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AFROFEST 2026 – an international festival celebrating the culture of African peoples – has come to a close in Moscow. For several weeks in August, it transformed the Russian capital into a hub of music, fashion, gastronomy and lively socialising. The festival reached its peak on 22-23 August: songs in the languages of various African peoples rang out under the open sky, whilst guests learnt to dance, explored designers’ work and sampled African cuisine.

AFROFEST has once again demonstrated that cultural exchange can be another important step towards strengthening mutual trust between the countries of Africa and Russia.

REAL AFRICA IS A DIVERSITY OF CULTURES AND VOICES

AFROFEST is being held in Russia for the sixth time, bringing together venues in Moscow and Kaluga. Its aim is to showcase Africa free from stereotypes: as a continent of diverse, distinctive cultures, histories and contemporary creative ideas. The festival programme combined concerts, traditional songs and dances, masterclasses, lectures, food courts, markets and fashion shows.

African artists performed on the main stage, whilst contemporary fashion was showcased by designers, including those from Burundi and Nigeria. In this way, the festival demonstrated that the preservation of heritage and the development of new creative forms go hand in hand.

‘Culture is a mirror of a people’s soul. It connects generations and serves as a bridge between people, transcending all boundaries. We are delighted to have the opportunity to introduce our Russian friends to Burundian culture,’ remarked Joseph Nkurunziza, Burundi’s Ambassador to Russia.

According to the organisers, over 100,000 people attended the festival’s Moscow programme over the two days. AFROFEST brought together representatives of African communities, diplomats, young people, creative groups and guests from various countries.

Such gatherings foster trust: cultural exchange helps Russia and African countries find common ground, develop personal ties and move from initial acquaintance to cooperation in education, business, careers and joint projects.

ALABUGA START: A PATH TO A CAREER, FRIENDSHIP AND AN INTERNATIONAL FUTURE

The head sponsor of AFROFEST 2026 was the international employment programme for young women, Alabuga Start, and the Alabuga special economic zone – one of the largest SEZs in Russia (located in the Republic of Tatarstan, in the city of Elabuga).

The Alabuga Start stand became the centre of attention at AFROFEST 2026. Participants in the programme told guests about the opportunities that Alabuga Start offers to young women aged 18-22. As visitors to the stand noted, a key point on the list of the programme’s benefits was the opportunity to combine work in one of the eight fields offered by the organisers with learning Russian and discovering the culture and history of the peoples of Russia.

‘This is the first time I’ve encountered such an approach to working with foreigners. I’ve spent quite a long time researching various exchange and employment programmes in other countries, but none that I can recall offered such a comprehensive approach to settling in.’ I think that at Alabuga, the girls can really feel part of an international community where respect for cultural differences forms the basis of communication,’ said Melissa from Uganda, sharing her impressions.

The Alabuga Start participants themselves, who were the organisers of the stand, also shared their impressions of the work with the guests at AFROFEST.

‘I was delighted to talk about our programme in French, English and Russian. People listened to me with interest. Taking part in events like this is very useful: it’s a good way to engage with the audience and an opportunity to dispel any doubts, because we ourselves are living proof of how the programme works,’ said participant Amara from Benin.

Amahie from South Africa pointed out that the festival helped her to see Moscow as a truly international city and to feel the strength of the African community:

‘It was very interesting for me to attend AFROFEST. It was particularly pleasing to see just how large and close-knit the African community in Moscow is, and to gain an even better understanding of just how much of a truly cosmopolitan city Moscow is, where different cultures find space to coexist. It was very important and wonderful to see that Africans living far from their home countries are able to preserve, celebrate and share their culture.’

A DIALOGUE THAT GOES ON

Today, Russia is building sustainable and equal partnerships with African countries – not only in the fields of culture and the economy, but also in education and the professional sphere.

AFROFEST, now in its sixth consecutive year, has once again brought together young people, representatives from diplomatic circles, the business sector, creative communities and anyone wishing to learn more about Africa and Russia, serving as a platform for new acquaintances, professional contacts and ideas for educational, cultural and business initiatives.

For its part, Alabuga Start proved to be a highlight of AFROFEST, enabling young Africans to learn about employment opportunities and to hear not just official statements, but real-life success stories of young African women in Russia. The event served as a reminder that, amidst global turbulence, culture and mutual respect for each nation’s distinct identity enable people to listen to one another without intermediaries, thereby building relationships based on trust and long-term cooperation.

Blessing Bashorun, Executive Chef and Founder of Cabbilicious Foods and Cabbilicious Culinary School, has called for stronger professional standards across Africa’s food and hospitality industry as part of efforts to position African cuisine for greater global recognition.

African cuisine already carries a strong identity, cultural depth and diversity, but wider international recognition also depends on how consistently that food is presented to global audiences. For chefs and food businesses looking beyond local markets, professional standards can influence whether interest in African food develops into lasting credibility.

Blessing maintains that creativity alone cannot sustain that visibility. She argues that African culinary professionals must be prepared to match the quality of the food they create with the level of professionalism expected in international hospitality environments.

‘African cuisine already has the identity and richness to stand confidently anywhere in the world. What we need is to make sure the standards behind the food are just as strong as the food itself,’ she said.

That argument goes beyond presentation. Global recognition is built through repeated experiences, and a cuisine that attracts attention must also be supported by businesses and professionals capable of delivering quality consistently.

For African food brands seeking international opportunities, this means paying closer attention to the standards that shape the entire dining experience. Strong food safety practices, reliable service and professional execution can strengthen how African cuisine is received in markets where expectations are already firmly established.

‘If we want African cuisine to be respected globally, then the experience around it has to inspire the same confidence as the food itself,’ Blessing said.

