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For years, Nigeria’s livestock industry has languished under the heavy weight of neglect. The vast potential of livestock sector from cattle and goats to poultry, pigs, and dairy has been left to waste away.

The country spends billions of naira each year importing milk, frozen meats, and animal products that should have been produced locally. While many families often struggle to afford protein-rich diets, outbreak of animal diseases often wipe out smallholders’ herds with devastating consequences.

Nigeria treated the livestock sector like a forbidden child with attention on crop farming such as cocoa, groundnut, cassava, and rice, leaving the livestock infrastructures to rot.

The ugly story of neglect runs deep. The veterinary services collapsed, grazing reserves were abandoned, and herders were left to roam in search of pasture, sparking deadly conflicts with farmers. Productivity fell, and the dream of self-sufficiency in dairy and meat drastically faded.

While countries like Kenya, South Africa, and Ethiopia built thriving livestock economies by exporting meat, milk, and hides, Nigeria remains a net importer of livestock products.

However, a silent revolution is unfolding in the rolling farmlands of Ekiti State, a small landlocked state in Southwest Nigeria, with a view to changing the ugly narrative.

Through the Livestock Productivity and Resilience Enhancement Scheme (L-PRES), a World Bank-assisted project implemented in collaboration with the Federal Ministry of Agriculture and Food Security, Ekiti, under Governor Biodun Oyebanji is fast turning what was once an overlooked sector into a cornerstone of agricultural renaissance and economic renewal.

From inception, the Governor Oyebanji’s administration identified agriculture as the backbone of its economic strategy, positioning it, not just as a social policy, but as an engine of economic growth. Livestock, in particular, has been singled out for revival as part of a broader push for food security and prosperity.

His emphasis on self-sufficiency, rural wealth creation, and food security aligns with L-PRES objectives. The state is not merely implementing the project’s goals but also setting the pace, thus, becoming a model for how a neglected sector can be revived as a driver of jobs, wealth, and sustainable food systems.

The livestock transformation unfolding in Ekiti is part of a much broader national agenda. The L-PRES project is being implemented in 20 states including Kogi, Kano, Kaduna, Adamawa, Ondo among others; with the backing of the Federal Government and the funding support of the World Bank.

Designed to address structural problems in Nigeria’s livestock ecosystem such as weak animal health systems, inadequate veterinary infrastructure, low productivity, and reoccurring herders-farmers clashes, L-PRES was envisioned as a major step toward revitalising a forgotten but vital component of the Nigeria’s agricultural economy.

However, while a good number of the 20 state-beneficiaries are still grappling with preliminary activities and non-completion of paperwork due to bureaucratic bottlenecks, lack of political drive or counterpart funding issues, Ekiti has distinguished itself by turning policy into action.

The results are already manifesting in the state. Livestock farmers are gaining access to improved breeds; quality feed systems, and veterinary care. Extension workers are being retrained to provide real-time support, while the value-chain linkages are being formed between rural producers and commercial processors.

‘We’re not treating L-PRES project as just another donor-sponsored project. For us, it’s a strategic platform to commercialise livestock, boost productivity, as well as strengthen the resilience of our farmers. What you are seeing today in Ekiti is the product of that commitment,’ Olayinka Adedipe, the State Project Coordinator said.

The project revolves around three key pillars- commercialisation, productivity, and resilience-building with components covering conflict mitigation, institutional strengthening, livestock enhancement as well as emergency response. To date, over 45,000 livestock farmers have been profiled across poultry, pig, goat, sheep, and dairy value chains.

Hundreds of livestock farmers have also been trained in animal husbandry, artificial insemination, feed formulation and use of crop residues for livestock feed. To deepen the reach of this training, the state has also deployed livestock extension and service providers across all the 16 local governments, with each equipped with motorcycles to reach the remotest communities.

To institutionalise learning, Ekiti has also established three ultra-modern Livestock Farmers’ Schools, one in each senatorial district, located in Ikere, Ado-Ekiti, and Ikole.

‘These schools are more than ordinance classrooms. They are community hubs where modern livestock practices are taught continuously. We bring in experts to step down what we’ve learned from the World Bank and federal partners,’ Adedipe said.

The schools run training sessions on the rudiments of climate-smart livestock production, processing hygiene, and animal disease prevention. Butchers, feed processors, and veterinary aides have also benefited from capacity-building sessions.

The state’s most ambitious intervention is the construction of an ultra-modern abattoir, approved by the World Bank. ‘We’re finalising contracts. This facility will redefine meat processing and end unhygienic slaughtering,’ Adedipe said. The abattoir will feature traceability systems in line with global food safety standards.

Ekiti has also upgraded the veterinary hospital in Ijero-Ekiti with diagnostic equipment and CCTV-based disease surveillance. This year, the state administered 100,000 anthrax vaccine doses, preventing potential outbreaks. ‘We even handled a case of monkey pox swiftly with the Health and Environment ministries. That synergy is saving lives,’ Adedipe added.

While other sub-nationals in the country continue to grapple with farmer-herder headache, Ekiti is addressing the root causes of conflict. Six strategic water points have been constructed across the state to reduce animal migration, with more planned.

The government is also rehabilitating the Irele grazing reserve and plans to establish modern cattle markets in Ado-Ekiti and Omuo-Ekiti, alongside the pig villages and a goat village in Otun-Ekiti, a traditional goat-trading hub.

Under the project, the World Bank has also approved construction of modern commercial poultry houses in different locations, including Ado, Ikole and Emure; for a large-scale production while semi-automated chicken processing plant is underway at the Erifun Livestock Hub to enable Ekiti to process and distribute frozen chicken to Lagos, Port Harcourt, and Abuja.

For Titilope Faseluka, a poultry farmer from Oye-Ekiti, the project has been life-changing. ‘Before this training, I didn’t know how to use crop waste as feed,’ she said, smiling as she checked her birds. Now my production cost has dropped, and my chickens are healthier. I wish this knowledge came years ago’, Joseph added.

Sola Akinyemi, a goat rearer in Ikole-Ekiti shared a similar story. ‘Before now, no one told us about goat diseases or how to feed them properly. We just guessed. But after the training, our goats are healthier and we earn more. I’ve even started teaching my neighbours what I learned.’

Before, I was feeding my goats anyhow,’ said Mrs. Janet Aladesuru, a goat rearer from Otun-Ekiti. ‘But now I know how to mix feed from maize chaff and cassava peel. My animals are fatter, and buyers now come from as far as Ilorin.’

Lydia Omoyajowo, a poultry farmer from Oye-Ekiti, agrees. ‘Before this training, I didn’t know how to turn crop waste into feed. My costs are down and my birds are healthier,’ she said. ‘Now I’m thinking of expanding because demand is rising.’

