricade is expected to be dismantled – although it forced the investor to seek a court order against a patently illegal act.

Woggle Corporation was issued Exploration Permit No. 00030-II by the Mines and Geosciences Bureau on Aug. 4, 2025 in areas covering five barangays in Dupax del Norte. The company is affiliated with FCF Minerals, which began gold production in 2016 at its Runruno Gold Project in Quezon. Since it commenced in 2017, the project has generated P5.71 billion in taxes, fees and duties.

FCF Minerals is a globally respected and multi-awarded company for the manner it prioritizes responsible mining, environmental protection and community development. Its mining operation contributed significantly to the local economy and community development through infrastructure, education and health care support.

Among the awards it received is the Presidential Mineral Industry Environment Award for Surface Mining Operations. If there was a poster boy for responsible mining, this will have to be FCF.

Unfortunately, companies like this one are forced to contend not only with rigorous regulation and a thicket of permitting processes. They also have to deal with the vagaries of local politics on the ground. On this aspect, the rules are never clear.

The Philippines is fortunate to be among the most mineralized countries in the world. But unless we are able to execute a viable policy regime for the industry – and protect investors from the vagaries of politics – we will continue to be unable to harness our mineral deposits for national development.

Protecting investors includes reining in deeply entrenched local powerbrokers.

People first

Trapped in its own budget misalignments and saddled with a monumental corruption crisis, national government has much to learn from better-run local governments such as those of Quezon City, Pasig and Muntinlupa.

Muntinlupa, led by Ruffy Biazon, at the very least has its priorities right. The city has a 2025 budget of P8.8 billion. A remarkable 22 percent of this budget is allocated for health services. A noteworthy 18 percent is devoted to education. In sum, P4 out of every P10 of the municipal budget is directed to people-centered programs.

In comparison, the 2025 General Appropriations Act allocates only around 16.7 percent to education and less than six percent to health. Notwithstanding, national government basically confiscated about P70 billion in ‘unused’ PhilHealth funds. BBM announced that government will return about P60 billion of those funds – although nothing has happened yet.

In addition, the national government took ‘unused’ funds from the Philippine Deposit Insurance Corporation – even if technically the money belongs to the member-banks and was important to ensuring the reliability of safeguards for our banking system. Some of the money went to the infamous flood control projects and to highly politicized cash transfers.

By contrast, Muntinlupa under Biazon’s leadership made human development its number one priority. This takes precedence over prestige projects and political grandstanding.

With its focus on human development, Muntinlupa consistently ranks among Metro Manila’s highly urbanized cities with the highest proportional investments in its human capital. Furthermore, the spending is both purposeful and transparent.

‘As we close the year, Muntinlupa can say with pride that our budget reflects our conscience,’ says Mayor Biazon. ‘We chose people over politics, essentials over excess and impact over expression.’

The Congress of the Philippines, sadly, cannot make the same claim. Our legislators put looting above everything else and punished our people with substandard education and a malfunctioning health care system.

‘A good budget is not how much we spend, but how many lives we lift,’ adds Biazon. ‘That is what makes governance both moral and meaningful.’

Given the city’s budget priorities, the Ospital ng Muntinlupa is acquiring modern equipment and strengthening its drug supply systems. Community-based health centers ensure both preventive care and emergency support.

The city expanded its scholarship programs and continuously upgrades its learning kits. The local government ensures no student is left behind.

Through sound fiscal management, digital governance reforms and strict accountability systems, the city has maintained both high revenue collections and efficient fund utilization. This is how Muntinlupa earns the trust of its citizens daily.

At the close of this year’s ASEAN summit in Kuala Lumpur, President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. officially accepted the bloc’s chairmanship from Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim – a symbolic handover that also placed on the Philippines’ shoulders a set of regional problems with no easy fixes.

Leading the ASEAN bloc is an “enormous responsibility,’ Marcos told reporters after the ceremony. ‘But at the same time, it provides us great opportunities.’

For 2026, Manila will have to prove that optimism can hold up as it inherits regional issues that have tested the bloc’s unity and credibility, while itself trying to finalize a long-sought code of conduct to manage tensions in the South China Sea.

These are the three major issues the Philippines will face as it chairs ASEAN in 2026.

Code of Conduct

One of the most visible test-cards for the Philippines will be the long-delayed negotiation of a Code of Conduct (COC) between ASEAN and China – an agreement that has stalled for two decades.

Marcos made clear in Kuala Lumpur that the COC tops his agenda. When asked if Manila could accept a non-binding agreement, his answer suggested he hadn’t gamed out the politics. “How do you make a treaty legally-binding?” he said. “If you sign a treaty, you are expected to be bound by it.”

The problem is that Beijing and several ASEAN members have spent years avoiding precisely that commitment. Questions remain about whether the COC will have enforcement mechanisms, who it binds, what happens when violations occur, and even which waters it covers.