Blessing has made food safety one of the key areas of her professional work. She holds the Highfield Level 3 Award in Food Safety for Catering through the London Professional Training Centre in the United Kingdom and has consistently advocated stronger food safety practices within professional catering.

That expertise is relevant to the wider global conversation because international recognition does not stop at introducing new audiences to African dishes. The businesses representing those dishes must also be capable of meeting the standards expected by consumers, hospitality partners and institutions in different markets.

Culinary training is another part of that equation. Through Cabbilicious Culinary School, Blessing works with aspiring chefs and food entrepreneurs, preparing them to understand the professional expectations attached to working in the food industry.

The importance of such training becomes clearer as African chefs seek opportunities outside their home markets. Technical ability may create an opportunity, but the capacity to work within professional systems and deliver consistently can determine how far that opportunity develops.

Blessing stated that stronger training can also allow African culinary professionals to compete internationally without diluting the identity of the food they represent.

‘Global recognition should not mean losing what makes African cuisine unique. It means presenting that uniqueness with the level of professionalism that allows it to compete anywhere,’ she said.

This balance between cultural identity and professional execution is becoming increasingly important to the way African cuisine is positioned. Global appeal does not require African food to become less African. It requires the industry around it to become stronger at presenting its value consistently.

The same principle applies to food businesses. As African entrepreneurs build catering companies and hospitality concepts around local cuisine, the quality of their operations becomes part of how consumers experience the food itself.

A memorable dish can introduce someone to a cuisine, but confidence is built when that quality can be repeated. This is why stronger industry standards matter to the broader effort to move African cuisine from occasional international curiosity into a more established part of the global hospitality conversation.

Blessing’s work through Cabbilicious Foods has given her experience within professional catering, while Cabbilicious Culinary School provides an avenue for developing people who may eventually represent African food in different markets.

Her push for greater global recognition therefore centres on a straightforward principle. African cuisine already has the cultural value and culinary strength required to attract international attention. What can strengthen its position further is an industry capable of supporting that food with the professionalism global audiences expect.

For Blessing Bashorun, stronger food safety, better professional preparation and consistent service standards are not separate conversations from the global future of African cuisine. They are part of what will determine whether the attention African food continues to receive can be converted into lasting international recognition.

Not the type where you call elders and everybody sits under the mango tree. This one is more complicated. The husband says there is no problem. His wife says there had better not be a problem. And one very confident family friend has moved his slippers under the matrimonial bed.

Welcome to the latest episode of Nigerian politics.

Nyesom Wike is one of my favourite Nigerian politicians. I love him one kind’ but you don’t have to love him with me. He is an acquired taste, trust me. He is also, in many ways, very colourful. Now, he has built a rainbow that is making many politicians summon their oracle men and prophets.

Indeed, some APC governors are looking at the sky and asking why there are o many colours up there.

Ordinarily, a rainbow is supposed to be a beautiful thing. Red. Orange. Yellow. Green. Blue. Indigo. Violet. Children point at it. Lovers take photographs. Pastors preach about God’s covenant.

But this particular rainbow has APC, PDP, Labour Party and Action Alliance colours inside it and it is strange. Even me, I am dizzy.

Yes nah, even Noah did not see this type.

Wike’s Rainbow Coalition started essentially as a Rivers political arrangement, bringing together politicians from different parties around common candidates and interests. But the ambition and conversation surrounding it have since acquired a distinctly national flavour with a tang.

Wike has spoken of a broader coalition supporting President Bola Ahmed Tinubu in 2027. That had APC governors adjusting their agbadas. Why?

Because there is supporting Tinubu.

And there is supporting Tinubu while standing on the neck of an APC governor. Me, I don’t want anybody getting suffocated in the brewing brouhaha.

Those are two different forms of patriotism.

Imagine that you are an APC governor seeking re-election, succession or National Assembly victories in your state. You have spent four years attending party meetings. You have bought matching caps. You have shouted ‘On your mandate!’ until your vocal cords now require physiotherapy.

Then somebody arrives and says:

‘Don’t worry. I support our President completely. But for the other elections, let everybody vote according to our Rainbow arrangement.’

Mr Governor will first remove his glasses.

‘Sorry, what did you say?’

That, stripped of all political grammar, appears to be the anxiety now troubling the Progressive Governors Forum.

The governors announced that they would not endorse political arrangements capable of undermining Tinubu’s re-election or APC candidates at other levels.

That second part is the bone of contention.

Everybody loves Baba.

Everybody supports Baba.

But who supports Mr Governor?

Politics is a business where people can agree completely about the upstairs apartment while fighting over who owns the staircase. Very strange people, these politicians. Why are they not in bed with presidential candidates of their parties? Why are they all flaunting their boobs and bum- bum

Wike’s argument, meanwhile, is deliciously simple: his Rainbow Coalition will not reduce Tinubu’s votes; it will increase them. He has even challenged critics of the arrangement over their own capacity to deliver votes.

That is the political equivalent of telling a man:

‘Don’t worry, I am not interested in your wife. I am only helping her become happier.’

My brother, worry. In fact, recruit professional worriers to join you.

The intriguing thing I like about Wike is that he has never pretended to practise politics like catechism. He practises politics like wrestling.

He enters the ring knowing somebody’s wrapper may come loose. So far, his wrapper is still in place. I guess that is exactly why the Progressives Governors Forum cannot sleep at night. Their wrappers are being threatened by Wike’s whirlwind.

Nyesom is the original one-man riot squad. You may not like his politics. Fortunately, he does not care about your feelings. He’s just focused on his focus. I mean, here’s a man who remains one of the most prominent products of the PDP but serves as FCT Minister in an APC Federal Government and openly supports an APC President’s re-election.

If Nigerian politics were mathematics, Wike would be the question WAEC cancels; because there is an error in the examination paper.

PDP + APC + LP + AA = Rainbow.

