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The Chief of Staff to the Governor of Cross River State, Dr. Emmanuel Ironbar, has commended the governor, Senator Bassey Edet Otu, describing him as ‘a divine gift to Cross River State and to Nigeria at large.’

ýIn a birthday tribute, Ironbar described the Governor as ‘a visionary, a reformer, and a lighthouse of hope whose leadership has transformed lives and rekindled faith across the state.’

ýThe Chief of Staff said the occasion of the Governor’s 66th birthday presented ‘a moment not just to celebrate Your Excellency’s life, but to pause, ponder and reflect on the blessing you have been – to me, to my family, and to the entire people of Cross River State.’ He said Governor Otu has continued to prove that leadership, when rooted in faith and love for humanity, becomes a channel of divine sweetness.

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ýAccording to the Chief of Staff, ‘Your Excellency, you have consistently and unequivocally demonstrated that you are not only a leader but a visionary and a reformer. Through your unwavering faith in God and virtuous example, you have ushered in an era of sustainable sweetness, transforming our beloved state from a civil service enclave into a thriving hub of entrepreneurship, innovation, and inclusive growth.’ He added that under the Governor’s inspiring stewardship, ‘dreams have taken root, destinies have been transformed, and hope has found a home once again in the hearts of our people.’

ýReflecting on the sweeping impact of the Otu administration, Ironbar declared: ‘From the sun-lit mangrove-curated shores of Calabar, across the emerald rainforests of Boki, to the cloud-crowned hills of Obanliku, your administration exudes a sweet fragrance of peace, mending fissures and drying the tears of the people.’ He lauded the Governor’s ‘prayerful and compassionate diligence’ which, he said, ‘has knitted our people together, forged hope in place of despair, nurtured socio-cultural progress instead of retrogression, and generated economic development in place of stagnation.’

ýThe Chief of Staff observed that Governor Otu’s ‘uncompromising commitment to transparency, integrity, and magnanimity has rekindled public trust in governance.’ He noted that the Governor’s people-first philosophy ‘has built bridges across political divides, embraced every creed and culture, and ensured that no citizen is left behind.’ According to him, ‘From rural electrification to expansive road networks, from empowering security services to revitalizing tourism, Your Excellency has governed and fathered a renaissance – one defined by peace, opportunity, and shared prosperity.’

ýHe continued with deep emotion: ‘Your Excellency, you are the blessing the Most High sent to Cross River State at the appointed time. You have brought sweetness to our polity, hope to our people, and direction to our development.’ Ironbar praised the Governor’s humility and spiritual depth, describing him as ‘a man whose faith anchors his leadership and whose compassion binds the state as one family under God.’

ýOn this ‘glorious occasion of your birthday,’ Ironbar said, ‘we join the heavens and the earth to celebrate a man whose life is a divine gift, a leader whose light continues to illuminate the path of greatness for our state and nation.’ He prayed that God would ‘continue to bless you with excellent health, divine wisdom, unshakable strength, and boundless courage.’

ý’Happy Birthday, Your Excellency, my Boss,’ the Chief of Staff concluded. ‘May your days be long, your legacy eternal, and your leadership continue to inspire future generations. May the sweetness you have brought to Cross River State flow endlessly, and may your name remain inscribed in gold as the symbol of hope, unity, and purposeful governance.’

In the first quarter of 2025, Nigeria’s 10 largest banks proudly reported a combined total asset base of N218.99 trillion, up from N212.75 trillion at the end of 2024, according to a report by Nairametrics published on May 19, 2025.

On paper, it looked like a victory as evidence that the sector remains robust despite inflationary headwinds, exchange rate volatility, and a struggling real economy. But beneath that glossy narrative lies a deeper, more uncomfortable truth that reveals Nigeria’s asset boom is not driven by innovation, real-sector productivity, or capital efficiency; rather, it is fuelled largely by customer deposits and balance-sheet inflation.

According to data from the banks’ own filings, about N164.7 trillion, representing roughly 75.2 percent of the N218.99 trillion total asset base, came directly from customers’ deposits. In plain terms, three-quarters of the industry’s celebrated ‘assets’ are actually liabilities owed to the public, which are deposits that bank temporarily hold, not capital they generated or invested productively.

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Bank customer deposits in tillion

Access Holdings / Access Bank 38.8655

Ecobank (Group) 33.2080

Zenith Bank 22.6818

United Bank for Africa (UBA) 25.6500

FBN Holdings / FirstBank Group 17.2699

GTCO (Guaranty Trust) 10.8923

Fidelity Bank 6.5990

FCMB Group 4.1254

Stanbic IBTC 3.0456

Wema Bank 2.4096

Total: N164.75 trillion

This dependency on depositors’ funds reveals a system that looks rich in assets but is, in essence, shallow in innovation and weak in capital depth. At first glance, the growth appears dramatic, with the sector’s total assets jumping from N170.02 trillion in 2024, representing a 39.6 percent year-on-year rise, to nearly N219 trillion by Q1 2025. Yet, this ‘growth’ is misleading. Much of it stems not from new value creation but from naira devaluation adjustments, inflationary expansion, and paper gains on government securities.

