Author: user user

Commercial tricycles, locally and popularly known as ‘Adaidaita Sahu’ in Kano State, have since become the dominant mode of urban transport in the state.

The three-wheel mini vehicles are seen across various cities and areas in the state. From feeder to main roads and streets across neighbourhoods, these tricycles are seen transporting people in and out, especially through difficult-to- reach areas by cars and buses.

Kano, a city once known for commercial buses and taxis, has witnessed a dramatic shift in its transportation landscape since the introduction of tricycles during the administration of the then governor of the state, Malam Ibrahim Shekarau. He imported the vehicles with the purpose of checkmating mingling of male and female genders inside buses or taxis.

The move, being both Islamic and cultural under the government’s societal reorientation programme introduced by the state tagged ‘A daidaita sahu,’ was widely welcomed by all, as the tricycles offered more advantage than the buses or taxis. They easily conveyed passengers beyond the bus stops and at cheaper rates. At that time, the tricycles were solely bought by the state government and distributed to selected individuals as a form of empowerment under the programme.

According to a study by the Bayero University, Kano, there are over 41,000 registered tricycles operating within the metropolis. These vehicles make an estimated 383,000 trips daily, transporting more than 1.6 million commuters and generating over N2.1 billion in daily revenue for operators and the government.

However, despite the statistics given by the study, operators in the state claim that tricycle operators exceed one million in Kano city, noting that there are over a million and half operators in the state.

However, findings show that tricycles in the state are gradually becoming a nuisance as their number keeps increasing daily despite the fact that its price is on the increase. It was gathered that the market price of a new tricycle ranges between N3,500,000 and N4 million. It is seen as a transportation option that is cheaper when compared to a car for an average income earner.

Furthermore, for commuters, tricycle fares are affordable and offer door-to-door services. Unlike buses or taxis that have fixed routes and stop at designated bus stops, tricycles weave through narrow streets, drop passengers at their exact destinations and are available at nearly every junction in various areas.

Musa Balarabe, a resident of Kwanar Ungogo said, ‘Few years ago, I used to wait 20 minutes for a bus to Na’ibawa, but now, I just hop on a tricycle and I will be there in 10 minutes or more. It is faster and cheaper with less stress and waiting time.’

Weekend Trust reports that commercial buses, which once defined Kano’s intra-city transportation, have been forced to now operate primarily on inter-city or rural routes. They are mostly worn out and looking rickety. Most of them have gone into extinction as transport owners are now moving away from busses to tricycles. Some of them are sold out to metal scrap and motor spare part dealers.

At Kroda terminal, near Yankura market, only a handful of buses are still there, mostly serving communities outside the city to local government areas within the state.

‘We used to have 50 buses here, but now, we have less than 10. Most of us have switched to farming or moved to other states, and some of us are now riding tricycles,’ Hamisu Danladi, a veteran bus driver said.

The Kano State Transport Workers Union confirmed that bus patronage dropped by over 70 per cent since 2020.

‘Tricycles have taken over. They are everywhere,’ Alhaji Sani, a member of the union said.

While buses are slightly cheaper, tricycles offer speed and convenience. ‘I would rather pay N150 and get there fast than wait for a bus that may not come,’ said Fatima Ibrahim, a student at Bayero University.

A trader at Sabon Gari, Abdullahi Umar also said, ‘I used to take buses, but they are too slow and crowded. Tricycles are everywhere. I can even negotiate the fare.’

Zainab Lawal, a mother of three added, ‘Tricycles are safer for my kids. They drop us right at the school gate.’

Malam Bashir, a bus driver also said, ‘We are not against tricycles, but the government should regulate them. They are everywhere, and many don’t obey traffic rules.

But Aliyu Musa, a tricycle rider said, ‘We are just trying to earn a living. Most of us rent these tricycles and pay N15,000 daily to the owners. We work hard.’