Solve for X.

X is Wike.

And this is precisely why APC governors cannot simply dismiss the matter as Rivers political theatre.

Political parties are supposed to have structures. Governors traditionally preside at the top of those structures in their states. They influence mobilisation, candidates, appointments and the machinery that turns slogans into votes. So, which one is this cross-party structure saying, in effect: we can support Tinubu without necessarily surrendering every other political choice to APC.

Ah-ah.

What then exactly is the governor governing, the refreshments?

The Progressive Governors Forum has now drawn a line. Its position is that there should be no arrangement creating competing interests or divided loyalty within APC. Reports describe the stance as a response to the political anxiety generated by Wike’s Rainbow project.

You can understand them.

A governor cannot spend billions-sorry, energy-building party structures only for somebody to arrive with a rainbow and tell his supporters:

‘Presidential ballot: APC.

‘Senate: look at the rainbow.

‘House of Representatives: consult the weather.

‘Governorship: we shall communicate.’

Even INEC’s ballot paper may develop migraine. Did I not confess that I am dizzy? Yeah, my eyes are ‘doing roundabouts’.

Just imagine what trouble the rural voter is in. He is expected to remember that everybody in the coalition supports Tinubu, but the coalition’s preferred candidate further down the ballot paper may belong to another party.

‘Vote APC here.’

‘Okay.’

‘Not there.’

‘Why?’

‘Rainbow.’

‘Which one?’

‘The coalition.’

‘But this man is PDP.’

‘Correct.’

‘And we are APC?’

‘Correct.’

‘And Wike is PDP?’

‘Excellent.’

‘But Wike is Tinubu’s minister?’

‘You are learning.’

‘And he wants Tinubu?’

‘Correct.’

‘But maybe not APC candidate here?’

‘My friend, vote and stop asking unnecessary questions.’

This is how democracy becomes Further Mathematics.

And Wike has another problem for his critics: he believes he has receipts.

Earlier this month, he publicly named Imo Governor, Hope Uzodimma and Kwara Governor, AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq, among APC governors he accused of working against him. He also invoked the politics of 2023 and his role and that of his allies in Tinubu’s victory.

Receipts are dangerous things in Nigerian politics.

Everybody mouths loyalty until somebody opens the ledger.

‘Remember when I helped you?’

That sentence has destroyed more political friendships than ideology ever did.

Because Nigerian political friendship frequently comes with an invisible invoice.

No favour is free.

Today’s handshake is tomorrow’s promissory note.

Perhaps this is what makes the Rainbow affair fascinating. It raises a question bigger than Wike:

Who owns political loyalty?

The party?

The President?

The governor?

The political benefactor?

Or the politician whose machinery can actually produce votes?

If a PDP man can campaign for an APC President while retaining his political family elsewhere, what exactly remains of party ideology?

Please don’t answer too quickly.

You may injure yourself laughing.

Our political parties have increasingly become like Nigerian inter-state buses. The important thing is not necessarily the colour painted outside. It is where the bus is going and whether there is still space inside.

Yesterday APC.

Today PDP.

Tomorrow ADC.

And the day after: ‘after extensive consultations with my family, constituents and God Almighty…’

Come to think of it, whenever a Nigerian politician says God Almighty featured in his defection consultation, heaven should issue a disclaimer. Seriously.

But APC governors have a legitimate political problem.

If alternative structures become powerful enough to deliver the President while defeating APC candidates below him, the party could win the penthouse and lose rooms downstairs.

A President wants votes.

A governor wants votes too.

A senator wants votes.

A House candidate wants votes.

Everybody loves coalition until the coalition reaches his constituency.

Then coalition becomes anti-party activity.

This is why Wike’s rainbow is beautiful when viewed from Abuja but potentially frightening when it lands in somebody’s state.

From far away: magnificent colours.

From the Government House window:

‘Who invited this weather?’

The funniest part is that everybody involved insists he is protecting President Tinubu.

The governors say they don’t want arrangements that could undermine Tinubu.

Wike says his coalition will actually increase Tinubu’s votes.

So Tinubu is apparently being protected from every direction. He can count on protection by the governors, Wike, the APC and now, by the Rainbow. Everybody loves the President, falling over themselves to get him a second term. But things are not as cool as they look. That rainbow may well be hiding a very dark cloud. Maybe that is why the APC governors are restless.

From where I’m standing, the one person who needs protection is APC itself.

And the President?

He may simply be watching all these political wives quarrelling over who loves their husband most.

‘I cook for him!’

‘But I delivered Rivers!’

‘I am an APC governor!’

‘But where were your votes in 2023?’

‘I control party structure!’

‘I control Rainbow!’

‘Uncle, stop touching my candidates!’

‘Go and build capacity!’

Nigeria!

There are still many bus stops between September 2026 and the 2027 elections, so anyone declaring winners this early should remember the first commandment of Nigerian politics:

Thou shalt not announce another politician’s obituary while he still has access to a microphone.

Wike is not an APC governor.

He is not even an APC member.

Yet APC governors are holding meetings and issuing positions over the implications of a political formation associated with him.

That alone tells you the rainbow has become difficult to ignore.

Whether it eventually becomes a formidable national machine, remains principally a Rivers arrangement, or collapses beneath the contradictions of trying to serve several political masters is another matter entirely.

But the discomfort is already real enough to produce a formal warning: no parallel structures, no divided loyalties, and nothing that hurts APC candidates.

In simple language, what the PGF is telling the FCT Minister is:

Dear Mr Rainbow, supporting our President is appreciated. Kindly do not use the same support to retire us.

And that, my friends, is the new level Nigerian politics, where PDP heavyweight is vigorously campaigning for the political survival of an APC President.

APC governors are worried about how his support for their President could endanger them. Wike says the people complaining may simply lack capacity.