Banks are becoming bigger on paper, not stronger in impact. The so-called asset expansion has not translated into more affordable credit for manufacturers, small and medium enterprises (SMEs), or agribusinesses. Instead, it reflects a financial system more comfortable with passive wealth storage than active economic stimulation.

In simpler terms, Nigeria’s banks are becoming richer without making the economy stronger. Their balance sheets have ballooned, but their capital efficiency, which represents the ability to convert deposits into productive loans, remains weak.

The false appearance of size becomes even more striking when placed in a continental context. As of June 30, 2025, Standard Bank Group of South Africa, Africa’s largest financial institution, reported total assets of R3.4 trillion, equivalent to $191.8 billion. At Nigeria’s prevailing exchange rate of N1,484.50 to $1, that translates to approximately $191.8 billion × N1,484.50 = N284,983 trillion, or roughly N285 trillion. That means a single South African bank now outvalues the entire Nigerian banking industry, whose 10 largest lenders collectively hold N218.99 trillion in assets.

The comparison is humbling. It highlights how Nigeria’s asset numbers, while massive in naira terms, shrink dramatically when viewed through a global lens. While Standard Bank’s strength stems from robust capitalization, efficient risk management, diversified income streams, and strong regional investments, Nigerian banks remain largely driven by deposit inflows, short-term instruments, and FX revaluation surges.

Moreover, the disconnect between banking prosperity and economic stagnation is becoming impossible to ignore. Despite N219 trillion sitting on bank balance sheets, access to credit for manufacturers, small businesses, and startups remains prohibitively difficult. Lending rates are high, collateral demands are steep, and real-sector credit continues to shrink as a share of GDP. Manufacturing’s contribution to GDP remains in low single digits, private sector credit lags behind African peers, and inflation continues to erode the value of naira-denominated deposits. The banks’ ‘assets’ may rise, but they are paper assets, not productive capital, rather figures that comfort shareholders but fail to transform society.

A banking system overly reliant on deposits is inherently fragile. Deposits are short-term and confidence-sensitive and can flee quickly during periods of policy uncertainty. Unlike equity or long-term capital, they offer little cushion against shocks. This overdependence creates an illusion of liquidity but hides structural weakness. Nigeria’s banks may look stable, but their foundations are vulnerable, just like a tower built on shifting sands of depositor confidence rather than the rock of sustainable capital formation.

For Nigeria’s regulators, analysts, and policymakers, the question is no longer how large the banks’ assets appear, but what those assets are doing for the economy. True strength must come from innovation in financial intermediation, capital efficiency, and credit diversification; support for real-sector growth; and regional competitiveness on the African and global stage.

Until Nigerian banks start to convert deposits into genuine development by funding infrastructure, technology, and enterprise, the industry’s trillion-naira balance sheets will remain a false hope of progress without prosperity. Nigeria’s N219 trillion banking booms may glitter, but it is a reflection of financial inflation, not economic transformation. When one South African bank commands more assets than the entire Nigerian industry combined, it is not just a comparison; it is a revelation.

Overtime politicians in Nigeria have made their marks in various areas. They have shown that it is not just about delivering on promises made during campaigns, but that style also matters. Sometimes, the actor may not even be aware of the influence his style carries until it is adopted by supporters and other people who may be seeking one form of favour or the other. In recent times, the cap worn by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu appears to have developed a life of its own travelling across cultures and states alike. Aside politicians, some ordinary citizens are also seen adorning the cap. Governor of Edo State, Senator Monday Okpebholo, on Monday, generated controversy when he issued a directive to members of his cabinet to start adorning President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s cap at every meeting with him.

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has since his days as governor of Lagos State, come to be identified with a particular kind of design on his cap which at first glance seems like the figure ‘8’ but at a close range appears like a broken chain.

It has become part of his identity that anywhere the cap with the design is seen, it immediately evokes the image of the president.

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Governor Opkebholo, who won his election last year has been full of gratitude to the president for the support he gave him in defeating the candidate of the then ruling party Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in the state.

He explained that adorning the same style of cap with the president is a means by which the members of his cabinet would show their support to the number citizen.

‘I will not forgive any commissioner that is not wearing this cap. In our exco meetings, if you are not wearing a suit and you are coming to the meeting without this Asiwaju cap, you will go back, ‘he said.

Since the directive was reported, many have flayed the Edo State governor, saying it is sycophantic for the governor to say so.

The Publicity Secretary of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in Edo State, Dan Osa-Ogbegie, described the governor’s directive as proof that he was installed.

‘Our people have insisted, loudly and consistently, that they voted for Asue Ighodalo. Monday Okpebholo himself has now given public weight to that sentiment. He owes his seat not to Edo, but to the man whose cap he compels others to wear, ‘he said.

The Asiwaju cap

What is now known as the Asiwaju cap according to those in the trade is actually the traditional Yoruba cap which at a time was made popular by the Afenifere, a Yoruba socio-cultural organisation.

Tinubu, according to many, however added a touch to it by designing it with a particular logo on both sides.