They have displaced us – Bus drivers

Malam Dauda Aminu, a bus driver, noted that although he still operates as a commercial driver, there is a huge threat that tricycles will completely push them out of business within the city.

He said, ‘Presently, tricycles take routes like Kura, Gezawa, Ungoggo, Kumbotso and other places. We now struggle for passengers with them even though they are not supposed to be there. Sometimes we operate at a loss, especially during the rainy season when people from this axis travel less.’

He added that he chose to remain in the business but many of his colleagues had parked their vehicles for the owners and moved to other businesses. He is still operating because he owns the bus he is driving.

Another bus driver, Malam Buba Zanna, said that soon, the era of busses and taxis would be phased out within the state’s city as tricycles are now more than enough for commuters, adding that people now prefer to use tricycles to boarding buses.

‘We have to move out to other local government areas because if you remain within the city area, it means there is no business for you,’ he said.

‘Tricycle business is profitable’

Umar Isah Ibrahim, a tricycle operator who corroborated what others said earlier, noted that operators made a lot of money. Ibrahim said he made more than N25,000 a day with N5,000 worth of fuel. According to him, those who operate on hire-purchase deposit between N60,000 and N70,000 weekly, depending on the nature of the agreement.

Another operator, Shamsu Waziri, said he made over N20,000 every day, and since he owns the tricycle, he saves money.

A car owner, Alhaji Baffa Dahiru Maigari, who spoke on the activities of tricycles operators, alleged that they engaged in heinous acts like phone theft, among other social vices. He called for serious regulations to control the activities of tricycle operators in the state.

The ugly side of Kano tricycles

While tricycles have created thousands of jobs, they have also displaced traditional transport workers. Many bus drivers have lost their livelihoods and transport unions are struggling to remain relevant.

Shehu Bala, a car owner believes that tricycles are too many in Kano and there is a need for the state government to regulate them, adding that their operators constitute nuisance. ‘If you check carefully, you would find out that a lot of cars have yellow patches as marks of ugly encounter with tricycle operators in the streets of Kano. These guys are something else; they are just a pain in the neck,’ he said.

A report by the Kano Urban Planning Department notes that tricycles contribute significantly to local revenue but pose challenges in traffic management and road safety.

It is also said that the increasing number of tricycles in the state has led to increased traffic congestion and accidents. The Kano Roads and Traffic Agency (KAROTA) reported a 35 per cent rise in minor road incidents involving tricycles between 2022 and 2024.

A traffic officer who asked not to be named said, ‘Many operators are young and untrained. We need stricter licensing and enforcement.’

The Kano State Ministry of Transport acknowledges the challenge, saying plans are underway to review the transport policy of the state.

‘We want to integrate tricycles into a formal system while reviving bus operations. We have them on the ground, and plans to procure additional ones are underway. It is not a day job but it will be achieved.

‘You know we have a new commissioner and permanent secretary who came in recently. They are yet to settle but this is what is on ground,’ an official of the ministry who asked not to be mentioned said.

An analyst, Dr Musa Sulaiman also said, ‘Tricycles have democratised transportation in Kano, but lack of regulation is a problem. We need a hybrid model where buses and tricycles would coexist.

‘Tricycles are great for short distances, but buses are better for volume.’

Weekend Trust reports that while tricycles have empowered thousands of Kano residents and made transportation easier, they have also pushed drivers to the brink.

Speaking on the insecurity in parts of the country and call from some quarters for the imposition of state of emergency in affected areas, Major General Umar Ibrahim Mohammed (rtd), said a whole lot needs to be done to address the problem. Speaking on a Trust Television programme, Daily Politics, Gen. Mohammed, who worked in several battalions and formations, and different hostile environments, including serving as the Garrison Commander in Plateau State, said a state of emergency could reduce the problem but government must do more than that.

First and foremost, your two cents on what a state of emergency can or cannot do in providing Nigeria with a solution to this over-a-decade-long battle with insecurity.