Everybody is loyal.

Everybody is suspicious.

Everybody loves the President.

Nobody wants to leave his own back uncovered.

And somewhere above Abuja, a rainbow is hanging beautifully in the sky.

Seven colours, four parties, one President and many frightened governors.

Meanwhile, Nyesom Wike is standing underneath that rainbow and wondering why everybody cannot simply relax and enjoy the weather.

After all, what could possibly go wrong?

Imo State chapter of the African Democratic Congress (ADC) has intensified efforts to build a functional grassroots structure in Imo North Senatorial District, with the inauguration of polling unit executives across the zone.

The exercise, which took place in different parts of the senatorial district, was part of the party’s ongoing mobilisation and sensitisation programme ahead of the 2027 general elections.

Leading members of the State Executive Committee and other party leaders to Umuenyi in Isiala Mbano Local Government Area for the inauguration, the State Chairman of the party, Prof. James Okoroma, stressed the importance of effective grassroots organisation to the growth of the ADC.

Okoroma charged the newly inaugurated executives to take their responsibilities seriously, remain accessible to party members and ensure that information on the activities of the party reached members at the polling unit level.

He said, ‘Politics is local,’ adding that the strength of any political organisation depended largely on the effectiveness of its grassroots structures.

The chairman also welcomed new members who recently joined the ADC from other political parties, including the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and an APC chieftain in Isiala Mbano.

He described the development as an indication of interest in the party and urged the new members to contribute to its growth and organisational development.

The ADC Apex Leader of Okigwe Zone, Chief Sir Stanley Ekezie, who welcomed Okoroma, members of the State Executive Committee and other party leaders to Umuenyi, his hometown, expressed support for the move to establish a strong and functional polling unit structure across the zone.

Ekezie said effective political organisation began at the grassroots, noting that polling unit executives had a key role to play in maintaining contact between the party and its members within their communities.

He urged the new executives to remain committed to their responsibilities, work closely with ward and local government leaders, and promote unity, discipline and cooperation among party members.

Those who attended the inauguration included the ADC candidate for Okigwe North Federal Constituency, Sir Emmanuel Egejurum (Bambas); the party’s candidate for Isiala Mbano State Constituency, Hon. Mrs Obiageli Nwogu (Ada Ihe); and the Isiala Mbano Local Government Area chairman, Hon. Pius Omah, among other party leaders and members.

The exercise later moved to the Okigwe South axis, where the Imo ADC State Secretary, Hon. Chukwuemeka Nwokeke (Iroko), led zonal officers to Ehime Mbano, Ihitte/Uboma and Obowo local government areas.

The team inspected existing party structures and inaugurated polling unit executives as part of efforts to ensure that responsibilities were clearly defined and that active officers were in place at the various levels of the party.

In Ehime Mbano, the state secretary and his entourage were received by the State Legal Adviser, Barr. Chisom Dominic; the ADC candidate for Ehime Mbano State Constituency, Hon. Marcel Chibueze Edoh; the Ehime Mbano LGA chairman, Hon. Mrs Comfort Ukasoanya; and other party leaders and members.

The exercise is part of the wider grassroots organisational drive of the Imo ADC, following similar inauguration and sensitisation activities in other parts of the state.

Party leaders said the exercise was aimed at strengthening the party’s structures at polling unit level and improving the coordination of its activities from the grassroots.

The Federal Government will re-arraign five men on Thursday (tomorrow) in connection with the kidnapping of pupils and teachers on May 15 in the Oriire Local Government Area of Oyo State, as well as the subsequent killing of two of the victims.

The Department of State Services (DSS) will present the case on behalf of the Federal Government, charging the men with a six-count amended indictment labelled FHC/ABJ/CR/438/2026.

The accused persons identified as members of the Jama’atu Ansarul Muslimina fi-Biladis Sudan (ANSARU) terrorist group are, Mahmud Muhammad (aka Abu Bara’a, Abbas Mukhtar); Abubakar Abbas (aka Isah Adam, Mallam Mahmuda Al-Nigeri); Abdulrazak Umar (aka Abu Khalifa/Abu Khalid); Yunusa Musa (aka Abu Yunusa Bin Musa); and Shamsu Adamu Sani (aka Abu Itisar).

Although, the suspects were to be arraigned on Wednesday, September 16, it was aborted following the insistence of the accused persons to be defended by lawyers of their own choice.

At Wednesday’s aborted proceedings, Mr Akilaluyel Shettima, a Deputy Director with the Legal Aid Council, had announced appearance for the five of them, but the first accused person, Mahmud Muhammad, objected.

Speaking on behalf of his colleagues, Muhammad told Justice Salim Ibrahim that they had been represented by one Bala Dakum as their lawyer before and would want him to continue to defend them.

At this point, the Federal Government lawyer and Director of the Public Prosecution of the Federation (DPPF) Mr Rotimi Oyedepo, SAN conceded that the issue of choice of lawyer is a Constitutional matter that must be respected and allowed for the accused persons.

Oyedepo told the Court that the DSS is a law-abiding institution not interested in persecution of the accused persons but only interested in justice.

At this point, the trial judge, Justice Ibrahim, resolved to shift the fresh arraignment to tomorrow, September 17 and ordered the accused persons to contact their lawyer to be in Court today for the re-arraignment to hold.

Justice Ibrahim also asked the DSS to allow the accused persons access their lawyer to prepare for their defense as required by law.