Ian Chong, a political scientist specializing in Southeast Asian politics at the National University of Singapore, explains that these questions “do not lend themselves to quick resolution.”

ASEAN chairs, Chong said, are “essentially stewards who have to keep the issue moving and incrementally close the gaps between parties.” No government wants to declare the COC dead and shoulder the blame for what comes next. But if negotiators rush to meet the 2026 deadline, “the issue about the usefulness or meaningfulness of any agreement may also arise.”

“At heart I’m an optimist,” Marcos told reporters. “We cannot give up.”

If the COC is concluded in 2026, Marcos said he is open to the possibility of inviting Chinese President Xi Jinping to Manila for a signing ceremony – though he acknowledged that would only happen if “we have made significant progress.”

The provocateur problem. The bigger challenge isn’t the COC talks themselves. It’s that Manila has to lead them while Beijing keeps challenging the Philippines in the South China Sea – and while some ASEAN members blame the Philippines for the tension.

A day before accepting the gavel, Marcos stood before regional leaders and condemned China’s plan to declare a part of Scarborough Shoal as a nature reserve. Chinese Premier Li Qiang responded that the move complied with Chinese law.

Marcos later insisted to reporters he hadn’t made “a strong statement” – he was just “laying out the facts.”

Chong said some ASEAN members “like to paint” the Philippines’ insistence on sovereignty claims as “provocative.” Those governments “like to distance themselves from Manila and its position.”

However, some ASEAN member states also quietly support the Philippines holding firm in its maritime tensions with China. It opens “space and options for them when managing their own ties and contentious issues with Beijing,” Chong said.

Marcos acknowledged during his press conference the need to “redefine” the relationship with China so it’s not only about both countries’ dispute in the South China Sea. “I would very much like to say… we disagree, we agree to disagree, now let’s do other things,” he said.

Chong said Manila’s best move is to “continue focusing on the rule of law and its importance.” Most ASEAN members are middle or smaller powers, he noted, and “rule of law and restraint on major powers are important for their own interests.”

Inherited crises

Beyond the South China Sea, Marcos inherits problems that predate the Philippines’ chairmanship and, at the moment, show no signs of resolution.

Foremost among them is Myanmar, whose military junta remains defiant despite four years of diplomatic isolation following its 2021 coup. ASEAN’s ‘five-point consensus’ – its own peace roadmap adopted in 2021 – has failed to bring the junta to heel. This has left the ASEAN trapped between calls for tougher action and its own long-standing principle of noninterference.

The junta has scheduled so-called sham elections for December 28, just days before the Philippines formally takes over as chair. ASEAN has spent years debating how to respond to the junta’s brutality but gotten nowhere. In Kuala Lumpur, Marcos said the bloc couldn’t agree on whether to send election observers. “Everyone has a different idea,” he said.

For now, ASEAN is leaving it to individual countries to decide. Marcos said he’ll be “calling around” to see if consensus is possible before the polls. “It would be much preferable if ASEAN moves as one,” he said. But if consensus proves impossible, “the Philippines will move by itself. We will agree to disagree.”

The Myanmar problem captures what has been seen as ASEAN’s core weakness: the bloc operates by consensus, which means any member can essentially veto collective action. That’s kept ASEAN together for nearly six decades, but it’s also why the group struggles to respond when crises demand speed or force.

Besides the Myanmar problem, the bloc will also have to deal with the Thai-Cambodia border friction despite a recently signed arrangement to ease hostilities. These problems “will need further management,” Chong said.

Economic turbulence

The Philippines also faces a third test of keeping the ASEAN bloc steady while facing economic issues brought about by the trade war between Washington and Beijing.

At Kuala Lumpur, Chinese Premier Li Qiang called on ASEAN countries to “close ranks” against what he called “bullying” and “unreasonable” trade pressure from foreign powers – a barely veiled reference to US Prsident Donald Trump’s tariffs.

The summit ended with the signing of an upgraded ASEAN-China Free Trade Agreement – ACFTA 3.0 – a signal of where some members see their economic future.

The 11-member bloc is China’s largest trading partner, with bilateral trade reaching $771 billion last year, according to data from ASEAN.

Chong said Manila will have to navigate these pressures carefully. The bloc needs to keep “smoothing over the economic uncertainties surrounding the US and PRC while promoting cooperation,” he said.

Add to that what Chong described as “growing PRC pressure toward Taiwan and friction over the East China Sea” – tensions that could spill into Southeast Asia whether ASEAN wants them to or not.

When asked about Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim’s warning that “outside interference” could worsen tensions in the South China Sea, Marcos said he “fully agreed” that ASEAN should lead. But though the dispute between the Philippines and China is bilateral, he said, “that does not preclude the involvement of ASEAN.”

Marcos’ reasoning: ASEAN includes countries “that are involved in trade with China, that are politically aligned even with China.” That diversity, he argued, “makes it stronger” as it makes it “more likely for us to find a way forward.”