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The Commissioner for Agriculture and Food Security, Mr. Ebenezer Boluwade, said the remarkable progress recorded in the livestock value chain would not have been possible without the support of Governor Biodun Oyebanji.

According to him, Governor Oyebanji’s prompt release of counterpart funding and his insistence on transparency have positioned Ekiti State as one of the best-performing states under the World Bank-supported L-PRES programme.

‘Governor Oyebanji’s leadership is the real game changer. He understood from the onset that livestock productivity can drive inclusive growth in rural areas, and he backed that conviction with action through prompt funding, policy direction, and hands-on supervision. That’s why you’re seeing visible positive impacts across communities today.’

He noted that the L-PRES project has significantly boosted farmers’ income, improved animal health and boost food security in the state.

Boluwade emphasized that the Oyebanji administration’s approach to agricultural development in the state is holistic and people-oriented, saying his commitment has been instrumental to the success of the project.

‘We’re not just talking about agriculture; we are seeing results. From the poultry clusters in Ikere-Ekiti and Oye-Ekiti to goat production in Ikole and Otun; the stories are the same. Farmers are smiling again. The governor has given us the political backing to deliver,’ he said.

For the Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Agriculture and Food Security, Ebenezer Ojo, the ongoing livestock revolution in Ekiti is not just a development project but an audacious economic agenda designed to lift rural communities out of poverty.

He explained that the Governor Oyebanji-led administration has mainstreamed livestock nto the state’s agricultural roadmap, saying ‘ Farmers who once struggled to sustain their herds are now running profitable livestock ventures’.

‘That turnaround story is only possible because Governor Oyebanji has been intentional about supporting the project with timely counterpart funding and institutional backing.’

Ojo explained that the project’s success stems from the synergy between the Ekiti state and its development partners, noting that ‘the World Bank provides the framework, but the real results depend on the state’s commitment. Mr Governor has provided that commitment and that’s why Ekiti is excelling.

Minister of Works, Senator David Umahi, yesterday hit back at Oyo State governor, Seyi Makinde over his comment regarding the cost of the Lagos-Calabar Highway.

The minister asked Makinde to seek clarification where necessary, reminding him that he (Umahi) is his senior in engineering practice and governance.

Makinde had faulted the minister’s response during a heated exchange with Arise TV presenter Rufai Oseni last week.

During the live interview on Tuesday, Oseni had asked the minister to provide a breakdown of the project’s cost per kilometre. However, Umahi dismissed the question describing himself as a ‘professor of practice’ in engineering and insisting that the costs vary across sections of the road, making it too complex for the journalist to comprehend.’

Reacting to Umahi’s handling of the question , Makinde sided with Rufai stating that the public deserves clear information about how taxpayers’ money is being spent.

‘They asked a minister how much the coastal road is, and he started dancing around,’ Makinde said. ‘Even if the cost per kilometre varies, there should still be an average figure.’

Umahi took a swipe at Makinde yesterday when he embarked on an inspection visit to the ongoing expansion of the Abuja-Keffi expressway.

He said he would not join issues with Makinde but urged the governor to seek clarification where necessary.

‘When I heard that somebody, my brother and friend, Governor Makinde, said. I don’t want to join issue with him. I think he is an engineer, an electrician, they call it Elect-Elect. This road construction, Elect-Elect no reach there.

‘I am his senior in governance and his senior in engineering practice. So, anything he doesn’t understand, he should call me and ask.

‘I have respect for him as my friend and brother, but he should withdraw the word that I’m dancing around. I never danced around, and if he insists, he should come for debate, that is very important.’

The Minister maintained that his explanations on project costing were based on standard engineering principles, ‘There is no ambiguity in cost per kilometer, but I’m teaching them that cost per kilometer could be divided into estimated cost, which has elements of variance, and average cost, which is definitive,’ he said.

Umahi also berated critics who sought explanations from artificial intelligence platforms, ‘When somebody that is dangling without knowledge goes asking AI what is the difference between cost per kilometer and average cost, I’m happy that AI told him what I told him,’ he remarked.

He added that his competence and expertise in the field of engineering are not in question, stressing, ‘You can become a professor by reason of your practice, and I think God has made me one when it comes to field engineering. That is what it is, you can’t take that back.’

The Minister reaffirmed his Ministry’s commitment to ensuring that the Abuja-Keffi road expansion is completed efficiently, with improved carriageways and reduced congestion for commuters.

The Minister went on to explain the rationale behind the cost variation and ongoing expansion of the Abuja-Keffi expressway, assuring motorists that the Federal Government is working with the Nasarawa State government to eliminate traffic bottlenecks caused by roadside trading.

Umahi said the ministry had identified several trading points along the highway that impede traffic flow.

He, however, disclosed that additional carriageways would be constructed once the affected areas are cleared.

‘We have market trading on the road in a number of locations. Our inspection today, we are going with the Governor of Nasarawa State. If the Governor will do the demolition to create additional carriageway, we will fix additional carriageway in those locations, and there will be no more traffic in those locations,’ he said.

On the ongoing public debate about the cost per kilometer of a road project, Umahi described the controversy as mischievous and based on a misunderstanding of technical and financial processes involved in road construction.

‘This controversy about cost per kilometer, I have told you that this project is about 43 kilometers, but we have increased it to utilize the money given for the project by the last administration, which was ?73 billion. We have increased it to about 45 kilometers,’ he explained.

According to the minister, the project’s cost depends on several technical factors. ‘If we are doing surface tracing on the shoulder, the cost will be different. If we are using asphalt on the shoulders, the cost will be different. If we are using concrete as we are using, the cost will be different,’ he said.

He further clarified that any meaningful computation of road project cost must factor in contingencies and the Variation of Price (VoP) components, which may not eventually be used.

‘It is being mischievous when you ask for the cost of a length of road. But by professional information, you can ask for cost per kilometer, it could be estimated, it could be divided into sections.

‘The estimated cost of this project is ?73 billion over 45 kilometers and with the element of contingency and variation of price. When you finish and remove the VoP and unused contingency, and perhaps you have done 50 kilometers, then you can divide and have an average cost.’

The Association of Nigerian Authors (ANA) is deeply perturbed by the escalating insecurity across various regions of Nigeria. In a statement signed by the president of ANA, Oladipo Akanbi and the secretary Dame Joan Oji, the authors makes it clear that Nigeria needs security to forge ahead. ‘From the Borno, Adamawa axis to Zamfara, Katsina, Benue, Plateau, Oyo, Kogi, Niger, and Kwara in the North, to the kidnapping and sporadic killings in the South, the situation demands immediate government attention and response.

