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Former Governor of Bayelsa State and Senator representing Bayelsa West, Seriake Dickson, has firmly distanced himself from Governor Douye Diri’s defection from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to the All Progressives Congress (APC), declaring his unwavering loyalty to the PDP and commitment to defending Nigeria’s multiparty democracy.

This is as Dickson expressed support for President Bola Tinubu’s nomination of Professor Joash Amupitan (SAN) as Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), insisting that his decision was based purely on merit and professional competence.

Speaking to journalists in the Senate on Tuesday, Dickson described Diri’s defection as ‘sad’ and ‘ridiculous,’ warning that the growing wave of opposition figures crossing over to the ruling APC poses a grave danger to the nation’s democratic system.

‘I remain where I have always been, in the PDP. I do not believe Nigeria should be a one-party state. As a soldier of democracy, I am used to the ups and downs of political life.

‘I remain steadfast in the Peoples Democratic Party, working with colleagues to ensure that the problems in the party are solved,’ Dickson said.

Senator Dickson, who governed Bayelsa between 2012 and 2020, criticised some PDP leaders for running to the ruling party instead of fixing the internal problems they helped create.

‘I hope the governors and the leadership who created the mess in our party, instead of showing leadership, will now take responsibility. It is very sad. It makes Nigeria look small and makes our democracy look ridiculous,’ he said.

The former governor lamented what he described as a culture of political opportunism in Nigeria, contrasting it with Ghana’s more mature democratic tradition.

‘In Ghana, when President Mahama lost elections, he stayed in his party. When Akufo-Addo’s party later lost, they stayed. President Mahama contested again, won, and was congratulated by his opponent even before the final tally. That’s democracy.

‘In Nigeria, politicians decamp at the slightest opportunity, whatever they are pursuing or whatever is pursuing them. It belittles our democracy and endangers our multiparty system,’ he said.

He stressed that the PDP remained the only political platform that had given the Niger Delta region meaningful representation at the national level.

‘I remain standing in the PDP; the party that gave my people and the Niger Delta the opportunity to produce a Vice President, an Acting President, and a President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. This other party cannot do that,’ he said.

He maintained that while the PDP was facing internal challenges, the answer lay in reforming and strengthening it rather than defecting.

‘If, however, we do not succeed in saving the PDP, then we will be part of a collective decision, but that should not be to join the ruling party.

‘There must always be opposition. A democracy without opposition ceases to be democracy; it becomes dictatorship and totalitarianism,’ he declared.

The senator revealed that Governor Diri had consulted him several times before the defection but said he saw ‘no compelling reason’ for a second-term governor to abandon the party that brought him to power.

‘Since I left office, unlike others, I have not played godfather. I made no requests, no demands, no pressure. I have only been available for consultation and advice.

‘In this case, the governor consulted me several times, to his credit. I was not convinced because I saw no compelling reason for a second-term governor to defect,’ he said.

On national issues, Dickson expressed support for President Bola Tinubu’s nomination of Professor Joash Amupitan (SAN) as Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), insisting that his decision was based purely on merit and professional competence.

‘Being in opposition does not mean that we must disagree with, condemn, or fight every matter emanating from the government in power.

‘Where they are wrong, I have spoken strongly. But in this instance, I will be voting to support the nomination of Professor Amupitan as Chairman of INEC,’ he said.

Dickson dismissed rumours that Amupitan was politically biased, explaining that there had been confusion between two academics with similar names.

‘There is some confusion between Professor Amupitan, a Professor of Law at the University of Jos, and another, Professor Osipitan, of the University of Lagos or Lagos State University.

‘After speaking with a number of people, there is no compelling evidence showing that Professor Amupitan was indeed part of the legal team of the President, as speculated,’ he said.

As a member of the Senate Committee on INEC, Dickson said the nomination offered the Electoral Management Body (EMB) an opportunity to restore public confidence in the electoral process.

‘I find this nomination exciting because it gives the institution an opportunity to renew itself. A Professor of Law and a Senior Advocate of Nigeria, conscious of his standing in the academic and legal community, should be able to introduce the reforms we need in our electoral system and within INEC itself,’ he said.

He urged Nigerians to give the new INEC leadership a chance to succeed, saying,

‘Beyond the judgment of men and of the courts, there is also the judgment of God and of posterity. I believe he will do things differently.’

Reaffirming his political principles, Dickson concluded that his decisions were guided by conviction and not expediency.

‘I am not in this service for other considerations. I am in it to advance ideals and values that are bigger than me and bigger than all of us. Those are the things that moved me and brought me into politics,’ he said.

When President Bola Tinubu announced clemency and pardons for 175 individuals – including posthumous gestures to figures like revered Nigerian nationalist Herbert Macaulay, General Mamman Vatsa, and the Ogoni Nine – the usual storm of outrage was triggered.