Well, I think without attempting to do an analysis of all the parties you have mentioned, we know the collateral damage that APM has. They used to be PDP and APM or PDP-APM as they call themselves. And so, they are also a new party and are trying to establish themselves even though they were formed by the current sitting governor of the state, who will be completing his two terms in 2027 and is seeking his third term through another proxy. We know that is not a thing that Oyo State people look kindly at. The coalition that brought him in 2019 was to end a potential third term of an incumbent at that time as well, which was Governor Ajimobi’s tenure when he endorsed a candidate for his party the APC. The other party mentioned is the APC which seems like the ruling party at the federal level, trying to bring in their own candidate. It will be their attempt to return to power after the Governor Ajimobi-led administration has gone away. But we all know the internal fractures that they have. The internal fractures are along many lines of the titans within the party who feel disenfranchised. And the ADC you mentioned is a very newborn party as well, just like APM. But SDP is the oldest political party in Nigeria as we speak. They are not new and are well known to everybody. In fact, they are so old that almost all the current actors had their political teeth cut in SDP. The current president of Nigeria, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, was a senator as an SDP senator. The current Olubadan of Ibadanland, who I respectfully refer to as Kabiyesi Rashidi Ladoja, was also an SDP Senator. Our current incumbent who has now formed APM, also when he tried to start in PDP and was not given a chance, contested in SDP. So, one of our most successful governors in Oyo State, Kolapo Ishola, also came from SDP. So, we all know SDP very well and we know how the previous actors have acted. But the rebirth of the party has ensured that worthwhile people have started to join. And people like us have been given an opportunity to join the rebrand and the push. So, our aim now is not only to go on with reforming and leading Oyo State, but also to contribute to national discourse and push Nigeria forward in a progressive way. So, we like to say SDP is the home of true progressives. As I listed previously, everybody cut their teeth in SDP.

You said that the APM is a new party but it’s an old wine in a new bottle. And it’s been a party whose governor has been in the saddle for seven years now, going to eight years. And so, they seem to have this incumbency factor. Will it not count against the other parties, including your SDP?

Well, there’s a potential to think like that. But the incumbency is actually more an albatross than something that counts for them. Because we know that Oyo State people are very intelligent and they are very dynamic. And they are also very progressive in the sense that they do not want someone to perpetuate themselves and continue in perpetuity to lead them, especially when the leadership seems fraught with a lot of ill-advised decisions and directions that the state should not be going. And there are many projects that we can begin to analyse to show that the people are already disenfranchised and dissatisfied. So, the incumbency is more of an albatross, because I struggle to see how APM can defend the last seven years or eight years of the current governor successfully.

Well, this is one governor they say has performed very well. The argument of APM is that he has transformed Oyo State from the rustic city or state that it used to be. Is that not going to count for achievements for him?

Well, they count for something. I don’t know whether we would call them achievements. Because when we start to inspect them one after the other, we have to ask, achievements at what cost and in what directions? Are those priorities placed right or misplaced? Now, if we start to look at the things they point to as achievements, we may begin to ask further probing questions – at what cost? Oyo State debt profile right now is one of the highest in the entire South-West. So, what have they been spent on? You mentioned the Circular Road. I don’t know how many people ply it today despite all the money that has been put into it. It has not being commissioned. So, it’s not going to be in the life of this administration. Is that an achievement or a project destination? We are building bridges to nowhere, not used by anybody for any commercial activity and without a definite opening time in the frame, especially in the frame of this administration. We are talking about the airport. Yes. The airport has gulped several hundreds of billions, if they will be truthful. They’ve revised the budget upward multiple times, upwards. They said N52 billion initially but it’s in excess of 100 billion now, if they will be truthful, that they’ve committed to it. We all know that airports do not add any commercial or economic value to a state without a plan. Is it meant to be a cargo airport or a transit airport for passengers? They’re not clear on that, yet they’ve ploughed all these monies in.

You mentioned all these other inner roads and connecting roads. At what cost? Some of these inner roads have created more problems than solutions. If you look at the Bodija/Isopako Road, they closed a whole important single road that leads into an international plank market from February to July. And when it was commissioned and opened, it wasn’t still even fully done or motorable. Yet it had crippled commerce for more than six months. The other inner roads were existing roads that were not necessarily improved, redesigned, reimagined, but only resurfaced.

In my last interview at the Declaration of Intent, I said we needed to get away from pedestrian thinking and start to go into system-based governance. Where we put things in place, underpinning them with maintenance, underpinning them with support, underpinning them with feedback that makes it long-lasting and sustainable. All of these, I dare say, has not been part of the imagination of this current administration. Would I call this success? I may call it partial success. Because the road is currently resurfaced.

So, what will you be doing differently if you are elected governor of the state? How many-point agenda are we looking at?

We have a seven-point agenda, actually. And central to the entire agenda is bringing governance closest to the people through the local governments. We believe that it is only the local government that can address the plethora of localised problems that are unique to certain and specific areas. For example, the agrarian Oke-Ogun can never have the same problem as a cosmopolitan Ibadan city. So, if we don’t understand their problems, we cannot apply the same solution to everybody. I believe that central to our theme is to turn local government into service centres that are able to pipe through the entire thrust of our administration to them. Once we have that backbone, every other thing can ride through the local government services. Education can ride through it. Health care delivery can ride through it. Support services for the agri-community can ride through it. Infrastructure development and real needs assessment can direct the infrastructure delivery that we are talking about. Youth empowerment, the kind of skill sets that are required in every local government, therefore, will be different.

How will you handle local government autonomy?

I think the incumbent governor has a complete misunderstanding of what local government autonomy means. I think he’s probably suffering from the fact that he would have to relinquish the wallet that belongs to the local government to them, rather than the actual administration of the local government. If we talk about coordination or delivery of services, a state government can coordinate, suggest to, and advise the local governments. I think what is proper is to allow the local government that level of fiscal autonomy, where they decide where their funds go, even if they are co-signed by the state.