The proliferation of arms, insecurity-induced displacements, loss of legitimate livelihood, kidnapping, and the rise of conflict profiteers amongst military and political elites of the country have turned Nigeria into a theatre of guerilla warfare on a scale hitherto unknown.

ANA is hereby calling upon the government at all levels to engage requisite technology and collaborative foreign intelligence to stem the tide, and to demonstrate the political will necessary in addressing this ugly development. We must prioritise the safety and well-being of all Nigerians regardless of where they dwell.

As custodians of the nation’s literary heritage, We in ANA urge the federal government to take urgent and decisive steps to restore peace and stability in the country.

Nigeria’s total public debt stock has climbed to N152.39 trillion as of June 30, 2025, according to the latest figures released by the Debt Management Office (DMO).

The new figure marks an increase of N3.01 trillion or 2.01 per cent from the N149.39 trillion recorded at the end of March 2025. In dollar terms, the debt profile rose from $97.24 billion to $99.66 billion, representing a 2.49 per cent increase within the three-month period.

Nigeria’s external debt stock increased to $46.98 billion (N71.85 trillion) in June 2025, compared to $45.98 billion (N70.63 trillion) in March.

According to the report, the World Bank remains Nigeria’s largest external creditor, with $18.04 billion in outstanding loans – mostly from the International Development Association (IDA). This accounts for about 38 per cent of the country’s total external obligations.

Overall, multilateral lenders accounted for $23.19 billion, representing 49.4 per cent of the external portfolio. Other multilateral partners include the African Development Bank (AfDB), International Monetary Fund (IMF), and the Islamic Development Bank (IsDB).

Bilateral loans totalled $6.20 billion, led by the Export-Import Bank of China (Exim Bank) with $4.91 billion, while smaller exposures were owed to France, Japan, India, and Germany.

Commercial borrowings, mostly through Eurobonds, amounted to $17.32 billion, accounting for 36.9 per cent of Nigeria’s total external debt. The country also owed $268.9 million under syndicated facilities and commercial bank loans.

On the domestic front, total debt rose to N80.55 trillion in June, up from N78.76 trillion in March – an increase of N1.79 trillion or 2.27 per cent.

The report stated that N680,424,712,094.99 of FGN bonds issued to restructure States’ commercial debts is excluded from that amount. Also included under FGN Bonds was a securitized component of Ways and Means financing amounting to N22,719,000,000,000.00. A portion of FGN Bonds issued in foreign currency (converted to naira) accounted for N1,402,905,358,752.50; this figure corresponds to a domestic US Dollar bond of USD 917.405 million, which the DMO notes was converted using a rate of N1,529.2105 per dollar.

Treasury Bills were the second largest instrument, amounting to N12,764,078,815,000.00, which is 16.67 percent of the domestic debt stock.

Other instruments recorded in the DMO report include FGN Sukuk (N1,292,557,000,000.00, or 1.69 percent), FGN Savings Bonds (N91,533,172,000.00, or 0.12 percent), and FGN Green Bond (N62,355,000,000.00, or 0.08 percent).

Promissory Notes (Pnotes), which are non-interest bearing, were reported at N1,731,358,298,643.85, forming 2.26 percent of total domestic debt. Of this amount, the naira-denominated portion was N431,216,797,437.00, while the foreign currency denominated portion (converted to naira) was N1,300,141,501,206.86. The foreign currency portion is composed of USD and GBP elements, converted at the rates of N1,529.2105 per dollar and N2,093.9479 per pound.

Specifically, the DMO noted that the FGN Naira Bonds figures include part of the N7.3 trillion Ways and Means restructured in the first half (H1) of 2025, and that the FGN US Dollar Bond of USD 917,405,000 issued on September 6, 2024 and outstanding as at June 2025 was converted to naira using the Central Bank of Nigeria official exchange rate of 1 USD = N1,529.2105 as at June 30, 2025.

The DMO stated that Promissory Notes which are non-interest bearing instruments and that the foreign-denominated Promissory Notes outstanding (USD 850,069,492 and £98,526 as at June 2025) were converted to naira using the CBN official exchange rates of 1 USD = N1,529.2105 and 1 GBP = N2,093.9479 as at June 30, 2025.

According to the DMO, the Federal Government accounted for N141.08 trillion, representing 92.6 per cent of the total public debt stock. This figure includes N64.49 trillion in external obligations and N76.59 trillion in domestic liabilities.

Subnational governments – comprising the 36 states and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) – owed a combined N11.32 trillion, or 7.4 per cent of the total debt. Of this amount, $4.81 billion (N7.36 trillion) was external, while N3.96 trillion was domestic.

Nigeria, as a country, has only 300 psychiatrists to attend to its over 200million populace.

This was the stark revelation by Professor Modupe Akinyinka, HOD, Community Health, Lagos State University Teaching Hospital, LAUTH.

She spoke at the weekend, at a public forum to commemorate the World Mental Health Day2025.

Represented by another senior official of the department, Prof. Yinka Adeniran, Prof. Akinyinka said this is as a result of brain drain, otherwise known as japa syndrome, currently ravaging the health sector.

This would later be corroborated by Professor Olayinla Atilola, who spoke on the topic: ‘Nigeria as a Catastrophe and Emergency Hub.’

The Chairman of the occasion, Professor Olurotimi Coker, gave a historical background of the annual commemoration, explaining that World Mental Health Day was first observed in the institution on October 10, 1992.

He highlighted this year’s theme: Access to services: Mental Health in Catastrophes and Emergencies, noting that many people develop mental health issues as a result of conflicts, natural disasters, displacement, and economic instability.

Speaking with The Nation on the sideline of the event, Professor Coker said ‘The essence of the Day is to tell Nigerians that they can have access to mental healthcare, and that it’s not okay to be okay. When you have mental health issues, you need to talk about it. It is no longer a thing of shame to have depression or anxiety.’

On the spirituality attached to mental health issues, Coker said ‘Mental disorders are disorders of the brain, and are like every other disorders, such as disorders of the kidney, of the heart, of the liver; so why should we say that disorders of the brain are caused by machinations of the devilish minds, village people and all of that. This is why we are here to psycho-educate the people, so that they stop taking patients to spiritual homes and religious people.

‘We have a very depressed economy and people are being affected by the economy, and there is a high correlation between poverty and mental disorders. Should we then say that it was caused by village people?’

He emphasised that mental health disorders are hundred percent treatable when presented early.

Aside Pro. Atilola, Prof. Leonard Okonkwo, a clinical psychologist at the institution also gave a talk on Psychological first aid.