Social media moralists, opposition opportunists, and even some well-meaning commentators cried foul. ‘Selective justice’, ‘outright injustice’ some said; others dismissed it as ‘a political move.’ Many scoffed at the symbolism, asking what good a pardon does for the dead. A popular joke online was ‘who will pardon the president?’

As more details of the beneficiaries were released, critics lighted upon the case of one Maryam Sanda who, five years ago, was convicted of stabbing her husband Bilyaminu Bello, to death over a domestic dispute. This was clearly a tragedy that had torn immediate and extended families apart. The wounds are still raw as is clear from the emotional statement released by victim’s family denouncing the government’s action.

For now, we may not know what made Sanda’s case so compelling that the committee chose her as a beneficiary given the gravity of her offence and the time spent so far in jail.

But in a climate of intense cynicism and partisanship, the usual suspects have piled on the president as though he, personally, spent months wading through the 40,000-plus inmate population, just to favour a select group of convicts. Beyond mischief-making, the critics are yet to make a convincing case of how showing mercy to these people benefits Tinubu politically.

Let’s be clear, this whole process is rooted in law – specifically, Section 175 of the 1999 Constitution, which grants the President the prerogative of mercy. The Presidential Advisory Committee on Prerogative of Mercy is chaired by the Attorney-General and Minister of Justice, Lateef Fagbemi. It has as members eminent lawyers, jurists and representatives of the following: Nigeria Police Force, Nigerian Correctional Service (NCS), National Human Rights Commission (NHRC), Nigerian Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs (NSCIA) and Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN).

They reviewed nearly 300 cases, interviewed over 100 inmates, and made recommendations. The final list included 82 inmates granted clemency, 65 whose sentences were reduced, and seven death-row inmates whose sentences were commuted to life imprisonment.

Among them were two living former convicts and 15 deceased ones who received posthumous pardons – including some whose names carry the weight of history: Macaulay, the nationalist branded seditionist by the British colonial government; Major General Vatsa, executed in 1986 on a treason charge; and the Ogoni Nine, whose execution under Sani Abacha remains one of the darkest moments in Nigeria’s history.

It’s easy to forget that the prerogative of mercy exists precisely because justice, however well-intentioned, is never perfect. Courts can make mistakes. People have spent decades in jail only to have their convictions overturned. And even where guilt is established, punishment without redemption breeds bitterness, not rehabilitation.

Clearly, imprisonment isn’t just about paying the price for crime it also aims at rehabilitating convicts. Little wonder the name Nigerian Prison Service (NPS) was changed to Nigerian Correctional Services (NCS) – highlighting this higher goal.

Critics who call this president’s action a political stunt overlook a few basic realities. For one, the committee’s criteria were clear: age, terminal illness, exemplary conduct in prison, evidence of remorse, and recommendation by correctional officers. Many of the beneficiaries are poor, forgotten people – men and women who have spent time behind bars, often for minor offences, and who have long ceased to pose any threat to society. Some were convicted in their teens and have grown old behind bars. For them, clemency isn’t politics; it’s mercy long delayed.

Periodic acts of mercy are not indulgences; they are necessary pressure valves in an overburdened justice system. It’s no coincidence that every democratic government since independence has exercised this power at one point or another. Former President Olusegun Obasanjo did. Umaru Yar’Adua did. Goodluck Jonathan did. Even Muhammadu Buhari – not exactly famous for sentimentality – did.

In November 2002, Obasanjo pardoned 80 secessionist soldiers who fought against Nigeria during the 1967-1970 Civil War. On October 1, 2004, he showed mercy to 62 convicts. In March 2013, Jonathan pardoned his former boss, Diepreiye Alamieyeisegha, who had been jailed for two years for embezzling state funds. At the time of his arrest in September 2005, British Metropolitan police found about £1million in cash in his London home.

All over the world presidential pardons are often controversial. Former U.S. presidents Bill Clinton and Joe Biden got many tongues clucking by granting clemency to relatives and dodgy characters. Donald Trump hasn’t been a slouch either in this department. Still, the tsunami-like criticism that has greeted Tinubu’s action just seems overdone.

We can put that down to our selective outrage. We are perfectly fine when governors release prisoners during festive seasons, but become irate when the President does same on a larger scale. When our preferred political figures, ‘freedom fighters’ and secessionist leaders are jailed, we demand mercy and beg for their release – even when their guilt is yet to be established in court or innocence proven. When the same mercy is extended to others, we sneer.

Take the posthumous pardons. Some have dismissed them as empty symbolism – too little, too late. But it matters. Pardoning Herbert Macaulay or the Ogoni Nine isn’t about rewriting history; it’s about acknowledging it. It’s a way of saying: yes, the state once erred, and we recognise that injustice now. That has moral value. It’s an act of national memory – a small but significant gesture toward reconciliation.

In a country where successive governments have buried their mistakes rather than confront them, such acts should be welcomed, not mocked. We cannot, on one hand, demand that Nigeria reckon with its colonial and military pasts, and on the other, scoff when it takes even a modest step toward that reckoning. That’s hypocrisy, plain and simple.