The design is unique as people do not recall seeing anyone displaying it before Tinubu and when he advanced in politics, his supporters began to imitate him which made the design popular.

Publicity Secretary of All Progressives Congress (APC), Mogaji Seye Oladejo, in a chat with Weekend Trust said the adornment of President Bola Tinubu signature cap is voluntary and at no time did the president issue a directive that his supporters must adorn the cap.

‘I’m not too sure Asiwaju had a conversation about what it symbolises but we can only guess’, he said.

I am not aware of any directive but people on their own voluntarily decided to underscore their loyalty and commitment to him by wearing a replica of his cap.

Our correspondents learnt that though the president has not openly asked anyone to show solidarity by wearing the cap, some say the fact that he has not spoken against it shows that he doesn’t mind.

‘Ordinarily, most political leaders would be happy seeing their styles being copied so it is possible the president is happy about it,’ said an admirer who does not want to be named.

Oladejo explained that those who don’t wear it are not seen as less loyal because according to him loyalty goes beyond just wearing cap.

‘It’s fundamental, in-depth and more peculiar to be loyal beyond the wearing of a cap. You can actually wear the cap and you are not committed. So, you have to be loyal in words, in deeds, in tongues and in actions,’ he stated.

What the cap symbolises

The origin of the design is said to date back to when Tinubu was the governor of Lagos State. It is of Yoruba origin.

Said Oladejo, ‘Every major tribe in Nigeria has their kind of cap. The Yoruba are known for Asiwaju’s kind of cap, nice designs, vintage caps. The Igbos have their red cap, the Hausa also have their own kind of cap. The Tiv have their own cap and the Ibos have their own. Those from the South-South are known for their caps as well. So it is traditional, it’s cultural, it’s vintage. It’s visible.

A close associate explained that Tinubu started using the design as a way of sending a message that whether the opposition likes it or not he was going to spend two terms back then as governor of Lagos State.

He said, ‘When you look at the symbol itself it’s figure 8 but the 8 is not standing straight. It’s standing sideways but it symbolises figure 8. It can also be termed to be an uncommon chain of development or forward-looking progressive politics or an aspiration that cannot be broken no matter the intrigues or conspiracies.

‘And at a time like this too the symbol of that cap would also see us through 2027 which is looking very bright everyday courtesy of the president’s landmark achievements under the Renewed Hope Agenda and the opposition in disarray,’ he said.

Oladejo further stated that everybody has his peculiar style of politics and nobody has the moral right to be critical of the way anyone has chosen to play his politics.

‘If you call it hero worship so be it. But the hero is not the one demanding to be worshipped now. You can see the difference. So if you have chosen to worship the hero, why not? At least I am not aware of any Executive Order that every follower of Asiwaju should wear his cap. But Asiwaju would rather want you to be committed beyond just wearing the cap’, he said.

Other parts of the country

Our correspondents observe that politicians from other parts of country outside the South West are also wearing the cap or wearing other caps with the insignia to show their support for the president.

In the North, the former national chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC) Abdullahi Umar Ganduje is particularly known to carry the design on his cap most of the time even when the cap is different from that of the Yoruba. The pattern is weaved on it.

Governor of Niger State, Mohammed Umar Bago, is also known to be fond of wearing caps with the design.

Our correspondents observed that it is not openly sold on the streets in the other parts of the country outside the South West.

‘Politicians request for it when they have a function and wear it openly, especially at political events,’ said Usman Yusuf, a trader in Abuja.

Politicians of old have used caps as symbols of identity but they were mainly drawn from their cultural backgrounds.

Leaders like Zanna Bukar Dapcharima; Obafemi Awolowo; Nnamdi Azikiwe; Aminu Kano; Waziri Ibrahim; Shehu Shagari and Solomon Lar made political statements with their peculiar caps.

The cap which was worn by Shagari is the typical Hausa cap, but has no sign or logo on it. During the administration of Goodluck Jonathan, the bowler hat of the Niger Delta became popular as his supporters took to wearing it.

This is the first time, however, that it is not just about the cap, but an individual’s symbol is been weaved onto caps from other regions.

Another cap that comes close to that is the Kwankwasiya cap, made popular by former governor of Kano State, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso.

His supporters always put it on to show their solidarity. It started when he was governor and has continued till date.

Cap makers take advantage

Weekend Trust reports that some stylists in Lagos State have taken advantage of the popularity of the Tinubu signature cap to expand their frontiers as more people patronize them.

A fashion designer in Ikeja, Ridwan Abdullahi, in a chat with our correspondent explained that the local tailors use embroidery designs to make the cap.

He said he gets orders from time to time from APC members and loyalists of Asiwaju, who come as individuals or in groups requesting them to make the caps.

According to him, those who wear the caps are mainly youths and middle-aged people who are members of the party and subscribe to the president’s political ideology.

He said, ‘I can tell you that most tailors in Lagos have added the cap to the list of their designs. Many of us now make money from it. For instance, I get orders from individuals and bulk orders as well. Sometimes, a group of three, four or five approach me to make the cap for them.

‘Each embroidery design costs N10,000 per cap. People mostly use the traditional Aso Oke for the cap while some people use velvet depending on what they want’.