Long before refined petroleum products began pouring out of the Dangote refinery, I was sure that whenever that happened, the Nigerian economy was going to receive a massive shot in the arm. I was sure that the refinery was going to change Nigeria, permanently and profoundly. After all, the planned scale of the enterprise was so large that it could take care of local demands. Not only that, it was large enough to have a great deal left over for export. If that was not a game changer, nothing else was going to clinch it. The reality of what has happened in the last two years has however clipped the wings of my soaring expectations, bringing me back to reality with a massive bump.

What I failed to add to my calculation of reality was that whilst opening the refinery was a positive, life changing event for the vast majority of Nigerians, it was bound to be seen in a negative and altogether unwelcome light. After all, a small but all powerful minority were profiting from the chaos which had governed our fuel supply mechanisms for half a century and counting. It is now clear that not taking their reaction into consideration was going to fatally screw up the equation of fuel supply in the country, even as high grade fuel was being produced right here on our shores.

The first indication of reality was that long after the refinery was commissioned, its promised products were not available on the fuel thirsty streets of Nigeria. This was not a spontaneous reaction but a contrived response to the potential availability of enough fuel to drive the nation’s economy. The actors in that area of our economy had decided to deprive our nubile waist of decorative beads in favour of total strangers.

The largest single train refinery in the world stood ready for business but crude oil, its basic raw material, was conspicuously missing. And this was, at least on paper, in a country which was still one of the largest producers of crude oil in the world. One would have thought that all that was required was to allot the required amount of fuel to Dangote in a move that was going to replace the subsidy that we had been told was being paid on every litre of petrol that was consumed in the land. It was soon clear that the NNPC had mortgaged our oil reserves and was in no position to sell oil to Dangote. The refinery was open for business but there was no local crude available, tantamount to our farmers sending their yams to Lagos to earn hard cash whilst subsisting on part of their scraggy cocoyam harvest. Dangote had to go halfway round the world to bring in the crude, large quantities of which were available in his backyard. What economic sense did it make to source for crude in turgid dollars but sell the refined products in flaccid Naira? None at all is the right answer. The Dangote refinery got going at last but the cost of buying petrol in Nigeria was hardly dented as it competed with rotten dollar denominated fuel which was still being bought in strange lands and imported into Nigeria. The leeches which had been sucking us dry for several decades, ignoring the evidence of their eyes, were insistent in their desire to ensure that it was to be business as usual. They were able to do this because they had friends in high places. After Dangote was denied the benefit of access to local crude, some standards organisation, without the benefit of any analytical instrumentation declared with faux authority that the fuel produced by Dangote was laden with high concentrations. of sulphur. This was a clear attempt to play on the fears of Nigerians that locally produced materials of any kind were inferior to imported varieties. Dangote, who had the authority of a fully functional laboratory behind him proved them wrong. These difficulties notwithstanding, Dangote began to eat away at the cost of fuel purchased from our forecourts. Availability was also increased to such an extent that fuel queues were consigned to the past. For the first time in fifty years fuel was even available over the Christmas period. To be sure, petrol was still close to five times more expensive in Naira terms than before but the cost was coming down perceptibly in what was turning out to be a win – win situation or, could be if properly managed.

But, the situation could not be properly managed. When it became apparent that Dangote was getting on top of the situation, news began to filter out that the government owned refineries which had been silently rotting away for a couple of decades, had in the miraculous manner of the deceased Lazarus been brought back to life after the injection of massive amounts of dollars. We were informed that the refineries had undergone various tests which confirmed that they were so close to resuming their functions as to make no difference. It was to be only a matter of a few months or even weeks before Dangote was presented with a worthy competitor thereby preempting the creation of an unwanted Dangote monopoly in the oil sector. A year after these cheering news were received, the refineries are as silent as the sepulchres from which they were said to have been delivered and Dangote is still the only refinery left standing.

I was sure that a decisive corner had been turned when a year ago, it was announced that Dangote could pay for his crude supplies in Naira. True, the volume of crude supplied under this arrangement was substantially short of capacity, it was however a giant step in the right direction but the mode of this transaction was not transparent as as some dollars were smuggled into the prevailing equation but still it was better than nothing and in any case, the cost of fuel at the pump continued to inch downwards. Hope in the bright future of fuel availability broke out like a rash, to the evident satisfaction of a lot of us. That outbreak has however been shown to be premature as other challenges were raised against Mr. Dangote and his massive and ambitious project.

In the dark winter of our fuel discontent, a group of people had risen to insert themselves into the fuel supply chain. They had built massive storage facilities which received imported fuel for subsequent distribution throughout the country. They did not add a jot of value to the supply chain but were nevertheless indispensable. They were like the slave traders of old who took advantage of being situated on the coast to buy slaves from the interior to sell them on to the Europeans at great profit to themselves. Their descendants still exist among us for all they are now worth. The direction of trade has now been reversed with fuel being moved from the ports to the hinterland. Unfortunately, the reasoning remains the same, the only difference is the nature of the merchandise. Then, it was live human beings. Now, it is refined petroleum.

To pursue the slave trade analogy to its logical conclusion. Slaves were assembled at depots all along the coasts from where the slaves were loaded into ships reeking of human misery and taken across the Atlantic Ocean, to slavery in the Americas and the Caribbean region. Now, old and old ricketty petrol tankers drive up to be loaded with fuel for transport to all parts of the country. These rent seeking middlemen, llike their forefathers who resisted the abolition of the slave trade with all their might are also determined to protect their privileges to the detriment of the rest of us.

Senate President Godswill Akpabio has said the National Assembly will not allow any lawmaker to hold the legislature ‘hostage,’ stressing that discipline and adherence to institutional rules are vital for the survival of Nigeria’s democracy.

Akpabio made this known in a statement yesterday by his media aide, Eseme Eyiboh, titled ‘The Trials and Triumphs of a Resilient Nigeria’s 10th Senate.’

He explained that the Senate’s resolve to uphold its standing orders was not aimed at stifling dissent but rather to preserve order and protect the sanctity of democratic institutions.

‘Without a doubt, Nigeria’s Senate belongs in that global fellowship of parliaments that recognise chaos as the heart of anarchy and order as the soul of democracy.

‘Its insistence on upholding internal discipline and protecting the authority of its leadership is, therefore, neither personal nor punitive. It is institutional self-preservation,’ Akpabio said.

He noted that the Upper Chamber’s determination not to be swayed by any individual was a reaffirmation of collective responsibility over ‘individual grandstanding.’