There’s also the criticism that some of the pardoned, like former House of Representatives member Farouk Lawan, don’t deserve mercy because their offences – in this case, bribery – represents the rot in our politics. Fair enough. But mercy was never designed for the innocent alone. The guilty, too, are human. If the law gives room for clemency, it’s because society recognises that punishment can correct but should not dehumanise.

Those who worry that such gestures undermine deterrence misunderstand the balance between justice and mercy. Clemency doesn’t erase guilt; it acknowledges transformation. It says: ‘You have paid enough.’ And that message, when applied transparently, strengthens rather than weakens the moral authority of the state.

Of course, there’s always the danger of abuse – of political allies being rewarded under the guise of compassion. Nigeria has seen that before. But the answer to possible abuse is not to abandon mercy altogether. It is to ensure transparency, clear criteria, and a functional justice system that works fairly from the start.

If anything, Tinubu’s move was balanced. It wasn’t a blanket amnesty. It mixed the symbolic with the practical, the famous with the forgotten. It reached backward into history and forward into the present. That’s not cynicism – that’s an attempt at a moral statement.

We might also consider what kind of society we want to be. One obsessed with punishment, or one capable of compassion? For all our public displays of religiosity, we are quick to condemn and slow to forgive. The same people who chant ‘Lord have mercy’ on Sundays become self-appointed hangmen by Monday. Yet no nation ever healed when obsessed with vengeance.

In the end, the outrage over these pardons says more about us than about the President. We distrust power so deeply that we can no longer recognise sincerity when it appears. We assume every gesture has a hidden motive, every policy a sinister plot. That cynicism, understandable as it may be, sometimes blinds us to what is plainly good.

Tinubu’s pardons will not fix Nigeria’s justice system. They won’t end overcrowded prisons or erase the wounds of the past. But they are a small reminder that mercy, too, has a place in governance.

The ongoing amendment to the Electoral Act 2022 will be concluded on or before December, Senate Leader Opeyemi Bamidele has said.

He said the National Assembly will ensure its use for the 2027 general elections.

Bamidele, who represents Ekiti Central, said the delay in signing the final amendment to the last Electoral Act by the Muhammadu Buhari administration was due to the late transmission of the bill to the Presidency by the National Assembly.

He gave the assurance yesterday in a statement after Senate President Godswill Akpabio read a letter from President Bola Ahmed Tinubu seeking the confirmation of Prof. Joash Amupitan (SAN) as Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).

Bamidele recalled that the National Assembly had earlier sent an amendment bill to the then President, which was signed into law.

However, efforts to correct identified lapses – particularly the disenfranchisement of statutory delegates – were halted because Buhari declined assent, citing the proximity of the 2023 elections.

‘He observed that he did not want to be misunderstood by the public. That was why the bill was not signed then,’ Bamidele said.

‘Between now and December 2025, we will ensure the amendment of the Electoral Act 2022 is completed so it will not be too close to the 2027 elections.’

On the ongoing review of the 1999 Constitution, Bamidele expressed confidence that the process would succeed, noting that relevant stakeholders – including the Nigeria Governors’ Forum (NGF) and the Conference of Speakers of State Legislatures – were fully engaged.

The senator, who is Vice Chairman of the Senate Committee on Constitution Review, dismissed fears of executive interference.

‘I do not envisage any resistance because public institutions are working with the National Assembly. Global best practices will guide the process, especially in domesticating international treaties and agreements,’ he said.

On opposition criticism, Bamidele said such was expected in a democracy.

‘They would love to see the ruling party in disarray, but our focus remains on rebuilding Nigeria, stabilising our polity, and growing the economy. We will not be distracted,’ he added.

Page Financials, fintech firm, has been honoured for the seventh consecutive year at BusinessDay Banks and Other Financial Institutions (BAFI) Awards.

The firm won two awards: Finance Company of the Year and Most Innovative Financial Institution of the Year.

Representing the Chief Executive Officer, Mr. Ikem Nweke, at the event, Chief Operating Officer, Chinelo Awotoye, lauded the awards.

‘We are excited about this recognition and the excitement comes with a burden to do more. We want to be back next year to collect these awards again,’ he said.

On the firm’s approach to innovation, he said the culture of creativity and speed is at the heart of everything we do.

‘We have built an environment where innovation is not just encouraged but celebrated. Every month, we dedicate a day to what we call Innovation Day. It is a day our people think outside the box and bring forward fresh ideas that help us grow, improve customer experience, and stay ahead,’ he explained.

In addition to innovation, the company is committed to delivering fast and seamless services. Once a customer’s documents are approved, loan disbursement happens instantly. This focus on speed, simplicity, and service excellence set Page apart in the sector.