I don’t think the state has the equipment to tell the local government what they need, what they should have, and what therefore should be approved for them. A local government chairman should be content with being a local government chairman, sometimes. And he should feel compelled and capable of aspiring to be a governor at some point, or even a president. They shouldn’t be lackeys or subordinates to a state governor. But with competent people at the helm of local governments, I dare say they are the closest to the people, who can deliver government services most to the people. So, it’s not lost on us that the governor may be ruining the wallet that is leaving his control. It’s why he holds that dim view of local governments.

As a socialist party, what will SDP do about free education?

In my last interview in Tribune, I spoke extensively about education, especially education in Oyo State. It breaks my heart to announce that Oyo State, during the times of Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Chief Bola Ige, it was one of the foremost educationally advanced states in the entirety of Nigeria. To now juxtapose that to the current position we are in, Oyo State has now become the most educationally backward state in the entire South West.

How did you get that data?

UNICEF printed it. They wrote a comprehensive report, The UNICEF report, that over 200,000 children are out of school in Oyo State. And as our foundation was active in that regard, we did not keep quiet. We approached the current governor of Oyo State with these statistics. The only retort he gave us was that, well, I’ve stopped children paying for NECO. But many pupils drop out from primary schools and junior secondary schools. They won’t even get to the point they can benefit of the generosity of 3,000 naira. Our view is that, first and foremost, the entire education needs to be looked at again, with the view to actually delivering the pedagogical kind of thinking, the Socratic way, where the knowledge imparted to children is now consequential knowledge, not just repetition and cramming where they do mental maths on the road, but it’s applied to nothing. We believe that skills that children need now are not just the ability to read and write. It is no longer sufficient. The ability to apply it to our environment is more important than being able to solve Pythagoras’ theorem.

What about sports developments?

Sports is a massive industry worldwide. Everybody knows that a club without a feeder system is just a training ground. Until we create that sort of system that allows the children’s ability to be harnessed from primary school to secondary school to universities. It wasn’t only shooting stars we had in Ibadan. We had Exide Battery Boys also at one point in time, they had a football club and Leventis United. But many other football clubs had, at one time or the other, been in Ibadan and collapsed. Every country that excels in football builds industries and infrastructure around it. I would return Academicals back to the institutions and I will also return the Principal’s Cup, just like we want to reinstate the literary and debate societies. Extra-curriculars, athletics, that get our children back to competing, back to bringing out the best in them from the primary school level, so that we can see those that are truly gifted from a young age.

For example, if we look at Jamaica, it is not a very big country. But they produce the greatest athletes in the world. And they start from the primary schools to identify the people that are gifted and that are skilled, that have the kind of body structure to excel. And we all know that this is the cheapest form of productivity because what they use is their body and a pair of boots on their legs. So, it’s not a very expensive venture to go into, if only the state can look at it holistically like we intend to do.

THERE is something striking about hearing a prominent member of Nigeria’s political class declare that Nigerians were better off under military rule. It is even more striking when the person making the statement is Mr Donald Duke, former governor of Cross River State and presidential candidate of the Peoples Redemption Party. Duke’s intervention, however, deserves more than outrage. Understood, his argument is less a recommendation of military government than an indictment of what Nigeria’s political leaders have made of democracy. But Duke himself should make it unmistakably clear.

His questions are legitimate. After 27 years of uninterrupted civilian rule, are Nigerians better educated? Is healthcare better? Is electricity more reliable? Are there enough productive jobs? Is the ordinary citizen more secure and prosperous? Duke’s answer is largely no. He argues that many of the problems Nigeria faced in 1999 remain unresolved, while some have worsened. These are questions Nigerian leaders should have been asking themselves long before Duke became a presidential candidate. The distress is difficult to deny. Millions of children remain out of school. Poverty is widespread. Healthcare is beyond the reach of many families. Electricity remains grossly inadequate, while unemployment, underemployment and insecurity diminish opportunities. When Duke asks whether Nigerian democracy has delivered enough to justify the hopes raised in 1999, the political establishment should answer the question rather than attack the messenger. But the comparison with military rule must be carefully demarcated.

Military dictatorship may appear cheaper partly because it abolishes or sidelines institutions democracy requires. There are no truly competitive elections or elected legislatures, and no obligation on those who seize power to obtain the people’s consent. Under military rule, constitutions were suspended, elected institutions dissolved, journalists detained, politicians imprisoned, and decrees used to override civil liberties. Nigerians should not allow today’s economic hardship to erase yesterday’s repression. Democracy has given Nigerians freedoms that should never be treated as minor achievements: the right to criticise the President, organise politically, challenge government in court, contest elections and periodically remove governments without soldiers appearing on television to suspend the Constitution. Nigeria has also enjoyed 27 years of uninterrupted civilian rule. In 2015, an incumbent President conceded defeat and power passed peacefully to the opposition. Yet it cannot become an excuse for democratic underperformance.

The existence of a National Assembly, courts, political parties and periodic elections does not automatically mean democracy is functioning well. Institutions must perform the purposes for which they were created. On this point, Duke’s criticism deserves attention. Nigeria’s elections suffer from a crisis of public confidence. When citizens believe votes do not matter, democracy loses more than turnout; it loses legitimacy. The legislature must be more than an institution that validates executive preferences, while the judiciary must command confidence in impartial justice. Duke’s reference to the speed with which the former national anthem was restored in 2024 also raises a fair question. Whether one supported or opposed the change is besides the point. Nigerians may reasonably wonder why some matters move through the legislative process with astonishing efficiency while reforms affecting electricity, education, healthcare, security and livelihoods remain unresolved for years.