‘When the chamber asserts that it will not be held hostage by the disruptive instincts of any single member, it is affirming the primacy of collective responsibility over individual grandstanding. This is how strong legislatures endure: not by silencing dissent, but by ensuring that dissent respects the bounds of procedure,’ he stated.

Akpabio further emphasized that parliamentary discipline is a universal principle in democratic governance, citing examples from established democracies.

‘The discipline of parliamentary conduct is a universal marker of political civilisation. In the United Kingdom’s House of Commons, the authority of the Speaker is absolute and unchallenged, ensuring that debates proceed with respect and precision. No member, regardless of party or popularity, may openly defy the Speaker’s ruling without consequences.

‘In Canada’s Parliament, even the fiercest partisans understand that procedure is sacred. Heated disagreements are channelled through decorum, not chaos. Similarly, in Australia, the Senate’s ability to hold the executive accountable depends not on the whims of politics but on the meticulous enforcement of rules that keep legislative integrity intact,’ Akpabio said.

He maintained that strong democracies thrive not by avoiding dissent but by managing it within the limits of procedure and respect for institutional order.

‘In any democracy, the question is never whether there will be dissent. Instead, it is always about how it will be handled. The real measure of a democratic institution is how it handles internal turbulence.

‘The Tenth Senate has faced its fair share of provocations and personality clashes, yet it has consistently chosen the path of principle over populism. When it insists that rules must be followed and that leadership must be respected, it is not acting out of pride but out of duty. Every time the Senate enforces its Standing Orders, it sends a message that Nigeria’s democracy is strong enough to discipline itself,’ the statement added.

Some industry stakeholders who are also the organisers of the National Advertising Conference (NAC) 2025 have announced plans for this year’s edition, scheduled to hold at the Abuja Continental Hotel from November 12 to 14, recognised as the country’s premier gathering of marketing communications professionals, innovators, regulators, and business leaders.

The conference has built a reputation as a key platform for intellectual engagement, professional networking, and policy-shaping dialogue in Nigeria’s marketing ecosystem. It has consistently provided opportunities for participants to share ideas, exchange insights, and collectively design roadmaps for advancing both the industry and the national economy.

This year’s edition is expected to deepen those engagements, with over 50 distinguished speakers drawn from diverse sectors of the economy, including advertising, media, technology, and business leadership. Discussions will span sub-themes such as ‘Different Generations, Different Industry’ and ‘Destination Branding,’ alongside other critical issues affecting the marketing and communications landscape.

In his reaction to issues around the feedback from the previous editions, the Director General of the Advertising Regulatory Council of Nigeria (ARCON), Dr. Lekan Fadolapo said the cooperation of the Federal Government on the conference through the office of the Minister of Information, Mohammed Idris, has helped the organisers to achieve their aims as well as showcasing advertising as a catalyst for national development.

He said, ‘With the open door policy of the Honourable Minister of Information and National Orientation, we have been able to share our thoughts on national development, and the industry has enjoyed necessary attention. As a thoroughbred professional, the minister is committed to industry growth and he has consistently encouraged the practitioners to use their expertise to promote Nigeria and her brands. He sees our annual conference as a gathering of intellectuals and professionals whose contributions would enhance the effective communication of the government.’

He further stressed that the 2025 edition of the conference will focus on pragmatic solutions to transform and grow the business of advertising and marketing in Nigeria, particularly in light of economic challenges and global shifts.

In his remarks, Mr. Tunji Adeyinka, Chairman of the Conference Organising Committee, described the event as a ‘meeting point for industry leaders, young professionals, innovators, and visionaries who are shaping the future of marketing and advertising in Nigeria.’

He said that beyond learning and networking, the conference will serve as an epicenter for thought leadership, innovation, and collaboration.

As part of preparations toward the conference, the organisers have introduced incentives to encourage early participation for early bird registration which is set at ?250,000 until October 31, 2025, after which the ticket price will increase to ?350,000 from November 1.

In addition, the committee has partnered with Ibom Air to provide discounted flights for delegates who register early, further easing access to the nation’s capital for participants

The 2025 edition is set to host high-level panel sessions, exhibitions showcasing the latest industry innovations, and networking platforms designed to foster meaningful connections among participants. Leaders of key sectoral bodies – including Dozie Okafor, President of the Media Independent Practitioners Association of Nigeria (MIPAN); Tolulope Medebem, President of the Experiential Marketers Association of Nigeria (EXMAN); Lanre Adisa, President of the Association of Advertising Agencies of Nigeria (AAAN); Sola Akinsiku, President of the Outdoor Advertising Agencies of Nigeria (OAAN); and Greg Odutayo, representing the Broadcasting Organisations of Nigeria (BON) – have all pledged their full support, assuring that their members will be mobilised to participate actively.

What has your party, the SDP, been doing since the 2023 elections?

Well, what we have been doing after the election is to let people know that the conversation continues, because while we were campaigning, part of our talking points was for the immediate electorate. Most of it was for a longer vision about the country and it wouldn’t matter who won the election or who lost the election. Some issues would not leave us. And the earlier we build consensus around those issues the better so that hopefully they will not be subject of campaign.

We are probably one of the few countries in the world that are still campaigning about corruption. Every decent person knows that corruption is not good. It’s not a political programme. It is admitted by most people in the world that a corrupt society will not go anywhere. So, if we all agree about that, no one will choose a president with respect to the attitude towards corruption because all presidents, all presidential candidates, all politicians and all leaders at different levels of our national life will agree that corruption is bad. The fact that we need to be united around certain principles, like fairness, justice, equity and rule of law, should not make them political programmes.

Are you still in the SDP or in another party now? What are your political leanings, thoughts, and plans for 2027?

I joined the SDP in 1991 when I was 19 years old and even when the party was banned, I didn’t join any other party. As close as I was to those who were running the PDP in those days, I didn’t join the party even though some of them were my clients. I have relationships with some of them, and when they started this APC, I didn’t even consider it for a second. So, basically, the only party, the only political party I’ve ever joined in my life is the SDP, which I joined when I was 19 years old, and that’s where I will remain, unless the party ceases to exist, but I can’t join any other party. I will remain in the SDP.

There were rumours that the SDP was working for the APC or open to negotiations. What do you have to say about that?

Well, we don’t know the rumours and talk, what I know is what the SDP is doing officially. I only participate in what the SDP is doing officially but what I find out is that people who are in political parties tend to have loyalty outside their political party. I think it’s part of the problems we try to solve by bringing more ethical leaders. But 100 percent of my own politics is done inside the SDP. And this day and time, there is no way you could have a relationship with people that there won’t be evidence of it. Either they will see you with them, you will take a photo with them, they will trace their money to you or they will trace the activity to you. So, if you really want to know where somebody belongs to, other than just passing rumour or propaganda, you will know.