A state of emergency is a proclamation that gives the government sweeping powers to restore peace and order, restore normalcy and address a crisis. It is enshrined in the 1999 Constitution, Section 305, which gives the president the power to declare a state of emergency. Conditions that may justify it include war, invasion, a breakdown in law and order, actions likely to result in disintegration of the country, or a monumental natural disaster. A state governor can also request the federal government to impose a state of emergency.

Once the president imposes it, he must transmit the proclamation to the National Assembly. If the National Assembly is in session, they have two days to deliberate and approve or reject it; if not in session, they have ten days. If after ten days it has not been approved, it becomes null and void.

If a state of emergency is declared, you can expect restrictions of movement, suspension of some constitutional rights and liberties, orders to vacate areas for operations, cordon-and-search operations, and massive deployment of military personnel and equipment. There will also be political and economic dimensions, especially faster approval of funds.

A state of emergency is usually for an initial period of six months. After that, to continue it, you must issue another proclamation. The president can end it before six months and the National Assembly can end it with a two-thirds majority. But we should not think that declaring a state of emergency will make Boko Haram, banditry, kidnapping and other crimes disappear. It can enable more to be achieved if it is backed by genuine action: the government must provide required equipment and funding.

In today’s Nigeria, do you think that is what is needed?

It is an option. When a state of emergency was declared in three North East states in the past, insecurity reduced but was not solved. There are many other problems that need addressing. One is proliferation of small arms and light weapons; there are millions and no one can explain exactly how many. Our borders are porous: Nigeria is 923,768 square kilometres with long land borders and 852 kilometres of coastline – about 4,047 kilometres of borders in total. Weapons come in through the sea and bush daily. If you declare a state of emergency and do not secure the borders, you will be limited in effect.

We need science and technology at the borders and committed staff to prevent weapons inflow. We must also address poverty, which is an enabler of insecurity. Government, businesses and well-to-do individuals should invest in human capital and skills to get miscreants off the streets and reduce the pool of people who can be drawn into criminality, insurgency and kidnapping.

As someone trained in warfare, you see over 30 theatres of operation now. Some say this is like a state of emergency by iteration because it’s unusual to have so many theatres. What do you think?

It is true we have many ongoing operations, some without closure. I have advocated concentrating efforts and finishing them before moving to others – phase the operations. For example, keep forces in other places but concentrate in the North East, finish it, then phase to the North West. Currently, deployments are piecemeal; we must concentrate and carry out focused operations. If that cannot be done, the alternative is massive recruitment and training, and government should acquire enough weapons so the military can be at strength everywhere.

Take us through the states of emergency imposed in Nigeria.

There was one in 1962, in the western region after a political crisis. In 2004, there was the Plateau crisis. In 2011, there were partial emergencies in parts of Plateau, Borno, Niger and Yobe related to Boko Haram. The big one was in 2013 in Adamawa, Borno and Yobe, which kept political leadership in place while military operations brought some calm. The recent one in Rivers was largely political but less aggressive than previous ones.

You say it is a solution, but not the solution. How can this administration boost public confidence, especially with peace deals in parts of the North West?

The government needs to do more. Minimal improvements are not enough. The government can consider imposing a state of emergency in some states, but that alone will not end it. Regarding agreements with bandits: you don’t negotiate from a position of weakness and you don’t allow them to keep their weapons. If the government wants to negotiate, the armed forces must be able to use lethal force to subdue them and force them to the table. It makes no sense to sign agreements and let them leave with weapons; there must be disarmament.

How do you compare this to the Niger Delta amnesty under the Umaru Yar’adua administration?

The Niger Delta amnesty worked because they submitted their weapons and the government gave them alternatives. The armed forces are taught to pursue disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration – a DDR program. In the North and West we should subdue bandits, force them to the table, disarm and demobilise them, then reintegrate them through retraining, reskilling and reorientation. If you take their weapons you must provide them means of livelihood. For example, provide cattle for those interested in cattle rearing, startup capital, hospitals, schools – ways for them to earn a living. Many are earning their living by killing or kidnapping; removing their weapons removes that means. When you take the weapons, you must provide alternatives so they can feed themselves.