In another remarkable moment of recognition, Page Financials has been honoured for the seventh consecutive year at the prestigious BusinessDay Banks and Other Financial Institutions (BAFI) Awards. The company once again walked away with two major accolades: Finance Company of the Year and Most Innovative Financial Institution of the Year, reinforcing its position as a trusted leader in Nigeria’s financial services industry.

Representing the CEO at the event, Mr. Ikem Nweke, the Chief Operating Officer of Page Financials, expressed heartfelt appreciation for the awards. ‘We are excited about this recognition and the excitement comes with a burden to do more. We want to be back next year to collect these awards again,’ he said with confidence and pride.

Speaking on the company’s approach to innovation, Mr. Segun Akintemi, the CEO of Page Financials, shared that the culture of creativity and speed is at the heart of everything they do. ‘We have built an environment where innovation is not just encouraged but celebrated. Every month, we dedicate a day to what we call Innovation Day. It is a day when our people think outside the box and bring forward fresh ideas that help us grow, improve customer experience, and stay ahead,’ he explained.

In addition to innovation, the company is deeply committed to delivering fast and seamless services. Once a customer’s documents are approved, loan disbursement happens almost instantly. This focus on speed, simplicity, and service excellence continues to set Page Financials apart in the financial sector.

Ola Moses, the Head of Marketing and Corporate Communications, also highlighted what makes this recognition so meaningful. ‘Winning for seven years is not just about the award itself. It is proof of consistency, innovation, and trust. It reflects the everyday work that goes into making sure our customers experience convenience and speed,’ he said.

The awards are a strong reminder of Page Financials’ unwavering dedication to innovation, excellence, and customer satisfaction. With its bold vision, agile culture, and customer-first approach, the company remains committed to raising the bar in Nigeria’s financial services space.

The division in the National Working Committee (NWC) of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) resurfaced yesterday in the court as party officers fought over legal representation.

It was at the Federal High Court in Abuja, the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), where the presiding judge, Justice James Omotosho, adjourned to October 16 the suit seeking to block the proposed national convention scheduled for Ibadan, Oyo State capital, on November 15 and 16.

Justice Omotosho chose the date during the proceedings in the suit, marked: FHC/ABJ/CS/2120/2025 filed by three aggrieved members of the party.

Amid the escalation of crisis, the party postponed its National Executive Committee (NEC) meeting indefinitely.

Shortly after hearing began in the case, there was drama as the National Chairman, Ambassador Umar Damagum, disagreed with the National Legal Adviser, Kamaldeen Ajibade (SAN) disagreed over the status of lawyers simultaneously claiming to be hired by the party.

Damagun and Oyo State Governor Seyi Makinde, who were present in the court, were embarrased by the scene.

The plaintiffs – Austin Nwachukwu (Imo PDP Chairman), Hon Amah Abraham Nnanna (Abia PDP chairman) and Turnah Alabh George (PDP Secretary, South-South) – said they are unhappy with the manner the national chairman has ran the affairs of the crisis-ridden party.

Listed as defendants in the case are the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), the PDP, its National Secretary, Samuel Anyanwu; the National Organising Secretary, Umar Bature; the NWC and the National Executive Committee (NEC).

At the mention of the case Joseph Daudu (SAN) announced appearance for the plaintiffs, following which Chris Uche (SAN) stood up to announce himself as counsel to the PDP.

However, before he could resume his seat, the Ajibade rose and announced appearance for the PDP.

Uche, who expressed surprise at Ajibade’s claim, told the court that he was issued a letter by Damagum, directing him to represent the PDP in the suit.

But Ajibade faulted Uche, arguing that he is the sole authority vested with power, under the constitution of the PDP, to appoint legal representative for the party.

He referred to earlier court’s decisions that support his position.

Owing to the confusing situation, Justice Omotosho suspended proceedings in the case for about 10 minutes to enable Damagum and Ajibade agree on the lawyer to represent the party.

When proceedings resumed in the case, the party leaders could not agree on the legal representation, following which Uche prayed the court for a short adjournment to enable both men resolve the issue.

However, Daudu urged the court to proceed with the hearing of the case on the next adjourned date, even if the PDP is unable to get a single lawyer to represent it.

During the proceedings, Justice Omotosho granted the applications by Damagum, Ali Odefa and Emmanuel Ogidi to be made parties in the case.

The judge agreed with their lawyers – Paul’s Erokoro (SAN) and Audu Anuga (SAN) – that as party leaders, Damagum, Odefa and Ogidi are necessary parties in the case, who would be affected, one way or the other, by its outcome.

He joined the three as the 7th to 9th defendants and ordered the plaintiffs to amend their originating processes (the documents with which they commenced the suit) to reflect the new defendants.

PDP postpones NEC meeting indefinitely

The PDP postponed it’s 103 National Executive Committee meeting earlier scheduled for today indefinitely.

The National Publicity Secretary, Debo Olugunagba, said the postponement was necessitated by ‘recent developments in the party.’