He stated that a cap could cost N15,000, if he is the one to buy the material for the customer.

‘We are very hopeful that with 2027 approaching, we would get more customers asking us to make the cap for them. But this has become the in-thing among politicians in the state,’ he said.

Analyst speaks

A political analyst, Dr. Kabiru Sufi, has described the rising trend of Nigerian politicians embracing the President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s signature cap symbol- often referred to as the Tinubu Curve – as more of a political identity movement. In an interview with Weekend Trust, Dr. Sufi said the ‘cap symbol,’ now widely used by Tinubu’s loyalists and members of the All Progressives Congress (APC), has evolved into a mark of allegiance to the president rather than a tool for political mobilisation.

‘He has identified himself with the use of the cap with the infinity symbol. It has been with him for quite a long time. But this time around, coming into the presidential scene, it has been glorified,’ Sufi explained.

According to him, the symbolism gained significant traction during Tinubu’s 2023 presidential campaign, becoming popularised by two northern politicians like former Kano State governor, Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, and Ibrahim Masari, both early loyalists of the Tinubu political movement.

‘I think these two started the usage of the cap as an identity of the Tinubu movement even before he clinched the presidential ticket. When he did that, it started gaining more popularity,’ he said.

Sufi noted that after Tinubu’s inauguration as president, Ganduje’s appointment as APC National Chairman further amplified the trend, especially among party loyalists seeking to associate themselves with the president.

However, Dr. Sufi said while the trend may serve as a symbol of solidarity and political branding, it has no tangible effect on Nigeria’s political direction or governance outcomes.

‘I don’t think there is any impact, except that it serves as an identity and gives a kind of clout to the Tinubu movement,’ he said.

The analyst likened the Tinubu Curve to past political symbols used by Nigerian politicians and movements to express loyalty, such as the ‘Red Cup’ and the ‘Black Cap’ eras associated with other political figures.

He added that the more Tinubu consolidates power as president, the more politicians are likely to adopt the symbol as a way to align themselves with his administration and political structure.

Nigeria’s 2026 FIFA World Cup qualifying journey has been a tale of soaring hopes, heavy stumbles and late redemption – a campaign that tested the country’s patience and pride in equal measure.

Across 12 intense months that began on November 16, 2023, the Super Eagles lived through chaos and catharsis: three coaches, too many missed chances and one final surge that kept their World Cup dream flickering into the playoffs.

The drums of the Akwa Ibom faithful echoed as Nigeria opened their qualifying campaign against Lesotho. On paper, it was supposed to be routine; in reality, it was a jarring wake-up call.

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The Super Eagles dominated possession but lacked any real bite, their movements laboured and predictable. When Lesotho snatched a surprise lead midway through the second half, a hush fell over the stands. Semi Ajayi’s header salvaged a 1-1 draw, but the optimism of kicking off the campaign on a winning note turned to quiet frustration across the country.

Three days later, the story repeated itself. In a game played on neutral ground in Rwanda, Nigeria again stumbled to a 1-1 draw, this time against Zimbabwe. Two matches, two points, no rhythm. The early swagger José Peseiro had promised his side was missing, replaced by doubt and disconnection. His tenure – two games, two points – ended soon after as the federation sought new direction before the campaign slipped further away.

By June 2024, former assistant and 1990s legend Finidi George stepped up to take charge, carrying the weight of both nostalgia and national expectation. But his short reign mirrored the turbulence he inherited. In his first match, Nigeria fought South Africa to yet another 1-1 draw in Uyo, Fisayo Dele-Bashiru’s strike cancelling out Percy Tau’s opener.

Days later in Abidjan, the team suffered a 2-1 defeat to Benin Republic – a painful loss made worse by its symbolic sting as Benin were managed by former Super Eagles boss, Gernot Rohr. Two games under Finidi, one point and Nigeria’s campaign stood on the brink.

Then came a surprise twist. In January 2025, the Nigeria Football Federation appointed Éric Sékou Chelle, the Malian-born tactician who had impressed with his disciplined, no-nonsense methods. His arrival was met with cautious curiosity. Chelle wasn’t a name with glittering fame, but he brought what Nigeria desperately lacked: clarity, composure and tactical balance.

Chelle’s first big test arrived that March in Kigali against Rwanda. The stakes were immense; defeat could have ended Nigeria’s hopes. Instead, the Eagles delivered their most complete performance of the campaign. Osimhen returned from injury and looked reborn, scoring twice in a 2-0 win that reignited belief. The goals were clinical, the pressing intense, the unity visible.

For the first time in months, Nigeria looked like Nigeria again. But old habits die hard. Just four days later in Uyo, Zimbabwe held them to another 1-1 draw, courtesy of a late equaliser that silenced the crowd.

Still, the momentum slowly shifted. By September 2025, Nigeria had clawed their way back into contention. They edged Rwanda 1-0 in Uyo – Tolu Arokodare’s towering header sealing a vital win before travelling to Johannesburg for a showdown with South Africa. It was a chance to reclaim control of the group. But fate, once again, had other plans.