If you give them money once it’s finished, what happens? They will still come back. So, the only thing we should do is handle it the way they did during the amnesty. During that time, all those involved in militancy in the South-South were invited.

The government sat with them, conditions were clearly stated, and the government kept its promise. Many of them were even sent abroad to learn new skills and study in universities as part of the amnesty programme.

But considering that we’re talking about this from two different positions – the government’s and the councils’ – these peace deals, especially the ones in Katsina, are being negotiated by local council administrations across over ten local governments. The state government officially says it is not negotiating peace with bandits, while the federal government has kept silent.

Do you think that by allowing these peace deals to happen this way, the government is sending the wrong message to criminals?

It looks like they are winning because everything is done on their own terms. You can see the confidence in how they talk. I watched one of them saying, ‘From today, nothing will happen to anybody.’ That means they see themselves as lords, and that shouldn’t be the case.

Only security agencies should have the monopoly of violence. These people are armed and not entitled to be. The government must act fast and decisively.

In your years in service, did you ever seen anything like this? Especially when you see some of your comrades in those videos – armed soldiers standing beside armed bandits during peace talks?

As a retired general who served in the army for 35 years, I have great respect for the institution that made me who I am. I know the sacrifices the army has made to keep Nigeria together. I’m not happy with what I’m seeing.

I urge the military high command to look into it. I understand the desire for peace and quick results, but as soldiers, we are trained to use force. I believe we should use force first – subdue them, bring them to the negotiation table, and then disarm them.

I am not in favour of the current approach. It’s the wrong one. The best way is to subdue, negotiate, and disarm. Even if local councils are involved, that’s the way to go.

There’s this philosophy of using the carrot and stick – the kinetic and non-kinetic approach. Some pushbacks from recent attacks in Kwara, Kogi, and parts of Kebbi show that the armed forces are still capable. Some operations have been successful in the North East. But how much of the ‘stick’ should we use?

Every war ends on a negotiating table. Whoever fights wants to end it because war is terrible. But the way I see things now isn’t encouraging.

Yes, there have been successes in some areas, but I want us to see success everywhere – even in Katsina. The Nigerian Army I served in has the capacity, equipment, training, and courage to subdue the bandits.

In internal security, one of our guiding principles is the use of ‘maximum minimum force.’ But this is beyond that – it’s an all-out war. Many of these bandits aim to sabotage and embarrass the government and the security forces. So we must be firm.

You’ve used the word ‘war’ many times. Is that how you would describe what we’re facing?

When I say war, I mean an imposition of will. But technically, we are not fighting a declared war. Even General Irabor once called for the army to declare war, but people must understand that declaring war is different from declaring a state of emergency. Declaring war means mobilising the entire components of national power – military, diplomatic, economic, and political – towards one purpose.

Are we not already doing that indirectly?

No, we’re not. No Nigerian government since the civil war has formally declared war. If you declare war, it means the whole budget and all national resources will be channelled towards fighting it.

But this is asymmetric warfare, not conventional.

Exactly. That’s why I say what we need now is not war but a state of emergency. War is much bigger. Declaring it means stopping other government functions – even the Minister of Works would have to focus on supporting the war effort.

When you listen to the NSA or military leaders, they often sound optimistic – but the reality in communities under attack is different. How do you explain this disconnect between what leaders say and what citizens experience?

I agree – there is a disconnect. Those who feel the pain know it. I’ve met victims of kidnappings and insurgent attacks, and I know what they go through.

Government has access to information we may not have, but there are impediments that limit their performance. As General Irabor once said, the main issue is political will. When I was in service, we believed that if there was real political will, the crisis would end.