The postponement has fuelled the insinuations that the party may also postpone its proposed convention.

Ologunagba did not elaborate on the developments within the party that led to the postponement.

The statement reads: ‘Distinguished members of the National Executive Committee (NEC) may recall that the 103rd NEC meeting was scheduled for Wednesday, 15th October, 2025.

‘However, in view of recent developments in the Party, the National Working Committee (NWC) in exercise of its powers pursuant to Section 29 (2)(b) of the Constitution of the PDP (as amended in 2017) has at its emergency meeting on Monday, 13th October, 2025 approved the postponement of the 103rd NEC meeting to a new date that will be communicated to members in due course.

‘All NEC members should please, note the postponement and be guided accordingly’.

As PDP intensifies preparation for the elective National Convention, its prominent leaders are dumping the platform for the ruling All Progressives Congress.

The NEC meeting was expected to review preparation for the elective convention and the ongoing efforts at reconciliation among members.

At the end of its 102 NEC meeting in August, the party had resolved the zoning of party positions, while asking the zones to micro zone the positions.

The 103 NEC meeting is expected to receive the report on the micro zoning, with a view to ensuring a seamless convention, and approve a draft copy of the amended party constitution for final adoption by the convention.

Senator Samaila Kila (PDP, Bauchi North) defected yesterday on the floor of the Senate to the APC.

In his letter red by Senate President Godswill Akpabio, the Bauchi North Senator gave the reason for his defection as the ability of the party to sought out members’ differences.

He said: ‘It has become evident that the prolonged internal divisions, recurring factionalisation, and crisis, loss of strategic direction within the People Democratic Party, have gravely constrained my ability to discharge my constitutional responsibilities effectively and in good conscience.

‘As one deeply committed to the service of our nation and the welfare of my people, I have found it necessary to realign my political engagements with a more progressive platform that embodies good governance, unity, progress, growth, and discipline in the governance of our country.

‘Consequently, I have chosen to join the All Progressives Congress (APC) and to lend my full commitment to the implementation of the Renewed Hope Agenda of His Excellency, President Bola Ahmed Tinibu, GCFR,’ he said.

The senator commended President Tinubu for initiating a bold and transformative economic reforms.

He said: ‘I hold in high regard the bold and transformative reforms initiated by the President, aimed at restoring economic stability, strengthening governance, and repositioning our nation for sustainable growth.

‘These efforts reflect the decisive leadership of our country, and that’s what Nigeria needs. I’m confident that these reform efforts align with my legislative ideals and my enduring conviction to contribute meaningfully to Nigeria’s development and democratic advancement.

Senator Ali Ahmed Wadada elected on the platform of the Social Democratic Party (SDP) also defected to the APC.

The Chairman of Ayobo-Ipaja Local Council Development Area (LCDA), Lukmon Agbaje, has announced that indiscriminate disposal of refuse on roads and medians within the council now attract N100,000 fine or one month community service.

Agbaje said this at the ‘Stakeholders’ Forum and Inauguration of Task Force on Indiscriminate Dumping of Refuse in Black Spots and Road Medians,’ held at the Council Secretariat.

‘This initiative marks yet another bold step in our administration’s commitment to creating a clean, safe, and healthy environment for the people of Ayobo-Ipaja. We recognise that cleanliness is not just a responsibility but a collective duty that speaks to the quality of life and dignity of every resident,’ he said.

He said that the Task force which will work with community-based associations to enforce compliance, operate with transparency and without fear or favour.

He said: ‘This Task force is not established to harass or intimidate our people. Rather, it is to enforce compliance with laid-down rules, protect the environment, and safeguard public health. At the same time, it will work hand-in-hand with community leaders, youth groups, and residents’ associations to intensify sensitisation on proper waste disposal methods. It shall operate with transparency, and expected to uphold integrity, avoid corruption, and discharge their duties without fear or favour.’

He urged residents to support his administration’s effort in having a cleaner environment, adding that the responsibility lies on the shoulders of all stakeholders not the government alone.

The Environmental Health Officer, Mrs Racheal Babajide, bemoaned the menace of accumulated refuse littered around roads.

She urged those present at the occasion to tell others of the new laws.

Chairman of the Community Development Committee (CDC), Ayobo-Ipaja, Joseph Olokede, while commending the initiative, lamented the unwillingness of residents to adhere to proper disposal of waste in the council.

He said proper disposal of waste will prevent communicable diseases in the council.

He pleaded with the PSP operators to ensure timely collection of waste to avoid a situation where people would claim that their inefficiency led them to engaging in indiscriminate refuse disposal.

Piqued by incessant disasters across the country, the Federal Fire Service (FFS) has commenced initiatives to audit public and private buildings to ensure compliance with building regulations and the safety of lives and properties.

The Controller General of the FFS, Olumode Samuel Adeyemi, has inaugurated a Special Task Force on Public and Private Buildings Audit to carry out the assignments.