Osimhen, so often the heartbeat of the attack, was sidelined with another knock. Without him, Nigeria lacked incision. They fought bravely, battled through 90 tense minutes and emerged with a 1-1 draw. It was creditable but insufficient. South Africa held the upper hand; Nigeria needed perfection from here.

And so, to October – the final chapter of a turbulent saga. On October 10, Nigeria beat Lesotho 2-1 away – a hard-fought victory that set up a decisive finale. Four days later, back home in Uyo came the last dance: Nigeria versus Benin Republic. The arithmetic was simple – win and hope South Africa falter.

From the first whistle, Nigeria attacked with ferocity, and Osimhen, finally fit, played as if possessed. His first goal, a deft finish after a clever through-ball, unleashed a roar that shook the stands. His second, a poacher’s strike, made it 2-0. By the time he completed his hat-trick early in the second half, belief had turned to euphoria. In stoppage time, Frank Onyeka’s volley capped a 4-0 rout – the performance of the campaign.

But even as the cheers rang out in Uyo, news filtered through from Johannesburg: South Africa had beaten Rwanda 3-0. The math was merciless. Despite finishing with 17 points and a superior goal difference to Benin, Nigeria trailed South Africa by a single point. Their revival had come too late for automatic qualification.

The playoff route awaited – a longer, riskier road to America, Mexico and Canada 2026.

When the dust settled on the 2026 World Cup qualifiers, Nigeria’s Super Eagles stood on the brink – not soaring high enough for automatic qualification, but not grounded either. Their turbulent campaign had been a tale of resilience and frustration, yet they had done just enough, finishing among the four best runners-up to secure a lifeline: a place in the CAF play-offs in Morocco from November 13 to 16, 2025.

‘We are quite happy to have that opportunity. It is a long route but it is a route after all. We would have loved to get the automatic ticket but it didn’t happen and we take what we have. We will remain strong and tough and ready to confront every challenge on our way as we search for the ticket to the 2026 FIFA World Cup.

‘It was a wonderful team effort on Tuesday evening. Everyone contributed; each person played their part. If the other match had gone in favour, we would be with the automatic ticket now. But that’s life. You take what you get and run with it and make the best of it,’ said Captain Ekong after the game against Benin Republic.

It wasn’t the route they envisioned, but it was still a road to redemption – four matches now separating them from the world’s grandest stage. First comes a semi-final against Gabon, a tricky opponent with the pace and grit to test their mettle. Victory would set up a decisive clash with either Cameroon or DR Congo, where a single win could propel Nigeria into the FIFA Intercontinental Play-Offs in the United States next March.

There, they would face teams from Asia, South America, Oceania or CONCACAF – two wins away from the Promised Land.

Sheikh Kabiru Ibrahim Babban Malami Madabo, an Islamic scholar and member of the Kano Emirate Council, has been described as ‘a respected community leader and philanthropist who dedicated his life to the service of humanity and upliftment of the less privileged.’

The deputy governor of Kano State, Dr Aminu Abdulssalam Gwarzo said this when he paid a courtesy visit to the families of the late Sheikh and that of a late veteran journalist, Abubakar Aliyu Getso, who all passed away recently.

Similarly, the Emir of Kano, Muhammadu Sanusi II, led the funeral prayer of the famous teacher, who also ministered at the palace.

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Members of the Muslim community also shared their views on the social media, while praying for the forgiveness and repose of the soul of the deceased teacher.

According to Sheikh Madabo, his son, the cleric passed away at his residence at Madabo Quarters, Kano after a brief illness at the age of 85.

Before his death, the Sheikh was a permanent member of the Kano Emirate Council, whose main function was serving as an adviser to the emir and the emirate on Islamic jurisprudence known as fiqh, as well as application of Islamic law in daily life, dealing with matters related to Islamic worship, moral and social legislation based on the teachings of the Holy Quran and Hadith of Prophet Muhammad (SAW).

The National Executive Council of the Afe Babalola University Alumni Association (ABUADAA) has congratulated the Founder and Chancellor of Afe Babalola University, Ado-Ekiti, Aare Afe Babalola (SAN), on the occasion of his birthday and the institution’s 13th Convocation Ceremony scheduled for Tuesday, October 21, 2025.

In a statement signed by the National Secretary of the Association, Femi Ishola, Esq., the Alumni body, led by its President, Timothy Atasie, Esq., described the dual celebration as ‘a triumph of purpose, vision, and humanity personified in Aare Afe Babalola.’

‘At this remarkable moment, the entire alumni community joins his family, the University, and the nation at large in celebrating not only his years of life but also the depth of his impact on countless lives,’ the statement read.

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The Alumni Association praised the university founder for his lifelong commitment to education and nation-building, noting that his vision has transformed the lives of thousands of young Nigerians and continues to inspire excellence across generations.

‘Aare Afe Babalola’s love for humanity and education transcends the ordinary,’ the statement added. ‘His heart beats for the advancement of others, and his mind is guided by an unrelenting commitment to excellence, character, and service.’

The association further commended Babalola for creating what it described as ‘a living ecosystem of thinkers, leaders, and change-makers who continue to redefine excellence across professions and continents.’