Still, Duke must also look into the mirror. He is not an outsider commenting on a political class to which he never belonged. He governed Cross River State from 1999 to 2007-eight of the 27 years whose democratic performance he now questions. Before that, he served on the National Economic Intelligence Committee during military rule. His experience gives weight to his criticism, but it also imposes responsibility. What could his generation have done differently? Why were stronger institutions not entrenched when they had the opportunity? What lessons has he learnt? There is also the matter of timing. Duke had raised governance concerns before, but he is now a presidential candidate. Nigerians are entitled to ask whether his intervention is statesmanship or partly electoral positioning. That does not invalidate his argument, but it makes clarity essential. He should state without ambiguity that he is not advocating a return to military rule. Nothing in his reported remarks necessarily amounts to such a call. His point appears to be that politicians have failed to make democracy meaningful in the lives of ordinary Nigerians. But in a region where military takeovers have reappeared, careless nostalgia can be dangerous. The answer to a poorly performing democracy is not military rule. It is a better-performing democracy.

Nigeria does not need another sterile argument over whether soldiers governed better than politicians. It needs serious introspection about why, after nearly three decades of civilian rule, electricity remains unreliable, schools inadequate, healthcare weak, insecurity persistent and productive opportunities insufficient for a rapidly growing population. Government must become more accountable. Elections must command greater confidence. The legislature must exercise oversight. The judiciary must inspire trust. The cost of governance must be reduced without reducing democracy. Political office must return to public service rather than a permanent occupation. Duke also recalled the warning that a time could come when the rich would not sleep because the poor had not eaten. The warning should not be dismissed. Hunger, inequality, unemployment and loss of faith in institutions are dangerous ingredients in any society. Time is running out for politicians who believe Nigerians can endure indefinitely without consequences.

Donald Duke has made an important intervention, even if his comparison is imperfect and his own record invites scrutiny. The response is neither to romanticise military rule nor pretend that civilian rule has performed well simply because soldiers are no longer in power. Democracy must be defended, but it must also deliver. Nigeria fought too hard to escape military rule to return to it. But its leaders must understand that the strongest defence of democracy is not another speech praising it. It is making democracy work for the people.

The Kano State Police Command has arrested 10 suspected members of an interstate motor vehicle theft syndicate and recovered 12 stolen vehicles in operations conducted across Kano and neighbouring states.

The Commissioner of Police, Ibrahim Adamu Bakori, disclosed this on Wednesday, September 16, 2026, during a press briefing at the Tarauni Area Command, Kano.

Bakori said operatives of the Command’s Special Intervention Squad (SIS) achieved the breakthrough following credible intelligence and coordinated operations under the Inspector-General of Police’s Handshake Patrol initiative.

According to him, five suspects were initially arrested in Adamawa State on September 7, 2026, during an operation in which a white Mercedes-Benz GLK 350 was recovered.

He said subsequent discreet investigations and intelligence-led follow-up operations resulted in the recovery of 10 additional stolen vehicles from different locations across Kano and neighbouring states.

The Commissioner added that five more suspects were arrested at about 8:30 p.m. on September 12 at Kwankwasiya City Quarters, Tarauni, Kano, where they were allegedly found in possession of a stolen white Toyota Hilux with registration number KATSINA 03L-02KT.

Bakori said the development brought the total number of suspects arrested to 10 and vehicles recovered to 12.

He stated that during interrogation, the suspects allegedly confessed to a series of vehicle thefts in Kano, Katsina, Bauchi, Gombe and other neighbouring states.

The suspects, he added, also disclosed that their alleged modus operandi involved stealing vehicles, concealing them at different locations and transporting them across state borders for sale.

The recovered vehicles include Toyota Corolla LE, Pontiac Vibe, Mercedes Benz GLK 350, Toyota Hilux, Toyota Sienna, Toyota RAV4, Toyota Camry, Hyundai Tucson and another Toyota Hilux bearing Katsina registration.

Bakori expressed concern that 11 of the 12 recovered vehicles were not registered, saying the situation had made it difficult for the police to trace some of their owners.

He warned motorists against driving unregistered vehicles or using covered, concealed or covert number plates, noting that such practices could aid criminal activities and frustrate investigations.

The Commissioner said the Command would sustain enforcement against unregistered and improperly registered vehicles as part of efforts to curb vehicle-related crimes.

He also said the Command had strengthened intelligence gathering and repositioned its Violent Crime Response Unit (VCRU) and Special Intervention Squad (SIS) to respond rapidly to violent crimes, motor vehicle theft, kidnapping and other security challenges.

Bakori commended the Inspector-General of Police, Olatunji Rilwan Disu, and neighbouring police commands for intelligence sharing and operational cooperation that contributed to the arrests and recoveries.

He also acknowledged the role of members of the public in providing information that assisted the operation.

The Commissioner warned fleeing members of the syndicate that the police would continue efforts to apprehend them, adding that investigations were ongoing to recover more stolen vehicles and identify other members of the network.

He directed owners of the recovered vehicles to contact the Investigating Police Officer on 07063407910, the Office of the Police Public Relations Officer (PPRO), or the Officer in Charge of the Special Intervention Squad at Court Road, Tarauni Area Command, Kano, with valid proof of ownership.

Bakori further urged residents to report suspicious movements of vehicles or persons to the nearest police station or through the Command’s emergency numbers: 08032419754, 08123821575 and 09029292926.

He said the suspects would be charged to court after the conclusion of investigations.

The governor of Ondo State, Lucky Aiyedatiwa, has given suspected kidnappers and other criminal elements operating in the state’s forest reserves a 14-day ultimatum to vacate the forests or face a government crackdown.

The governor said the directive was aimed at flushing out criminals using the forest reserves as hideouts and restoring security to enable legitimate economic activities to thrive.

The ultimatum was announced on Tuesday by the governor’s Senior Special Assistant on Forestry, Bidemi Obayangban, in Akure.

Obayangban said the directive formed part of the state government’s renewed efforts to rid the forest reserves of criminal elements and restore peace to the affected areas.