There may be elements of people in the SDP who have sympathies for other parties but what we tend to do is when we catch them, we relegate them or expel them. But for the SDP, we know it has three different epochs. There was the SDP which I joined in 1991 which was the SDP of the third republic; that’s where you will see people like Rashidi Ladoja for example. He was our senator. You will see people like Lekan Balogun, Tinubu, Atiku Abubakar and so many of them like that, who were in the SDP at that time. So if you look around those who are in politics today, many of them were in the SDP.

There were two political parties at that time, the SDP and the National Republican Convention (NRC). It looks like those who went to the NRC are not as successful as those who went to the SDP; you don’t see many of the NRC people any more. But the SDP ones, you’ll find them in every policy. So, sometimes when we go out, when we meet them, this is always our party, we’re all together and things like that. So, if President Tinubu and many of the people around him still have that nostalgia about the SDP, that’s one epoch.

The second epoch of the SDP was when Chief Alaye came with Pat Utomi and so many of them like that, and they started and they revived the SDP. And so anywhere I go now and I say I am a leader of the SDP, Utomi is quick to say, ‘no, that’s my party. The position you are in now, I used to be there.’ So that’s the second epoch of it.

The third epoch is what we are doing now, which is the SDP of young people who don’t have the history of having occupied any office in the SDP. We just want to revive the little to the left principle of it, which incidentally coincides with chapter two for our constitution, fundamental objectives and direct principles of state policy.

How will the SDP build a strong, sincere party with an ethos and manifesto, given that most parties are just platforms for seizing power?

It is possible and it has happened. When it comes to Manifesto, you have the school of politicians and governors. You can ask the director to ask your students to analyse, do a comparative analysis of the manifesto and look at the SDP and juxtapose it against what the constitution says. So, the manifesto is okay for us, we are fine with the manifesto. And you also remember that our manifesto did not arise from an emergency company of words put together for election. It is the product of the Centre for Democratic Studies. So at that time, there was some ideological grounding that, along with the party, was founded. And I thank Chief Alaye, Professor Pat Utomi and others who, when they had the opportunity to create a new political party, decided to say, let’s go back to the SDP. Kofalaye was there, he ran for president on that platform.

So the ideology is okay. What is required is democratic patience, because in my background, we are asked to do revolutionary patience. Not everybody wants to be revolutionary like me, so we say democratic patience, which is that I am running for president on ideas. I will do my best to win based on those ideas and if I win, I will govern based on those ideas, but if I don’t win and my time passes, another person is coming to carry that torch. That’s why, Abiola is not here but I’m running on farewell to poverty and insecurity. I’m running on the last programme; we still play the same Abiola mantra, the same jingle we’re running now in Abuja for the area councils and for Dr Obinna who is running for the Abuja Metropolitan Area Council, AMAC. He came to me and he had done all his manifesto, logo and everything. It’s following the same thing which the SDP used when Wole Adesina won this election. The first election to elect the mayor of Abuja was won by the SDP in 1992. Same thing that he used to campaign; same logo was added to the Abiola, so it continues

The situation of our country is going to speak to our standing in the world and all of these things if they are the main reason you’re in politics I have no doubt that you would be patriotic and you will stay in your party and you’ll do what is right.

There are people in the party that I don’t even speak to at all. I don’t preach to them. I don’t speak to them because I know how their heart bleeds for the country. So, when they have reason to make a decision in the party, I don’t disturb myself. I know that what they are going to do is right. But there are other people whom we have to discuss with.

There was a candidate in one of our recent government relations. He just joined us, and for some reasons, the party leadership thought he should be the governorship candidate. I was overseas, I came back, I saw him and I said, okay. He said he wanted to meet with me. And he came with a brilliant way by which he could bribe voters. He knows the commissioner of police, he knows the United States, he knows this and that and that, and we can win the election. And I said, I’m sorry, we don’t want to win that way.

You know, if this is how you want to win, we cannot do it. So, he said in his former party, he used to help them, but they never made him a candidate. Now he has been made a candidate, he wants to help us. I said,’ I’m sorry, I can’t do it but talk to other people.’ And when he talks to other people, more and more people are saying, well, we can’t do it. You know, and recently, when they were putting together this coalition, they thought that maybe some of us were too rigid and we didn’t want to win. And when we started talking to other leaders in the party, the same question of ideology, purpose and credibility were being asked.

There are many people, old, young, male and female, who are committed to Nigeria and they’re working through the SDP.

What is your opinion of Nigeria at 65, the journey so far?

We started accidentally. There is no great philosopher or great thinker within our population who says, oh, let us all come together. Let me unite people. If you study the history of some kingdoms, some countries, some societies, it will be indigenous, maybe warring tribes, warring groups, disunited by many factors, by politics, but united by culture. And a great leader rises among them and says, let me unite my people. That’s not the history of Nigeria. The history of Nigeria is an external necessity for trade. So Nigeria started merely as a trade zone, just like these days you have a free trade zone and export processing zone; it’s a zone. It’s like the arbitrariness with which they created areas for discos. So we created Lagos disco, Ibadan disco, Benin disco, Yola disco, different discos, you know. So, that’s how Nigeria was to the Royal Niger Company. It was just a trade zone.