Adeyemi said the Task Force became necessary considering recent developments in Nigeria, where lives and properties were being lost to fire incidents that could not have happened in the first place if those concerned had adhered strictly to building regulations.

Adeyemi, who performed the inauguration at the Service Headquarters in Abuja, made references to the recent Afriland tower fire disaster in Lagos and the infernos that gutted several plazas in Abuja. He said the development is unacceptable and should be stopped through a proactive mechanism.

‘The frequency of these incidents underscores the urgency of enforcing safety standards. Fire safety is not a choice but a shared responsibility,’ the Controller General said.

He said the Task Force should immediately begin mapping public buildings across the country, classifying them by risk levels, inspecting compliance, and submitting actionable recommendations to guide enforcement and policy decisions.

The Task Force is chaired by Assistant Controller General Bolarinde Muhammed, Head of the Inspection, Investigation, and Enforcement Department. It also comprises senior officers from Operations, Legal, and Public Relations units of the Service.

The Controller General urged members of the Task Force to carry out their mandate with professionalism and integrity. He also called on property owners and managers of high-rise and public facilities to cooperate fully with the audit team.

Adeyemi expressed the commitment of the Service to protect lives, property, and critical infrastructures across the country, emphasising that prevention of fire disasters through compliance was now non-negotiable.

The Court of Appeal, Lagos Division, has fixed March 10, 2026, for the hearing of an appeal filed by the Medical Director of Excel Medical Centre, Dr. Ferdinand Ejike Orji, challenging his conviction and one-year jail sentence by the Lagos State High Court.

The appellate court will also hear a cross appeal by the Lagos State Government seeking to set aside the portion of the judgment that discharged and acquitted Dr. Orji on Count 1 of the six-count amended charge.

The state is asking the court to convict and sentence him on that count as well.

A three-member panel of the appellate court, presided over by Justice Yargata Nimpar, adjourned the case to allow the respondent (the state government)to file its response to the motion by the appellant.

Other members of the panel are Justices Danlami Zama Senchi and Abdulazeez Muhammed Anka.

Counsel to the appellant, Chief Bolaji Ayorinde (SAN), and counsel to the respondent, Dr. Babajide Martins, the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP) for Lagos State, regularised their processes before the court.

Justice Adedayo Akintoye of the Lagos High Court, sitting at Tafawa Balewa Square, had on January 20, 2023, convicted Dr. Orji on four of the six counts filed against him and sentenced him to one year imprisonment on each count, to run concurrently.

The offences stemmed from the doctor’s treatment of a 16-year-old boy, a promising basketball player who had returned to Nigeria for a holiday.

The boy suffered a leg fracture and was taken to Excel Medical Centre, Dolphin Estate, Ikoyi, where Dr. Orji, who is not an expert in the field applied a Plaster of Paris (POP) cast

The prosecution alleged that the doctor’s negligence led to complications that permanently damaged the boy’s leg and ended his dream of pursuing a basketball career in the United States.

Justice Akintoye found the doctor guilty on Counts 2, 3, 4 and 6 but discharged and acquitted him on Counts 1 and 5.

In her judgment, she held that the prosecution had proved the essential ingredients of the offences beyond a reasonable doubt and that Dr. Orji’s conduct fell far below the standard expected of a medical practitioner.

‘It is my opinion that the defendant committed a breach of duty as a medical practitioner when he wilfully refused to remove the POP cast on the patient’s left leg despite complaints of severe pain, which resulted in compartment syndrome,’ the judge stated.

The trial court found that the cast was applied without an X-ray, without the consent of the patient’s mother, and by unqualified personnel.

The judge noted that the patient was under Dr. Orji’s medical care and that his actions endangered the boy’s life.

Consequently, the court sentenced the doctor to one year imprisonment on each of the four counts, to run concurrently.

Dissatisfied with the decision, Dr. Orji filed a notice of appeal seeking to overturn his conviction and sentence.

He argued that the prosecution failed to prove criminal intent, a critical element of the alleged offences and that since the court found no intent in Count 1, the same reasoning should have applied to the other counts.

He urged the Court of Appeal to set aside his conviction on Counts 2, 3, 4 and 6 and quash the judgment delivered by the trial court.

The state, however, has urged the appellate court to dismiss the appeal, insisting that the evidence before the trial court proved the offences beyond a reasonable doubt.

Dr. Martins argued that the doctor’s conduct was negligent and reckless and fell short of the professional standard expected in such circumstances.

There are few things more dignifying than when a towering public figure extends the courtesy of respect wrapped in humility. General Lucky Irabor, former Chief of Defence Staff, exemplifies that rare blend of strength and grace. When he invited me to the presentation of his new book, ‘SCARS: Nigeria’s Journey and the Boko Haram Conundrum,’ I was reminded that behind the imposing military uniform lies a man of reflection, intellect, and empathy – unless, of course, one dares to cross the line.

