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The Nigeria Police Force is in the news again, for the enforcement of the ban against tinted or shaded glasses in motor cars. On April 25, 2025, the police announced its intention to compel the procurement of a written permit on all cars with tinted glasses. Although no cogent reason has been proffered for the implementation of this policy inherited as part of the military invasion of our political space, it would seem from all indications that the goal is that of revenue generation. The challenge with this is that Nigerians have been taxed and overtaxed and if the rationale behind the current tax reform laws is to harmonise all taxes, then there has to be a rethink of this policy by the police.

THE LAW AGAINST TINTED OR SHADED MOTOR GLASSES

On 8th February 1991, the federal military regime of General Ibrahim Babangida (Retd) enacted the Motor Vehicles (Prohibition of Tinted Glass) Decree 1991, in the following terms:

‘The Federal Military Government hereby decrees as follows:

1. (1) Except with the permission of the appropriate authority designated for the purposes of this Decree and for such good cause as may be determined from time to time by the appropriate authority, no person shall cause any glass fitted on a motor vehicle to be-

(a) tinted; or (b) shaded; or (c) coloured lightly or thickly (d) darkened; or (e) treated in any other way, so that the persons or objects in the motor vehicle are rendered obscure or invisible.

(2) In this section, ‘good cause’ means health or security reasons.

2. (l) Notwithstanding anything to the contrary contained in any law, rule of law, enactment or the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1979, as amended, any person who without the permission of the appropriate authority-

(a) causes any glass fitted on a motor vehicle to be treated in any manner specified in section 1(1) of this Decree

(b) does or omits to do any act for the purpose of enabling or aiding another person to tint, shade, colour, darken, or treat in any other way any glass fitted on a motor vehicle in any manner specified in section 1(1) of this Decree

(c) aids another person in tinting, shading, colouring, darkening or treating in any other way any glass fitted on a motor vehicle in any manner specified in section 1(1) of this Decree ; or

(d) counsels or procures any other person to tint, shade, colour, darken or treat in any other way, any glass fitted on a motor vehicle, commits an offence under this Decree and shall be punished in the manner set out in this Decree.

(2) Any person who commits an offence under paragraph (d) of subsection (1) of this section may himself be charged with tinting, shading, colouring, darkening or treating in any other way the glass fitted on the motor vehicle or with counselling or procuring the tinting, shading, colouring, darkening or treating in any other way the glass fitted on the motor vehicle.

(3) In this Decree –

(a) reference to the ‘appropriate authority’ means reference to the Inspector-General of Police or any person or authority authorised by him to give such permission as is contemplated in subsection (1) of section 1 of this Decree

(b) reference to ‘permission’ includes registration.

3. It shall be the duty of the buyer, donee or importer of a motor vehicle with tinted, shaded, coloured, darkened or treated glass to change all the glass within a period of 14 days from the date of arrival in Nigeria or date of purchase (whichever is applicable in each circumstance).

4. (1) Any person who commits an offence under this Decree shall on conviction be liable to a fine of N2,000 or to imprisonment for a term not exceeding 6 months or to both such fine and imprisonment.

(2) Where an offence under this Decree has been committed by a body corporate, every person who at the time of the commission of the offence was a proprietor, director, general manager, secretary or other similar officer servant or agent of the body corporate (or a person purporting to act in any such capacity) as well as the body Corporate shall be guilty of the offence and may be proceeded against and punished accordingly.

5. The Federal High Court shall have jurisdiction to try offenders under this Decree.’

WHY THE POLICY IS WRONG

Understandably so, Nigerians have kicked against the enforcement of this law on so many grounds. First, it is not reasonably justifiable. The cars in issue were not manufactured in Nigeria and the owners have no control over the specification or mode of the car. To enforce such a blanket ban, the government must have a ready alternative which it can offer to its citizens. Second, these cars are driven freely in other parts of the world without the need for a permit. Third, if the ban on tinted or shaded motor glasses is that of security, all that the police need to do is to ask the motorist to wind down his glasses for random security check.

THE COURT CASES

The Nigerian Bar Association has challenged the enforcement of this policy in court in Abuja and the police was duly served with the originating processes in the suit but it claimed that since there is no positive order from the Court, the enforcement will proceed notwithstanding the court case. Subsequently on October 2, 2025, the Federal High Court in Warri issued an order, directing the police to show cause why an order of injunction should not be made to stop the enforcement of the policy. There has been some controversy on the purport and effect of the order of court for the police to show cause. Let me dwell on this a little more.

Under and by virtue of Order 26 Rule 8 of Federal High Court (Civil Procedure) Rules, 2019:

‘2. Where a motion is made ex-parte, the Court may make or refuse to make the order sought, or may direct the motion to be made on notice to the parties to be affected thereby or may grant an order to show cause why the order sought should not be made.