He said the government had concluded comprehensive plans to tackle kidnapping and other criminal activities in the forests, adding that security agencies and hunters across the state were collaborating with the administration.

According to him, the state government would no longer allow criminal elements to frustrate legitimate economic activities in the forest reserves.

He said the safety of farmers, investors, timber contractors, and other legitimate operators remained central to the government’s plan to revitalize the forestry sector.

‘A vision without maximum security to ensure the safety of investors, farmers, timber contractors, and those conducting legitimate business across Ondo State’s forest reserves is effectively meaningless,’ he said.

Obayangban said the administration was taking the fight directly to the criminals, adding that Governor Aiyedatiwa had adopted a discreet but action-oriented approach to the security challenge.

‘The primary focus of the Aiyedatiwa administration is to flush out criminal elements from our forests and state. We are taking the battle directly to them.

‘The government is fully committed to this objective and has finalized comprehensive plans to eliminate kidnapping and other illegal activities within our borders,’ he said.

He subsequently announced the 14-day deadline, warning that individuals who failed to vacate the forests would face the consequences of the planned operation.

‘I am using this opportunity to announce that the state government is giving these individuals 14 days to vacate Ondo State forests. Failure to comply will result in them meeting their Waterloo,’ Obayangban said.

He added that securing the forests was the first phase of the government’s broader plan to restore legitimate economic activities and attract investment into the forestry sector.

Obayangban maintained that meaningful economic development could not take place in an environment where farmers, investors, and other legitimate forest users were exposed to criminal activities.

The gender gap in agricultural productivity is costing Nigeria an estimated $2.3 billion annually, equivalent to about two per cent of the country’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP), the Food and Agriculture Organisation of the United Nations (FAO) has said.

The FAO said the loss underscored the urgent need for increased investment in women farmers and the removal of barriers limiting their access to land, finance, technology, agricultural services, markets and leadership opportunities.

Representing the FAO Representative in Nigeria and ECOWAS, Jimmy Owani, disclosed this on Tuesday in Abuja at a high-level meeting and panel discussion commemorating the 2026 International Year of the Woman Farmer.

The event, held at the United Nations House, Abuja, had the theme, ‘Advancing Women’s Leadership and Economic Power in Nigeria’s Agrifood System.’

Owani said closing the gender gap in agriculture would not only improve the livelihoods of women but also accelerate Nigeria’s agricultural transformation, strengthen food security and promote inclusive economic growth.

He said women played vital roles across Nigeria’s agrifood systems, including crop production, livestock, fisheries, food processing, trading, entrepreneurship and agricultural innovation.

‘Women contribute an estimated 37 per cent of labour in crop production alone. Yet many continue to face barriers in accessing land, finance, agricultural services, improved technologies and leadership opportunities,’ he said.

According to him, female-managed farms often record lower productivity, not because women lack the capacity to farm, but because of unequal access to resources and opportunities.

Owani said agriculture contributes between 22 and 25 per cent of Nigeria’s GDP and supports the livelihoods and food security of millions of Nigerians, making women’s participation and empowerment critical to the sector’s transformation.

He said the challenge was not peculiar to Nigeria, noting that women constituted approximately 41 per cent of the global agrifood workforce but continued to experience inequalities in access to productive resources, finance, technology, markets and decision-making opportunities.

He added that FAO estimates that closing gender gaps in agricultural productivity and wages globally could add nearly $1 trillion to the world economy and reduce food insecurity for millions of people.

Owani stressed that the discussion should move beyond recognising women as contributors to agriculture to ensuring that they become decision-makers, innovators, investors and leaders.

He called for stronger representation of women in farmers’ organisations, cooperatives, agribusinesses, financial institutions and policy platforms shaping Nigeria’s agricultural development.

Also speaking, the World Food Programme (WFP) representative, Edouard Thiam, said the organisation had supported farming communities in northern Nigeria over the past five years to increase production, improve incomes and strengthen local economies.

He said 128,000 women had been a major part of WFP’s interventions, which included the provision of seeds, fertiliser and other agricultural inputs, access to equipment and storage, irrigation, market linkages and resilience hubs.

Thiam said the interventions were particularly important as farming households faced the combined pressures of conflict, insecurity, climate shocks and rising costs.

He said more than 70 per cent of jobs created through WFP activities had gone to young women.

Thiam also said WFP’s local procurement strategy was helping to retain agricultural investment within Nigeria by purchasing food from Nigerian farmers and businesses.

According to him, such purchases keep markets active, expand rural employment and reduce dependence on food sourced from outside the country.

The IFAD Country Director, Dede Ekoue, represented by the Country Programme Coordinator, Chioma Adiele-Okpara, said IFAD had reached at least 96,827 women through its Value Chain Development Programme (VCDP), Livelihood Improvement Family Enterprises for Niger Delta (LIFE-ND) and Special Agro-Industrial Processing Zones (SAPZ).

She said the programmes were helping women move beyond subsistence farming into organised production, processing and market engagement, while expanding their access to finance, productive assets, knowledge and technology.

Adiele-Okpara said 87,888 women under VCDP were members of supported rural producer organisations, while 36,572 had been trained in crop production technologies and 50,613 had accessed advisory services.

She said LIFE-ND had trained 17,201 women, while SAPZ had trained 5,815 women in improved crop production practices.

She added that LIFE-ND had enabled 11,003 women to access savings, 9,568 access credit, 11,382 access insurance and 14,654 receive financial literacy training.

The IFAD representative urged stakeholders to invest in women’s productive capacity, enterprises, organisations, innovations and leadership, stressing that women must be treated as equal partners and decision-makers in transforming Nigeria’s agrifood system.

She said the International Year of the Woman Farmer should result in concrete actions that would create lasting economic opportunities for women farmers across the country.