But our defence budget has quadrupled. Isn’t that a show of political will?

People don’t realise how expensive defence procurement is. I was in Army Headquarters for ten years – the apex of the system. Nothing drains funds like military equipment.

For example, a T-90 tank costs around $9 million. And throughout my 35 years in the armoured corps, I used the same tank until just before retirement when new ones arrived. In most countries, they buy new equipment every year. We don’t.

When President Buhari approved $1 billion for arms procurement, $500 million went to the Air Force for 12 Super Tucano jets, and the remaining $500 million was shared between the Army and Navy. The Army got around $350 million – and that amount had to be split among infantry, armour, artillery, engineers, and others. It’s not enough. To fix this, we must buy massive equipment and recruit more troops.

You think the Army is small?

Yes. People think we’re one of the biggest armies in Africa. We’re not. We’re one of the strongest, not the biggest. Egypt has around 500,000 troops. Ours is far less.

But the army outnumbers the bandits and insurgents.

Yes, we outnumber them and dominate the air – they have no air power. What we lack is the consistent political will to fund and sustain operations. If the government truly wants it to end, it will.

So what exactly do you mean by political will?

It means giving direct orders and providing the necessary resources. When government orders the military to ‘do this,’ the forces will ask for funds, equipment, fuel, and logistics. Moving 5,000 troops costs a lot – feeding, fuelling, arming. Without proper funding, you can’t sustain it. The government is trying, but there’s still a wide gap. Ammunition, vehicles, logistics – all short. War is very expensive. Feeding 30,000 troops at ?3,000 a day, plus allowances and fuel, is a huge daily cost.

But isn’t that worth it if it brings peace?

I agree it’s worth it. But only the political leaders can explain their choices. They’re dealing with multiple challenges – roads, electricity, education, and security all at once. Government has tried, but there’s still room for improvement, especially in equipment and logistics.

Final word for Nigerians.

I urge Nigerians to be patient, pray for the armed forces, and share information with them. We must keep speaking up to encourage them. They’re doing well, but there’s still a gap. I believe very soon they will overcome these security challenges.

The Benue State House of Assembly on Friday approved a request presented to it by Governor Hyacinth Alia to obtain a N100 billion loan to finance key infrastructural projects across the state.

Our correspondent reports that the approval was granted during an emergency sitting of the Assembly presided over by the Speaker, Alfred Emberga.

In a letter read to members by the Speaker, Governor Alia said the loan would be used to fund projects including the renovation and equipping of 23 general hospitals, the renovation and construction of science schools, the completion of ongoing road and bridge projects, the building of skills acquisition centres, and the establishment of smart schools across all federal constituencies.

The loan will also fund the construction and equipping of the Benue State University of Agriculture, Science and Technology, Ihugh, among other projects.

The House unanimously approved the request, urging the state government to apply the funds judiciously for the development and progress of the state.

However, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in the state has faulted the approval, describing it as ‘reckless and insensitive’ to the economic realities facing the people.

In a statement signed by its State Publicity Secretary, Tim Nyor, the PDP said the borrowing lacked transparency and accountability, warning that the move could plunge Benue into another cycle of unsustainable debt.

The party urged the Assembly to ‘retrace its steps and act in the true spirit of checks and balances rather than as a rubber stamp of the executive.’

In the age of half-truths and social-media erratic posts it takes very little to smear the reputation of an individual, especially politically exposed persons like Prof. Joash Amupitan who has recently been appointed Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) by President Tinubu. Since the announcement on Wednesday, there have been a flurry of misinformation, most notably, the one written by one Dr. Osifeso, who claims there are ‘discrepancies’ in the timeline of Amupitan’s education and career and widely circulated on social media.

These claims, while presented as public scrutiny debate, are built on ignorance, selective reading, and a poor grasp of Nigeria’s educational realities in the 1980s. As someone who shared part of that journey with Amupitan, I feel obliged to shed light on a debate that has so far produced more confusion than clarity.