Describing the legal luminary as ‘a moral compass and father figure,’ the group said his ‘generosity, counsel, and genuine care for members reflect a heart of gold and a mind devoted to human progress.’

President of the Association, Timothy Atasie, reaffirmed the body’s commitment to upholding the ideals of the university’s founder.

‘Under our current leadership, we remain devoted to advancing Aare’s vision by fostering mentorship, professional excellence, and global collaboration among alumni,’ Atasie said. ‘We are determined to sustain his dream of producing graduates who embody knowledge, discipline, and service.’

As part of its felicitation, the Alumni Association expressed gratitude to the elder statesman for his continuous guidance and support to both the University and its graduates.

‘As the University celebrates its 13th Convocation and our illustrious Founder’s birthday, we pray that Almighty God continues to bless him with long life, divine health, and the strength to inspire generations yet unborn,’ the statement concluded.

The Kano State Government has filed a suit before the State High Court, seeking to reclaim its 20 per cent equity stake in Dala Inland Dry Port Limited and recover funds allegedly misappropriated, to the tune of N4.49 billion.

The defendants in the charge sheet include a former governor of Kano State, Dr Abdullahi Umar Ganduje; his sons, Umar Abdullahi Umar and Muhammad Abdullahi Umar; Abubakar Sahabo Bawuro, a former special adviser to Ganduje; Hassan Bello, former executive secretary of the Nigerian Shippers Council; a legal practitioner, Adamu Aliyu Sanda, and Dala Inland Dry Port Limited.

They are facing a 10-count charge bordering on criminal conspiracy, misappropriation of public funds, breach of trust and conflict of interest.

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According to court documents obtained by Weekend Trust, the defendants allegedly conspired to ‘fraudulently’ transfer 80 per cent shares of Dala Inland Dry Port, including the Kano State Government’s 20 per cent equity to private entities under a fictitious name, ‘City Green Enterprise,’ to conceal the true ownership of the company.

The prosecution further alleged that the defendants diverted over N4.49 billion belonging to the state government for infrastructure projects, including a double carriageway, electricity and perimeter fencing at the dry port, allegedly executed for personal and family benefit.

They were also accused of abuse of office and conflict of interest by allegedly using their official positions to manipulate public resources for private gains, in violation of financial and constitutional provisions.

The charge sheet revealed that several key witnesses will testify in court, including the lead investigating officer who uncovered the alleged fraudulent transactions and an early stakeholder in the project who will testify on how he was allegedly sidelined during the equity transfer process.

The prosecution’s summary of evidence alleges that the defendants used sham entities and proxies to conceal ownership of Dala Inland Dry Port shares; diverted public funds to family-owned firms and personal businesses and coerced the original project founders into relinquishing control while retaining only nominal shares.

The case has been assigned to Kano State High Court 2, presided over by Justice Yusuf Ubale and is scheduled for hearing on November 17, 2025.

One ominous evil that is fast progressing to destroy the ethical foundations of the Nigerian society is certificate forgery, which if not tackled now, could develop to become the third most intractable challenge in the country; after insecurity and corruption. In any given human society where political, economic, academic and other aspirations are driven by desperation, it’s easily predictable that forgery would dislodge hard work, patience and hope in the life of its citizens.

Just last week, the Minister of Innovation, Science, and Technology, Geoffrey Uche Nnaji who was appointed by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu in August 2023, resigned his appointment. This followed allegations of certificate forgery after investigations by PREMIUM TIMES revealed that the bachelor’s degree certificate, which he claimed to have earned from the University of Nigeria, Nsukka (UNN) aa well as his National Youths Service Corps (NYSC) discharge certificate, are both forged documents.

Nigerians had no trouble relying on the statement issued by the NYSC authorities, which after the forgery allegations became public knowledge, never minced words in clarifying that the certificate of national service being flaunted by Nnaji was strange to it and could not be authenticated. However, those who followed the story from the onset found it hard to believe the UNN when it scandalously disowned the Bachelor of Science degree certificate in the possession of the Minister; saying ‘he did not complete his studies at the institution and was never issued a certificate’ after the same university had earlier corroborated Uche Nnaji’s claims of being a graduate of the institution.

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This claim-and-denial game played by the UNN authorities on Uche Nnaji’s certificate is so disreputable that it should not be ignored and swept under the carpet. It, once again, brings to fore how some of Nigeria’s academic institutions recklessly compromise public trust and confidence vested in them. Had PREMIUM TIMES not remained steadfast to carry its investigations beyond all doubts, Uche Nnaji like others who have not been detected and are unlikely to be, would continue to enjoy the privileges of what he never earned.

The next question is: How did Uche Nnaji as a nominee for appointment as a cabinet minister scale through the screening processe at the Department of State Services (DSS) and the Senate with his forged certificates? While it’s plausible for the DSS and even the Senate to have relied on UNN’s initial validation of Nnaji’s certificate and consequently cleared him, it should never have taken the university’s assertions for granted given the broad-spectrum character that nowadays define most Nigerians as ever-desperate people. More so, the DSS which as a counter intelligence agency is believed to be equipped with statutory art and professional astuteness to go beyond surface scrutiny, should have gone further to carry out some discreet and ‘back-end’ checks at the UNN if only to forestall the attendant consequences that come with forgery cases when uncovered.