C- ORDER TO SHOW CAUSE

13. An order to show cause shall specify a day when cause is to be shown, be called the return day to the order, which shall ordinarily be not less than three days after service.

14. A person served with an order to show cause may, before the return day, produce evidence to contradict the evidence used in obtaining the order, or setting forth other facts on which he relies to satisfy the Court to discharge or vary such order.

15. On the return day, if the person served does not appear and it appears to the Court that the service on all proper parties has not been duly effected, the Court may enlarge the time and direct further service or make such further order as seems just.

(b) if any other relief is sought, the Judge may at any time grant in the proceedings such interim relief as could be granted in an action begun by writ;

(c) the Judge may impose such terms as to costs and as to giving security as he deems fit.’

WHY THE POLICY MUST BE HALTED FORTHWITH

In law, an order for a party to show cause why an injunction should not be made is a preliminary court order that puts the respondent on notice to demonstrate why they should not be restrained by an injunction. The effect is that it requires the respondent to argue against the grant of the injunction, and if they fail, the court may issue the injunction based on the applicant’s argument. The party to whom the order is directed has the duty to show cause, or present reasons, why the injunction should not be granted, and this may involve demonstrating that they have a sufficient legal remedy or that the balance of convenience does not favour the applicant. The legal effect of the order is that the respondent is obligated to appear before the court and argue their case against the injunction being granted. The burden of proof rests heavily on the applicant for the injunction to show that a serious issue to be tried exists and that damages will be inadequate compensation. However, if the respondent fails to show cause, this failure will strengthen the applicant’s case for the injunction. The court’s order serves as a formal notice to the respondent about the potential injunction and allows them to be heard on the matter. The order aims to maintain the current state of affairs (status quo) while the court considers the application for injunction. If the respondent fails to show cause or provides insufficient reasons against the injunction, the court can proceed to grant the injunction. And even when no positive order of injunction has been made, the respondent is required to keep matters in status quo because the court will not aid a party who is guilty of taking steps to jeopardize the subject matter of the application for injunction. In the case of John Aikpkokpo-Martins however, the court specifically directed the police to maintain the status quo, effectively halting the implementation or further implementation of the policy, pending the hearing and determination of the application for injunction. As the police are established to maintain law and order and to enforce decisions of the court, the policy on tinted motor glass permits should be suspended for now.

OUR economy has always been in a doldrums whether past or present. We continue to mismanage our economy whether knowingly or unknowingly. You cannot give what you don’t have, unfortunately, most of our leaders don’t have what it takes. Leadership in Nigeria is about whose fist is stronger and not ideas. The leaders that are in the know govern people according to their expectation. Having destroyed the educational system and weaponised poverty, some of our people don’t know any better. They praise politicians for the crumbs that are served to them. Their predicament makes them susceptible to the manipulation of the ruiners class (majority of our current leaders/politicians). The resilience of Nigerians is immense, so people remain docile and plod on. Our issues are obvious and not that difficult to solve but there is no will to tackle them. Nigeria, the so-called ‘Giant of Africa,’ is rich in natural and human resources. However, despite its potential, the country continues to face significant economic challenges. These problems have persisted over the years and have hindered sustainable development and poverty reduction. The major causes of our economic woes range from structural weaknesses and governance issues to external shocks and insecurity. Let’s break it down.

1. Overdependence on Oil: One of the most significant economic issues in Nigeria is its heavy reliance on crude oil exports. Oil accounts for over 90% of the country’s export earnings and a large portion of government revenue. This dependence makes the economy highly vulnerable to fluctuations in global oil prices. When oil prices fall, government income drops, leading to budget deficits, inflation, and economic instability. This ‘mono-economy’ structure has stifled diversification efforts in other critical sectors such as agriculture, manufacturing, and technology. In addition, the oil is being stolen. Bunkering remain rife and crude exploration is devastating to our environment, with local biodiversity loss. It is on the record that we don’t know the amount of oil that is pumped out of our fields. Whereas country like Saudi Arabia can account for every drop of oil they produce through technology; every inch of the pipeline is monitored remotely from a sophisticated control centre.

2. Poor governance and corruption: Corruption remains a deep-rooted issue in Nigeria. Mismanagement of public funds and widespread corruption at all levels of government reduce the effectiveness of economic policies and discourage foreign investment. Funds that should be allocated for infrastructure, education, healthcare, and economic development are often embezzled or misused. As a result, the country’s economic progress is slowed, and public trust in government institutions is weakened. 3. Inadequate infrastructure: Nigeria suffers from serious infrastructure deficits, including unreliable electricity, poor road networks, limited railway systems, and inefficient ports. These challenges increase the cost of doing business, reduce productivity, and discourage both local and international investment. Power outages, in particular, force many businesses to rely on expensive generators, reducing their profit margins and limiting economic growth. The current administration is investing heavily in road projects, but at the end of it all, half of the money will be siphoned into individuals’ pocket, the project will be shoddily carried out and incomplete. The roads will have no adequate drainage, landscaping and signage.