This quality stands in sharp contrast to the arrogance I have encountered at a strategic institute where a few officers’ inflated egos left little room for courtesy or intellectual exchange.

I could not attend the book launch due to a scheduling conflict with the International Public Relations Association’s (IPRA) Golden World Awards in Ghana, where the Nigeria Customs Service and Image Merchants Promotion Limited (IMPR) were honoured. On my return to Abuja, all copies of the book had sold out, and I was due to travel to Canada that same night. Learning of my predicament, General Irabor ensured a copy was sent to me – a gesture that spoke volumes about his character.

Taking the advice of his friend, Vice President Kashim Shettima, that ‘to truly enjoy a book, read it on a long journey,’ I opened it mid-flight and did not stop until I reached the last page. In less than twenty-four hours, I devoured the 300-page memoir – a deeply analytical, well-researched, and intellectually stimulating work that goes far beyond the typical autobiographical recount of a retired general.

Irabor’s SCARS stands out for its narrative style. It is not a self-indulgent memoir but a reflective chronicle that blends personal experience with historical analysis and policy critique. He writes with academic precision, referencing other scholars, field experiences, and verifiable data. Between the lines, the discerning reader can sense his measured but firm convictions on the Boko Haram insurgency, Niger Delta militancy, IPOB separatism, Yoruba nationalism, and the societal decay that has haunted Nigeria since independence.

The book is a panoramic chronicle – from the civil war and military coups to democratic transitions and insurgencies – offering a sober reflection on the choices and failures that have defined Nigeria’s evolution. Notably, Irabor avoids sensationalism or name-dropping; even his acknowledgments are strikingly modest despite the calibre of personalities, including former Presidents, who later attended the unveiling in Abuja.

Former President Olusegun Obasanjo, in his foreword, aptly describes the publication as ‘a soldier’s honest reflection on a nation’s unfinished journey.’ But the true revelations lie within the pages – in Irabor’s unflinching interrogation of Nigeria’s political and moral contradictions.

Among the book’s most intriguing points is his assertion that no full-fledged coup d’état in Nigeria has ever occurred without civilian collaboration. He argues that soldiers, bound by their oath of allegiance, often justify interventions ‘through the prism of national defence.’ This interpretation shifts part of the blame for Nigeria’s military incursions to opportunistic civilians who manipulate or enable such actions for personal gain.

Equally provocative is his historical framing of Northern Nigeria’s recurring religious conflicts. Irabor traces the roots to Usman Dan Fodio’s jihad of 1804, viewing it as the starting point of organized religious militancy in the region. While this perspective is historically grounded, it risks oversimplification. Thankfully, Irabor tempers his argument by contextualizing it within the broader ‘millenarian revolts of early colonialism,’ suggesting that both Islamic revivalism and Christian evangelism during the colonial era contributed to shaping Nigeria’s spiritual and social divides.

One area readers may find conspicuously absent is any mention of the tragic death of gallant General Ibrahim Attahiru, the late Chief of Army Staff who perished in a plane crash shortly after Boko Haram’s leader, Abubakar Shekau, was reportedly killed. Given Irabor’s position as the CDS, his silence on the matter is perhaps deliberate – an act of discretion from a professional soldier who values institutional continuity over personal disclosure.

The sections on Northern Nigeria’s political elite are unambiguously critical. Irabor faults the region’s leaders for presiding over deepening poverty, illiteracy, and insecurity despite their educational exposure and political dominance. He cites World Bank data showing that the ten poorest states in Nigeria are all in the North-East and North-West, with 87% of the nation’s poorest population concentrated there. He attributes this grim reality to elite hypocrisy, religious manipulation, and the failure to translate political power into social progress.

The former defence chief particularly denounces the politicisation of religion, using the Sharia Movement in Zamfara (1999) as a case study of how political opportunism derailed governance. Quoting Emir Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, Irabor laments the ‘commodification of piety’ – a process through which religion becomes a tool of control rather than a vehicle for moral upliftment.

He calls on Northern leaders to emulate progressive Muslim societies like Saudi Arabia and Turkey, which have harmonised faith with modernity rather than allowing religion to justify stagnation. His position on the Almajiri system is particularly powerful; he argues that no faith sanctions the institutionalisation of street begging or the abandonment of children in the name of learning.

The chapter on the ‘Dead Horse Theory’ is one of the most intellectually stimulating sections. Here, Irabor uses the metaphor to describe Nigeria’s tendency to keep ‘beating dead horses’ – sustaining failed policies and obsolete institutions instead of pursuing meaningful reform. He cites the duplication of examination bodies like WAEC and NECO, the Nomadic Education Programme, and the regional cut-off mark policy as examples of how Nigeria perpetuates inefficiency under the guise of inclusiveness.