Let’s have this trade zone. And those trade zones were different kingdoms and communities and all of that. And somehow for the efficiency of the business, they decided to hand it over back to the British government and run it as a protectorate and part of it as a colony. And then after a while, they ran it as protectorates, you know, next to each other. In 1914, they said let’s amalgamate together. So, but 46 years later, the people who put it together just said, we’ve had enough of it, let’s see, let’s hand it over to the locals now. And young people who had never run anything before, but who were united by the philosophy that these are indigenous people, right from Herbert Macaulay in Lagos took charge. And those who gave a lot of trouble to Lugard and Clifford were called Trousard Negroes by Lugard, because he was highly irritated about them. And if you look at the way Lugard analyzed the elite who were asking for home rule, and asking that the British should leave, he considered them to be Trousard Negroes who had no knowledge of the country, who were in Lagos, sending their clothes through a dev star company to Liverpool to be laundered and well ironed and sent back to them in Lagos. And they didn’t know anywhere 100 kilometers north of Lagos. They didn’t know anything and he dismissed them. But over time, they organized a center of the Nigerian youth movement, they split into political parties, the NCNC, Action Group, Northern Peoples Congress, and within a short order, they were getting independence. So if you look at what happened in 1999, if you look at the period between when Obasanjo came in 1999 and now, it’s about the same period that the independence movement started, and we got independence within that short time. Without independence, we had people that were going to parliament who did not know anywhere 25, 30 or 100 kilometers away from the hometown. There was no sense in going to parliament in Lagos coming from, maybe, somewhere around Ikom which is now the Cross River State. Even when they went to Lancaster House to negotiate independence, they went there as strangers because I remember that my uncle represented Ondo at that conference and went with the Action Group delegation. And they were going there almost like the way Ukraine is going to meet Russia in Washington or somewhere or Switzerland. So, but somehow they managed, elections were held and all the promises that we had at that time, majority of the promises arose from the self-governance of the regions. But they managed to create a region in 1963, not only that, to declare a republic. So somehow, whether they knew what they were doing or not, the politics of that time made them declare a republic. We are now on our own. We have nothing to do with the British judicial system, British Privy Council and all of that. The Queen is no longer our head of state. Nnamdi Azikiwe, our Governor General, is now our President and head of state. But you know, we didn’t manage hard to join so far. Secondly, the First Republic was a disaster because dishonesty happened in the election. Corruption crept in; collection of 10 percent was introduced; streets were named. Half the people had not achieved anything. So the guys wanted to remove British colonial imprints but people like McGregor and all of that made Lagos liveable. You will see the McGregor Canal and all those streets named after engineers, volunteers, and many people who pioneered. They named the streets after themselves anyway. So, they were cheating each other, killing each other, criminality, and all of that. And then the Republic collapsed and the military took over. And for some reasons, the military too could not have a consensus. So, there were two coups in 1966. And we are still debating why we had two coups in 1966 but if we had questions about the first coup, the second coup was clear.

The second coup was meant to retaliate for the first coup. So, that was the end of a spirit of order regimentation in the Nigerian army because we had to take a young officer, Yakubu Gowon, to be head of state above his seniors. And for some reasons, all the training they got together in Sandhurst, all the marching together, all the training that Welby Everard gave them and all the officers, everything collapsed. And the two factions of the military caused the civil war and fought that civil war for a long time. And the civil war, we thought, was a very brutal one, not very good, no accountability, many victims of unlawful killing, rape, robbery, and maltreatment generally. They lived, some are still living, but some died without any compensation or any inquiry, because we ended up with the vicious statement of no victor, no vanquish. We didn’t set up any inquiry. So, impunity came into it and we got a series of poor demobilization, which led to armed robbery because they were going all over the place. So the military started to do coups against each other and then Obasanjo came with Murtala. Murtala started it and said; ‘Okay, you know what? We are going to have a transition to civil rule.’ And at that time, apart from Kashim Imam, who refused, almost everybody who was asked among the politicians of the first republic, starting with Awolowo, Kori Haripo, Enahoro, Joseph Tarka, Mallam Aminu Kano, many, many people who were in politics supported the military.

So that was the first unity of the political class with the military.

Then secondly, the intellectuals also served with the military. So by the time we were having the Constituent Assembly in 1977, the political class, the military, and the intellectual class, including people like Bala Usman, people like Chinua Achebe and many of them came together and said, there was a Constituent Assembly in 1977, and that Constituent Assembly was the foundation for switching from the parliamentary system to the presidential system, a one party national party. The last one who started making regulations for forming political parties was not as liberal as it was in the first republic where you and people in your village can form parties. But now the party has to be national. So, we’re trying to nationalize our politics. And we had a beautifully written constitution where F. R. A. Williams was chairman of the drafting committee; very sound constitutional lawyers joined them. And we had a Constitution, and in that Constitution is where we put Chapter 2, and also Chapter 4.

Chapter 2 contains fundamental objectives. What is our way of running? What’s our government about? What’s the principle behind the government? If you are going to the government, what’s the purpose of the government? So those issues were raised there. How do we manage our economy? How do we manage our resources? How do we manage opportunities? And the issue of national balance and all of that was put there. And then we have Chapter 4 of the Constitution, which was the Bill of Rights, fundamental rights and how to enforce fundamental rights, because of the abuse of fundamental rights, especially by the native authority police and by local chiefs and kings in those days in their courts. So if you read Awolowo’s path to Nigerian freedom and many of those things, you will see many of them and what the people of the Northern Element Progressive Union went through in the hand of the NPC in the North, and so on and so forth. So, we started to have the Western structure of the political party system, with FEDECO established in the constitution, and you can register now. And then, some national parties came out of it. Politicians went through many troubles when they were forming political parties. You had to think of someone from far away to be a member of your executive. You had to have structure in every state across the country, especially politicians from the north. The Northern People’s Congress never had a branch outside the north. They never had anything. They would only do alliance with the NCNC at the beginning. They would only do alliance with the democratic party, they would do alliance with South-South NNA people and all of that. So now we transited to the second republic with Shagari and the election was terrible as well because the military was learning on the election. We had the infamous two-third (2/3) argument with the Supreme Court. So, in the Second Republic, the Supreme Court decided who was the winner. It was not by consensus. And you can remember how Shagari managed in four years, three months; the economy was relatively poorly managed. There was a lot of corruption. Even though Shagari himself was not a man who was personally corrupt, he was permissive. Before Goodluck Jonathan, there was Shagari, a soft person who looked harmless on their own, but everybody around them took advantage and they were losing the country, one way or the other.

And then the military came back again, with Buhari. But, the most transformational aspect was when Babangida came. It was quite theatrical, he tried to run the military government as if it was a civilian government, even still with strong tactics, but with endless transition like that of Gowon. Endless transition that should have ended in 1990. But it continued and that’s how SDP-NRC came up and we found ourselves at a point where we conducted the 1993 election.