The Senate which also screened Nnaji with forged credentials should dutifully consider the screening of nominees for appointment into public offices as a critical national assignment that should not be ridiculed to the dimension which the unethical tradition of ‘Take a bow and go’ has assumed. Screening of nominees is an exercise that goes beyond the fulfilment of all righteousness.

Notwithstanding whether or not their separate judgements of Nnaji’s certificates were based on a faulty groundwork, Nigerians expect public apology from all the agencies and institutions involved in the screening of Uche Nnaji before his appointment as a minister. Meanwhile, government is urged to set up an investigation panel to probe how the UNN authorities provided misleading information on Nnaji’s graduation at first instance. Geoffrey Nnaji, too, should be prosecuted over the forgery, which spuriously facilitated his appointment into a public office that he should never have held.

Given the endemic prevalence of certificate forgery since 1990s, the civil service and many educational institutions (public and private) in the country have become the hub of fake credentials. Ever since Prof Farook Kperogi’s exposure of a fake professor in one of Nigeria’s public universities many years ago, we have also not stopped hearing of fake PhD holders. It would also be recalled how a fake medical doctor once used someone’s MBBS degree certificate, secured employment at the federal ministry of health and remained undetected in the service until he had risen to become an assistant director. Today, you hear of fake patients, fake destitute, fake IDPs, fake journalists, fake lawyers, fake engineers, fake soldiers, and fake clerics. It would not be strange, too, to hear of fake husbands and fake wives.

In 2004, a school proprietor in Abuja invited me to come and verify the academic credentials of all the teaching staff on its payroll. Without writing to the issuing institutions to validate the certificates documented in the file of each staff, my career knowledge and experience led and guided me to detect that eighteen out of the twenty-three staff in the teaching employment of the school had fake certificates. It was easy for me to sort out fake certificates because I only had to look out for the usual format and seals that are typical of academic credentials, which forgers are most often unaware of.

The absence of seals, the use of irregular format, and the sighting of grammatical errors in a statement of result should raise suspicions in its genuineness. For example, an NCE statement result that was signed by the students’ affairs officer of a college of education suggests it is fake because only academic secretaries in such institutions (and even in universities) sign academic records.

This is why the federal government deserves commendation for recently moving against certificate forgers with a directive to all Ministries, Departments, Agencies, military and paramilitary formations to enforce mandatory verification of all academic credentials of staff members. It is time to deploy modern technology to halt and deal with certificate forgery and forgers in Nigeria.

Like all other MDAs, the implementation and success of this exercise would first require schools, colleges, and institutions to digitize the academic records of all their graduates; beginning from their date of inception. As the government prepares to establish the Nigeria Education Repository and Databank (NERD), which is essentially a centralized digital platform that would store, manage, preserve, and verify educational records, publications, and credentials from all tiers of the system, we pray that Allah (SWT) inspires Nigerians who would be in charge of the NERD to eschew anything that would undermine or compromise the essence of the policy, Amin.

The recent confirmation of Professor Joash Ojo Amupitan as the new chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has once again brought Nigeria to a familiar crossroads; one defined by cautious optimism, skepticism, and the perennial yearning for credible elections. In a country where the integrity of the ballot often determines the trajectory of democracy, the expectations on the new electoral umpire are immense. Professor Amupitan must realise that he is stepping into a position that carries both the weight of national trust and the scars of public disappointment.

Since 1999, Nigeria’s democratic journey has been marked by moments of promise and peril. Each electoral cycle brings with it a mix of hope and frustration. From the heavily disputed elections of the early 2000s to the relative improvements witnessed in 2011 and 2015, Nigerians have remained firm in their demand for a process that truly reflects their will. However, the 2023 general elections, though technologically ambitious with the introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and IReV portal, exposed deep operational and institutional flaws. Many Nigerians still feel that INEC failed to meet their expectations of transparency and fairness.

Professor Amupitan inherits this burden of disillusionment. His appointment comes at a critical juncture when citizens’ confidence in electoral institutions is waning. The credibility deficit that followed the last election must be urgently addressed if Nigeria is to avoid further voter apathy and civic disengagement. It is not enough for the new chairman to make lofty promises; he must demonstrate, through concrete actions, that he understands the magnitude of his responsibility.

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The foremost task before him is to rebuild trust. Trust, once broken, is not easily restored. Nigerians must see in him a man committed to the sanctity of the ballot, not a servant of political interests. His background as an academic and legal scholar should serve as a guiding compass for impartiality and adherence to due process. The laws establishing INEC give it sufficient independence, but history has shown that leadership character is what determines whether that independence is exercised or surrendered to political pressure.