Dr. Osifeso argues that Prof. Amupitan could not have earned a law degree in 3 years because law programmes typically last five years in the university. This is not exactly true. Prof. Amupitan and I were classmates at Kwara State Polytechnic (then Kwara Tech), Ilorin, from 1982 to 1984, where we completed the GCE A-Level/IJMB preparatory programme ,a rigorous pre-university course that offered direct entry into the second year of many degree programmes. It was a standard, JAMB-approved pathway used by some of the brightest students of our generation.

Upon completing the A-Levels, Amupitan proceeded to the University of Jos to study Law in 1984. This route was so common for many students of our generation and it barely raised an eyebrow rather ,it prepared students for a sound academic career in the university.

The ‘Age 15’ question is a Non-Issue. That he was ‘too young’ to be in a polytechnic at 15 may lack historical understanding of our time. Born in April 1967, he would indeed have been 15 in 1982.

Nigeria’s school system at the time allowed exceptional students to complete secondary school early and proceed straight into A-Levels when they passed their WAEC. That was exactly our own path as I also graduated from Ahmadu Bello University at 23 despite a one year stay at home after our ‘A’ levels. There was nothing unusual about this; it was a mark of intellectual progression, not retregression.

I am surprised that some people doubted why an academics could become HOD before PhD. This is normal practice in Law Faculties

and becoming Head of Department (2006-2008) before completing his PhD in 2007 was normal. This is not abnormal, it is common in law faculties where an LL.M., professional experience, and a record of scholarship often outweigh a PhD when it comes to administrative leadership roles. Many law faculties in Nigeria, including the most prestigious, routinely appointed senior lecturers as heads of department or even deans long before they earned doctorates. Prof. Amupitan’s appointment must be a vote of confidence in his competence, not a breach of academic protocol. This fact was echoed by his colleagues at Jos in an extensive interview and interrogation of his appointment published by Daily Trust in its Friday edition.

Incidentally, Prof. Amupitan and I met again at NYSC when we both served in Bauchi between 1988 and 1989. We were in the same orientation camp until our different postings took us to our national assignments. The sequence which is ; graduation, Law School, call to Bar, then NYSC aligns perfectly with the timeline I personally witnessed and can attest to.

The narrative that Prof. Amupitan’s record is ‘suspicious’ is not investigative journalism , it is intellectual laziness masquerading as analysis.

The timeline of his achievements is verifiable. We owe it to ourselves, and to the integrity of our institutions, to protect the truth, demand evidence, and reject distortions especially when they are clearly designed to discredit excellence. Notwithstanding, the National Assembly has a duty to do due diligence in the screening of Pro Amupitan. And I’m very confident that he will pass the scrutiny.

During the tenure of Adams Oshiomole as governor of Edo State, an unknown joker had placed a cryptic message on a bridge under construction in that state’s capital city of Benin. The individual had tied a spoon and fork together with a string and hung the contraption on one of structures, with a note on which was written in pidgin English: ‘Na this we go chop?’

Translated into English, it means: ‘Is this what we will eat?’ Considering that the message came at a time when the state was engulfed in one of its frequent political turbulences, its import was that the administration should also have prioritised the provision of ‘stomach infrastructure’ (courtesy of Ayo Fayose, former governor of Ekiti State), along with the building of roads and bridges. The message thereby accentuated the routine mismatch between the perspectives of the country’s political leadership and the aspirations to improvement in quality of life for the citizenry. Pointedly, the message alluded to a situation whereby the Adams Oshiomole administration was more engrossed with physical infrastructural projects while hunger raged across the state.

As it was in Edo State under Adams Oshiomole, so it is across the entire country, and in particular, the present administration of President Bola Tinubu, with mismatch between the government and the governed defining the basic processes of governance, even as citizens cry out in various ways without being heeded.