Then the intention of Babangida showed because when the election was successfully conducted, they annulled it and they had a terrible government which was very problematic for the country. There was an international crisis; NADECO was formed, and it was like the country was looking like Zaire or Congo. Eventually, Abacha died, and Abdulsalami came with an 11-month programme. We found ourselves having a civilian government but what do we have? We had a civilian government that was essentially military because the president that they gave to us wasn’t democratic. They trusted him and they brought him out and essentially he was already like a pretty dynamic candidate And if you look at the election results, it was very doubtful if the election result was what was used to determine who the winner was. And there are many people who have researched and can’t find the presidential election result. I’m not sure what his official result is. So, Obasanjo started using his own experience and he tried to mock some of the losers. And because he was under sanctions imposed on us during Abacha, he was able to get many of the sanctions off and the Congress started having a life. Obasanjo had experience about how to govern, but he was not a democrat. He’s not a democrat. Maybe, he is now a democrat, but he wasn’t as a head of state and as a president. He wasn’t because the 2003 election is one of the worst elections in Nigeria. You can go and get the notes of Jimmy Carter, who was asked to come and be an election observer. We thought that was bad enough, until 2007, when the winner said, this election leaves much to be desired. We’ve been having these bad elections like that for 26 years. The thing we’ve achieved is that we’ve continued to have a civilian system. We’ve not, the Nigerian elite have not woken up the militant wing to go and get their uniform and take over. I think all the crimes, vices, and evil that could be done are already permitted under the system. So there’s no need for you to break it, it’s already performing; they all remain there. So we, the democrats, are happy that we have had a broken civilian system but all the promises we’ve not been keeping them. Not one of the promises has been kept and not one administration, from Obasanjo to Yar’Adua to Jonathan Goodluck to Muhammadu Buhari, now to Bola Ahmed Tinubu, has kept the promise. But as bad as the presidential system has been, we are in more trouble at the subsidiary level. The governors have been worse than even the presidents. Today, the best government in Nigeria is still the Federal Government. The most accountable, even though they’re not accountable, but the most accountable is still the Federal Government. The National Assembly is totally betraying the people. They’re still the best legislative house in Nigeria because the rest are just there as the lapdog, the governors of the state; totally responsible. So this is where we are. That’s the journey of the country in politics. The journey of the country, the social history of Nigeria, is that we’ve managed somehow to domesticate certain virtues. Education, which unfortunately has too much of a Westernisation in it, but we’ve managed to domesticate that. And some of our brothers in the North who have a Middle Eastern orientation to education, who are on the Almajiri system, have also been very good in the curriculum and liturgy of Islamic education and they’ve given a good account of themselves. So we are a fairly educated society even though we have a large amount of people, especially the younger ones, out of school. The quality of the education has not been rising as much as it should but a bit of it has been attenuated by the paradigm subsidy of the global ICT revolution. So you could attend a polytechnic but if you have access to the internet you could have a peer review contribution to your education. You could be in a university, but you have access to some journals online and all of that, so you’re not limited to the physical library in your school or lack of it. So it has also made many of our young people to be able to pair very well with their peers in the world, but a vast majority of our people are left behind.

On the economic side, we’ve managed to mismanage ourselves completely because our GDP, the GDP of Nigeria today should have been the GDP of any state only, not even up to the GDP of Lagos or Oyo, or Kano, or Anambra, or Rivers so we have done poorly in our economy and there are three principal reasons for that. We’ve stolen and exported a lot of our wealth overseas and a lot of this wealth is now being frozen. Many of the people who took the wealth can’t invest well and they can’t recover a lot of the properties that they have there. So, we’ve exported our money. There are two parts of the exportation of our money. So many people will buy public servants so this money is taken away by families, friends and proxies. It is a loss to the economy. You will excuse me but our GDP is so small that a country of three million elsewhere has a bigger GDP than us. A country of 10, 20 or at most 60 million, has better GDP than us. So, it is our money being stolen and taken overseas. And the second part of the money being stolen is the money being stolen through over-invoicing and other wastages to foreign elements who come to help them take the money.

Before you can steal $1 billion, you have to let the foreigner to whom you are stealing it to exaggerate their entitlement to $10 billion and take the money away. All they are doing with solid minerals; they just come and take all the resources away and there’s nothing anybody is doing.

So now, the second reason our economy is doing poorly is lack of opportunities. We are not employing our people because the elites are claiming money they don’t need. Oil is big enough taxation so is solid minerals. They don’t really need you as long as they have enough money to buy houses on Island, buy estates in Dubai, buy houses in the best part of Europe, London and wherever. So I thought they have that; they don’t think that that is enough but they don’t realize that for Nigeria to be a country that can take out these people, we need to be budgeting about $300 to $350 billion annually in our federal budget. While at the states will do other things; I’m talking about federal budget a lot because when I did the calculation during my first time running for president, I realised that to meet the manifesto, to meet the objectives in the constitution as enunciated in chapter two, the budget needed to be $30 billion, and I had to continuously budget that. And I look at that year, the budget was 35 billion, so I had to budget 10 times more. And I started thinking, how are you gonna fund this so that I don’t look like a clown? And that’s what led me to that famous noise I was making regarding that majority of our crude oil at that time, 80 percent of the crude oil was being stolen. And then I see the amount being stolen in the solid minerals. And when you see the amount being stolen in other ways from the fiscal aspect of the taxation and all of that, I realize that you can raise that kind of money. I want to see the amount of labour that our people can generate, productivity that they can do. If you produce 10 million pairs of shoes locally, you have where to sell them. And you see all the other skills. If you farm ginger and you have ginger oil, you could make more money. If there was a Nigerian ginger oil company, it would make more money than any business. Then you go from sector to sector like that. If you go to fisheries, you will make more money. So I realized that if we invested a little more in our universities, we would save all the money. Some will still go abroad because of fantasy or other reasons, but you will have a net inflow of undergraduates from other countries coming to Nigeria to pay money, to attend University of Lagos and go anywhere you have schools in Nigeria; people will come. So, with all that investment being made, if we do housing, that will throw our GDP up, and people can just by virtue of having an NCE certificate and letter of employment, be given houses to buy, and they can pay for 35 years. They will buy and then they have a structured way by which they know they have to work.

So the third element why our GDP is small is because of poor recording of the GDP. Recently, we did rebasing. When Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala was minister, we did a rebasing and the GDP shot up. But a lot of people have been captured in our GDP. And now, you can build a house in many parts of Nigeria, build a house, rent the house to the tenants and collect your rent. And today, I can tell you, statistically, there will be up to 200,000 people who pay their house rent today. And I’m not sure that it will be recorded anywhere, because rent income is not recorded. Maybe some states are trying to adapt.

Benin Republic captain, Steve Mounie has expressed his team’s determination to secure a positive result against the Super Eagles of Nigeria in their upcoming 2026 FIFA World Cup qualifying match, Nigeriasoccernet.com reports.

The match, scheduled for next week at the Godswill Akpabio International Stadium in Uyo, is crucial for both teams, with Benin needing to avoid defeat to maintain their chances of qualifying for the World Cup.

‘We play football for this kind of match. It will be a historic meeting. We will give everything to take Benin to the World Cup,’ Mounie emphasized.

Benin Republic currently tops Group C with 17 points from nine matches, while Nigeria sits in third place with 14 points.

The Cheetahs’ confidence has been boosted by their 2-1 victory over the Super Eagles in June, and Mounie believes his team can replicate that success.

‘I remember in June, I gave them the example of my former club. When I was with Stade Brest, we were able to stand up to big teams in the French championship. I told them that we could do the same against Nigeria,’ he said.