The discussion on Boko Haram is both historical and diagnostic. Irabor situated the insurgency within a continuum of religious and socio-political crises, from the Maitatsine riots of the 1980s to the Sharia clashes of 1999-2000. He chronicles how Mohammed Yusuf, the sect’s founder, began as a member of Borno’s Sharia Implementation Committee, only to break away and radicalise disillusioned youth by preaching against Western education and government corruption.

The book exposes the irony of Boko Haram’s dependence on Western technology – weapons, communication tools, and propaganda platforms – even while denouncing Western civilisation. Irabor portrays Boko Haram not as a purely religious movement but as a symptom of governance failure, economic deprivation, and elite negligence. He identifies the drivers of extremism as ‘unaddressed political grievances, weaponisation of religion and tribe, a biased legal framework, and weakened institutions.’

The author also voices deep concern over what he described as an international conspiracy against Nigeria, singling out certain foreign entities and media organisations. He accuses them of not only supplying logistical support to terrorist groups but also of deliberately spreading false narratives aimed at discrediting the Nigerian military and destabilising national security.

In his closing reflections, the General offers a pragmatic pathway forward: diplomatic negotiation, socioeconomic and political realignment, and governance reforms that reward merit and restore trust. ‘The time for change is now,’ he writes, ‘and it must begin with truth, inclusion, and a commitment to genuine progress.’

SCARS is not just a memoir; it is a mirror reflecting Nigeria’s wounds – the scars of war, hypocrisy, and wasted potential. Irabor’s writing is measured but fearless, scholarly yet deeply human. His critique of the North is not an attack but a plea for introspection; his assessment of Nigeria’s leadership failures is not cynical but reformist.

This book is an essential read for anyone seeking to understand Nigeria’s enduring crises – from insurgency and leadership to the complex interplay between faith, politics, and national identity. It leaves readers not with despair, but with hope – the hope that confronting our scars honestly is the first step toward national healing.

The Federal Government has finalised implementation frameworks for N4 trillion in government-backed bonds to settle verified arrears owed to power generation companies (GenCos) and gas suppliers.

The Special Adviser to the President on Energy, Olu Verheijen, disclosed this in a statement signed by the Head of the media and communications unit in the SA’s office, Senan Murray, yesterday.

The meeting was attended by the Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy, Wale Edun, Minister of Power, Bayo Adelabu, and Ms Verheijen.

According to the statement, the agreement was reached at a meeting between federal government officials and the senior executives of GenCos to review settlement modalities for the outstanding debt.

‘The meeting concluded with a consensus on the way forward, which includes conducting bilateral negotiations to finalise full and final settlement agreements that balance fiscal realities with the financial constraints of the GenCos.

‘This intervention- the largest in over a decade, addresses a legacy debt overhang that has constrained investment, weakened utility balance sheets, and hindered reliable power delivery across the country. ‘

This is a major step by the Federal Government toward restoring financial stability and investor confidence in the electricity market,’ the statement said.

It explained that the agreement followed a landmark initiative approved by President Bola Tinubu and the Federal Executive Council (FEC) to address structural bottlenecks and lay the groundwork for large-scale private sector-led investment and sustained economic growth.

According to Murray, at the meeting, Ms Verheijen said the Federal Government’s focus was on creating the right conditions for investment by modernising the grid, improving distribution and scaling embedded generation. The step would also help in closing metering gaps, aligning tariffs with efficient costs, improving subsidy targeting to support the poor and vulnerable, and restoring regulatory trust.

‘The sector is shifting from crisis response to sustained delivery and building the confidence needed to attract large-scale private capital,’ she said.

Also at the meeting, Edun said the reforms were beyond liquidity, as it would help in ‘rebuilding the fundamentals so that Nigeria’s power sector works for investors, for citizens and for the next generation.

‘This is how we create the enabling conditions for sustained private investment and transform reliable power into a catalyst for economic growth. Complementary efforts to scale renewable energy, leverage domestic gas as a transition fuel, and build local technical and institutional capacity will position Nigeria not just for energy security, but for energy sovereignty, creating one of Africa’s most attractive power markets,’ he said.

The Chairman of Heirs Holdings and Transcorp Power, Tony Elumelu, noted that for the first time in years, the sector is seeing a credible and systematic effort by the government to tackle the root liquidity challenges in the power sector. He commended President Tinubu and his economic team for the bold and transformative step.

Speaking in the same vein, Goup Managing Director of Sahara Power Group, Kola Adesina said the initiative was significant in every respect.

According to him, it renews confidence in the reform process and is a clear signal that the government is serious about building a sustainable power sector. Adesina noted that, beyond clearing arrears, the debt reduction plan signalled a strategic reset of Nigeria’s electricity market. The Presidential Power Sector Debt Reduction Plan is being jointly implemented by the Federal Ministry of Finance, the Federal Ministry of Power, and the Office of the Special Adviser to the President on Energy, in collaboration with the Nigerian Bulk Electricity Trading (NBET) Plc and other key stakeholders.