In that context can be cited several instances in the course of two years in office by President Bola Tinubu, which have cast a slur on the disposition of his administration as insularly inclined away from Nigeria’s poor. While the administration has been regaling Nigerians and the rest of the world with positive ratings of its ‘sterling’ management of the economy in self-praise, it seems to have left undone what should have been its priority – the welfare of the country’s poor, and rains gall with vehemence at whoever draws its attention to the needful.

If nothing else points to this scenario, the indefensibly diametrically opposite position of the Tinubu administration to submissions in the October 2025 World Bank report on Nigeria’s economy, is a latest case in point.

In the cited report, the World Bank acknowledged the modest gains by the Tinubu administration with respect to the redirection of the nation’s economy from its erstwhile ruinous trajectory and conceded an improving growth pace for the economy.

The report was also not silent on the ‘elephant in the room,’ which remains the level and pervasiveness of the syndrome of multidimensional poverty across the country. Accordingly, it cited the lack of congruence between the reforms of the administration and the deepening levels of poverty across the land. In specific terms, the World Bank stated that out of about 210 million Nigerians, as many as 139 million still live in abject poverty on less than $2.15 or N3,200.00 per day.

This analysis has apparently not gone down well with the administration as it is contesting the stand of the Bretton-Woods global development finance institution. For instance, Tinubu’s spokesman, Sunday Dare, had in response to the World Bank, argued that the latter’s report was an ‘analytical construct’ that was based on unrealistic premises.

He contended that the report on Nigeria’s poverty figure by the bank was erroneously contextualised and based on the dollarised global template of $2.15 dollar per day per individual and not based on the actual head count of Nigeria’s multi-dimensionally poor. Dare also conceded – rather in defeat – that the global poverty benchmark of $2.15 is in value even higher than Nigeria’s minimum monthly wage of N70,000.00, which is just less than $50.00 a month. By his argument, Dare had inadvertently aligned himself with the school of thought which holds that Nigeria’s minimum monthly wage of N70,000.00 remains as nothing better than unjustifiable starvation stipend.

Meanwhile, placed in perspective, the bellyaching by the Tinubu administration over the World Bank report stands in graphic relief as just another instance of its characteristic down-play of the agonies and pains of the country’s teeming poor.

It needs to be recalled that a wider cross section of Nigerians are yet to get over his first assault on the poor – being the debilitating impact of the sudden withdrawal of subsidy on petrol during his inauguration as Nigeria’s president on May 29, 2023 without any soft landing for the citizenry.

It has been two years after that draconian dispensation, with Nigerians taking its impact in their stride. It is also easily recalled how during the minimum wage debate, President Bola Tinubu literally steam-rolled labour and other negotiators into accepting the questionable N70,000.00 per month minimum wage dispensation with his questionable argument of unsustainability of a higher figure by the economy.

Beyond the foregoing can also be recalled how the administration spiritedly debunked the submission by the African Development Bank through its immediate past president, Akinwumi Adesina, that Nigerians were better off in 1960 than in 2025 under the present administration. Yet, not to be forgotten was the official excoriation of the frontline Daily Trust newspaper stable over its editorial comment that Nigerians were hungry. From the look of things, it is now the turn of the World Bank to suffer its own share of badmouthing by the Tinubu administration and leaving hanging, the question of who is next in line for carpeting by its attack dogs.

In Kano, two young women are changing the narrative by stepping into the muddy space of vegetable processing.

One is a graduate of Agricultural Economics and the other, a graduate of Chemistry, both using the knowledge they acquired in their respective fields to create value chain wealth in the horticultural space.

Weekend Trust caught up with them recently in Ibadan during the learning event organised by HortiNigeria Project, funded by the Kingdom of Netherlands in Nigeria with support from various partners where they showcased their products.

Aminat Mohammed Sani, the founder and chief executive officer of a tomato processing company in Kano, processes tomatoes, pepper and onion into paste and other soup-based products.