The new INEC chairman must also strengthen the institution’s operational capacity. The 2023 elections were plagued by logistical lapses-late arrival of materials, malfunctioning BVAS devices, and poor coordination in result transmission. These challenges were not merely technical; they reflected deeper managerial weaknesses. To correct them, INEC under Amupitan must embrace early planning, transparent procurement processes, and rigorous training of ad-hoc staff. The commission must also deepen collaboration with civil society groups and development partners to ensure electoral reforms are implemented effectively.

Equally important is the need to maintain neutrality in the conduct of off-cycle and by-elections. These smaller polls often serve as a litmus test for INEC’s preparedness. Unfortunately, they have frequently been marred by allegations of manipulation and voter intimidation. Professor Amupitan must prove that his commission can deliver credible by ensuring that Anambra election meet expectations. The performance of INEC in this contest will signal to Nigerians whether the commission has learned from its past mistakes.

Moreover, the new chairman should prioritise the completion of ongoing electoral reforms. The Electoral Act 2022 remains a strong foundation, but its implementation has been inconsistent. Issues such as internal party democracy, campaign financing, and digital transmission of results require clearer operational guidelines. Amupitan should work closely with the National Assembly and other stakeholders to refine these provisions and ensure that the law serves its intended purpose, which is to make elections freer, fairer, and more transparent.

Public communication will also be crucial. INEC must learn to communicate promptly, clearly, and honestly with Nigerians. During the 2023 elections, the commission’s credibility suffered greatly because of its silence and lack of transparency when challenges arose. Nigerians can forgive genuine technical glitches, but they will not tolerate secrecy or perceived manipulation. The new chairman should therefore build a culture of accountability within the commission, where information is shared openly and responsibility is taken when things go wrong.

Ultimately, Professor Amupitan must remember that history will judge him not by the titles he holds, but by the integrity of the elections conducted under his watch. The task ahead is daunting, but not impossible. In the end, Professor Amupitan must not disappoint Nigerians.

Former President of the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN), Dr. Supo Ayokunle, has said the Federal Government cannot deny the reality of what he described as a ‘Christian genocide’ in parts of northern Nigeria.

Speaking on Inside Sources with Laolu Akande on Channels Television, Ayokunle made a passionate case that thousands of Christians have been deliberately targeted and massacred by violent Islamist groups over the years under the guise of enforcing Sharia law.

The former CAN president insisted that what has taken place over the past decade fits the definition of genocide, saying the pattern of targeted killings, destruction of churches, and displacement of Christian communities was deliberate.

‘When we are talking of genocide, is it because they have not killed many Christians? They also said that if any Muslim opposes their agenda, they will see that also as an enemy. We are not saying that they didn’t kill others, but there was genocide of Christians in Nigeria because they killed our members in large numbers,’ Ayokunle maintained.

Recalling his own experiences, Ayokunle narrated how he personally witnessed the aftermath of gruesome attacks in parts of Adamawa and Benue States.

‘Three weeks after I visited Mubi, they attacked Mubi and levelled Mubi down. I was an eyewitness. I saw many people they maimed in Benue State. They maimed people, cut hands, cut ears, as if they were inanimate objects that can be cut down anyhow. So if we are saying that there was genocide of Christians, why should anybody be disputing that?’

He further dismissed arguments suggesting that more Muslims were killed in the North, explaining that the population ratio and the sect’s ideology accounted for that.

‘Didn’t the people say that they will wipe away the Christians from the North? If you are saying now that they kill more Muslims in the North, don’t we have more Muslims than the Christians in the North? And besides, didn’t they say that if any Muslim who opposes them, they will wipe that person away? Killing of the Christians was not unintended; the real motive was to establish Islamic Sharia in the North and wipe away the Christians.’

Ayokunle reminded Nigerians that warnings about these violent sects were sounded long ago, even when he led CAN, yet little was done to stop them.

‘It is not now that we have been crying about the atrocities of the Islamic sects that had been violent and had been targeting Christians for a long period of time. When I was at the helm, I cried out because it is so painful when you are losing your members week after week, losing churches which it took our forefathers years to build, to an unreasonable sect that wanted to wipe away Christians from the North, and possibly from Nigeria.’

He backed his claims with data, citing reports by international bodies that documented Boko Haram’s deliberate campaign against Christians.

‘I’m not saying this just without data. Let me quote from the 2013 report of the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom:

‘Boko Haram is an Islamic sect that sees the federal and northern state governments, as well as political and religious elites, as morally corrupt. Boko Haram begets the West and the secular state and seeks the universal implementation of pure Sharia law.”

He added that ‘pure Sharia law’ as conceived by the sect meant the exclusion or elimination of Christians.

‘Their targets include churches, individual Christians, persons engaged in un-Islamic activities-those are Christians-Muslim critics, northern elders, schools, police stations, government buildings, newspapers, and banks.’

Citing further evidence, Ayokunle noted that the report documented several attacks specifically targeting Christians:

‘Boko Haram has attacked churches on Christmas Eve or Christmas Day three years in a row from 2010 to 2012, killing Christians and destroying churches. In January 2012, they called on Christians to leave northern Nigeria. On July 30 that same year, they attacked a Christian area of Kano, killing 45 and damaging churches. Earlier, they had bombed several churches after the government declared a state of emergency in three states.’