Beijing “does have an interest in engaging ASEAN at a time when it faces heightened competition with Washington and its own domestic economy faces more headwinds,” Chong said.

That creates leverage for Manila as chair. “That gives Manila an opportunity to manage ties between ASEAN members and the PRC,” he said.

Philip Morris International (PMI) has marked a major milestone in its transformation journey, with its flagship smoke-free product, IQOS, surpassing $10 billion in annual net revenues in 2024 – less than a decade after its launch.

Speaking here at the unveiling of the limited edition IQOS Iluma i, designed by Italian entrepreneur and visionary Stefano Seletti, PMI president for heated tobacco products Oggie Kapetanovic highlighted the challenges and achievements behind building a purpose-driven brand in one of the world’s most heavily regulated industries.

‘Our smoke-free products, such as IQOS, are fundamentally different from cigarettes,’ Kapetanovic said. ‘They have the potential to bring meaningful benefits to public health and society at large. But helping people understand this – educating them about the science and technology – requires tremendous effort and years of commitment,’ he said.

Since its debut, IQOS has positioned itself as a cornerstone of PMI’s strategy to shift away from traditional cigarettes. The brand’s rapid rise to a $10 billion benchmark puts it in a rare company, outpacing global tech giants like Amazon and Tesla in the speed with which it reached that level of revenue, the executive said.

In the Philippines, IQOS was launched by Philip Morris Fortune Tobacco Co., PMI’s local affiliate, in 2020. Since then, it has expanded its presence nationwide, offering smoke-free alternatives to adult smokers. Today there are about 150,000 IQOS users in the Philippines.

Smoke-free business accounted for approximately 41 percent of PMI’s total net revenues in the third quarter.

In the fourth quarter of 2023, IQOS replaced Marlboro cigarettes as its leading brand, marking a historic stride toward becoming a company that no longer sells cigarettes.

PMI attributes this growth to a combination of cutting-edge technology, consumer-centric design and a sustained focus on harm reduction.

‘IQOS has redefined innovation within our sector,’ Kapetanovic said. ‘It shows our ability to compete at the forefront of global transformation, even in one of the most regulated industries in the world,’ he added.

Beyond the commercial success, PMI continues to leverage cultural and creative collaborations to expand awareness of its smoke-free vision. The brand has participated in major events such as Milan Design Week, and forged partnerships with global creatives including American DJ and record producer Steve Aoki in Japan and design powerhouse Seletti in Italy.

‘Events like Milan Design Week bring together the most forward-thinking creators,’ Kapetanovic said. ‘Seeing how people engage with us – how curious and open they are – makes me proud. It shows that the real transformation is already happening.’

As PMI deepens its shift toward a smoke-free future, the company sees IQOS not just as a product, but as a symbol of technological and social change – aiming to help millions of adult smokers switch to better alternatives.

PMI estimates that more than 41 million adults around the world use the company’s smoke-free products.

Following the anti-corruption march in Batangas on Oct. 19, the Batangas Forum for Good Governance and Development voiced its condemnation of ‘rampant corruption in the government.’

In its manifesto of condemnation, the group called for an end to all forms of corruption, bribery and ghost projects as well as demanded justice through the imprisonment of officials and contractors found guilty of wrongdoing.

They named some officials of the Department of Public Works and Highways, local governments and the Commission on Audit.

The Batangas Forum is composed of professionals, business leaders, retired workers and other concerned citizens.

The Department of Justice (DOJ) said it will act on the Manila Regional Trial Court’s order concerning the falsely notarized affidavit of Senate witness Orly Guteza.

On October 24, the Manila RTC Branch 18 recommended the filing of appropriate charges against Guteza over the falsified affidavit he presented to the Senate. It also directed the DOJ to further investigate the matter.

However, as of writing, Prosecutor General Anthony Fadullon said they have yet to receive the court’s order.

“As soon as we get hold of the copy of the decision or the order report, we will act accordingly,” Fadullon said in a press briefing on Wednesday, October 29.

“We have not seen it. I heard on the news that the court had declared that the document for the authorization was falsified. But as to what the instructions of the court are specifically for the department to know, we have not received it yet,” he added.

Guteza, a former security consultant of ex-Rep. Zaldy Co (Ako Bicol party-list), earlier claimed in a Senate Blue Ribbon Committee hearing that he delivered suitcases of cash to the residences of both Co and House Speaker Martin Romualdez.

The sworn statement related to this testimony was allegedly notarized by lawyer Petchie Rose Espera, who denied any involvement.

After Espera reported the incident, a Manila court initiated an inquiry. She maintained that she never signed or notarized the document and that her seal and signature were falsified. Guteza, however, failed to appear in the proceedings.

The court concluded that Guteza and others who used the document “not only introduced the forged and notarized sworn affidavit, but also actively participated in its falsification.”