She currently processed different types of products like mixed condiment, stew paste, jollof paste, pepper soup paste and traditional soup paste.

She has been in this business for about 11 years. The idea of the business started from what she was doing for personal consumption.

How it started

‘We started doing mixed tomato preservation at home using my chemistry background. I know how to preserve perishable items for a long period of time without any chemical preservative or artificial something added to it. I started doing it for my own personal use, but neighbours started asking for it.

‘Some of my neighbours advised me to start selling it instead of giving it out for free. So, I started selling it in small plastic containers. From there, the business started,’ she said.

‘I have cried, smiled’

Asked how she would describe the journey so far, she said, ‘It is full of obstacles, so much pain, so many ups and downs; but Alhamdulillah, today, my company is the second largest tomato processing company in Kano.’

She added that the journey ‘has been tough. I have cried, I have smiled. There are so many cries and smiles along the way, but Alhamdulillah, we have achieved it.’

Speaking about some of the challenges that have confronted her and the inexperience of nurturing a business she said, ‘I did not start it as business, it was for my personal consumption. I read Chemistry, so I didn’t have any background in marketing or business administration or something like that before entering into an entrepreneurial world. I only knew about the honey inside the entrepreneurial world. I don’t know the other outside.

‘But when I entered the entrepreneurial world, I realised that the place is not for a lazy person. It is not for someone who wants quick money, and it is not for someone who is not hardworking. You have to stand on your feet, you have to struggle, you have to suffer and cry before you smile because there are so many things I cannot even tell you.’

She started in her kitchen and now has a company. She said, ‘As I told you, we are the second largest tomato processing company, apart from Dangote.

‘We have to buy so many things. We have to source money from others. My personal savings, my husband and other resources helped me. I won a grant during Goodluck in 2014. It is with that money that I bought some of my machines from China and started producing in large quantities,’ she said.

Ms Adaora Akojuru is the founder of Better Agric Ventures, another tomato processing firm and one of the business champions of HotiNigeria, which has helped her get links to farmers, where she sources raw materials to process into 100 per cent natural tomato and pepper mix paste.

Adaora said, ‘We have four varieties of product – the 100 per cent natural tomato paste, tomato and tatashe mix paste, pepper and onion mix paste and hot pepper mix paste. All of these are under the brand, ‘Bera,’ she said.

How her dream started

The young woman read Agricultural Economics at the Obafemi Awolowo University, Ife, but it was during her National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) days in Kano that the dream came to her.

‘I went to a local government area in Kano, Gaya and saw firsthand, what post-harvest losses looked like in tomatoes.

‘I saw a large expanse of land where tomatoes were cultivated but they were left there to rot. They were not harvested and they started spoiling on the farms. The farmers said they couldn’t take any produce to the market because the markets were saturated. So we started looking for an alternative. Could anything be done? We started researching on why tomatoes have a high volume of post-harvest losses every year and the answer came out – Nigeria has inadequate storage and processing mechanisms, especially for perishables that have very short shelf life. We came to the conclusion that one of the ways you could extend the shelf life of the crop was by processing (value addition). I asked how we could add value to tomatoes.

‘Nigerians love tomato paste a lot; even when you buy fresh tomatoes in the market, they still buy the sachet paste to mix together. So why couldn’t we just give them something they would always have. But it was going to be 100 per cent natural. And it was going to save their time in the kitchen, as well as their gas or kerosene; and they can have it all-year round. That was how we brought about this product,’ Adoara said.

For her, the current inflation rate is a huge problem. She added, ‘Look at the cost of everything. Before now, we were selling our product at N1,300, but the increasing cost of raw and packaging materials brought the total cost of our product to N3,500.’

As at June 2025, Adoara was able to produce 5,000 tomato jars, but her current target is 10,000 jars.

Weekend Trust observes that with more support from development partners in the horticultural space, many young women will do well in the tomato sub sector as they are identifying positive opportunities.