4. Insecurity: Insecurity has become a major threat to economic activities in Nigeria. Armed conflicts, terrorism (such as the Boko Haram insurgency), kidnapping, banditry, and ethnic clashes disrupt agriculture, trade, and industry. Farmers are often forced to abandon their land, leading to lower food production and increased food prices. Insecure regions also experience reduced investment and tourism, further weakening the economy. Can you imagine we have ramshackle armed bandits in charge of certain parts of Nigeria? It was well publicised recently that they were holding press conferences and parading their captives. That is in a country with the rule of law. What a shambles! 5. High unemployment and underemployment: Unemployment, especially among youth, is a critical issue in Nigeria. Millions of young Nigerians graduate from schools and universities every year, but few jobs are available. Many are underemployed or forced into low-paying informal jobs. This situation increases poverty and crime and reduces national productivity. The resources of the country has been cornered by few people, they are living large at the expense of the rest of us, hence the productivity is low. They missed the civic class and lack moral values. They are in government to enrich themselves and not to serve.

6. Inflation and currency instability: Nigeria has been plagued by high inflation and exchange rate instability. Inflation erodes the purchasing power of citizens, leading to a decline in living standards. Frequent devaluation of the Naira, currency scarcity, and multiple exchange rates confuse investors and make economic planning difficult. A self-inflicted woe. The current administration attempts to address this pales insignificant to what is required. The reforms need to be radical and swift. 7. Weak industrial and agricultural base: Despite its agricultural potential, Nigeria imports a large portion of its food and manufactured goods.

Poor support for local farmers and industries has led to low productivity. Many factories operate below capacity or have shut down due to high production costs and poor infrastructure. Multinational manufacturing companies have left our shores and locations converted to churches where Nigerians go to pray for jobs. What a mess, Nigerians are tempting God. Unless we have a reset, we will continue to wallow in the multidimensional poverty that is rife in the country.

8. Debt Burden and Poor Fiscal Management – Nigeria’s rising debt profile is another source of concern. A large percentage of government revenue is spent on debt servicing, leaving little for investment in critical sectors. Furthermore, poor tax collection systems mean that the government relies heavily on borrowing rather than generating sustainable income. We continue to borrow for consumption. The cost of government is high with bloated executive and legislature.

9. Rapid Population Growth – Nigeria’s population is growing rapidly, putting pressure on non-existent or woefully existing infrastructure, education, healthcare, housing, and the labor market. Unfortunately, economic growth has not kept pace with population growth, resulting in widespread poverty and urban congestion. Our best asset remains our people but we failed to make adequate investments in human capital.

10. Poor Education and Health Systems – Education and healthcare are essential for developing a productive workforce, but these sectors are underfunded and poorly managed in Nigeria. Many children lack access to quality education, and healthcare facilities are often inadequate. This limits human capital development and reduces the nation’s capacity for innovation and growth.

There is no denying that Nigeria’s economic problems are complex and interconnected. Addressing them requires bold and sustained efforts by government, private sector, and civil society. Diversifying the economy, fighting corruption, investing in infrastructure and education, and improving security are critical steps towards achieving economic stability and long-term prosperity. With the right policies and commitment, Nigeria can overcome these challenges and unlock its full economic potential.

The Ifesowapo Consultative Forum, a consortium of 32 communities surrounding Lisa Town and its environs in Ifo Local Government Area of Ogun State, has announced plans to commemorate the 20th anniversary of the Bellview Airlines plane crash, which claimed 117 lives at Lisa village on 22 October 2005.

The announcement was made during a strategic meeting of community representatives, where Dr Fola Abati, chairman of the Forum, outlined preparations for what he described as a truly memorable and meaningful event.

According to Abati, the commemoration will include inter-religious prayer sessions, an aviation safety lecture, and outreach to families of the victims. Government officials, aviation stakeholders and members of the international community are expected to participate in the remembrance. To ensure wider participation, the memorial event will be live-streamed, enabling those outside Lisa, across Nigeria, and in the diaspora to join in the tribute.

‘The 20th Memorial Anniversary is not merely about looking back with sorrow. It is about using history to inspire progress. We owe it to the victims, their families and to ourselves to ensure that Lisa is not remembered only for tragedy, but for resilience and renewal,’ Abati remarked.

He recalled that the crash, which drew global attention to Lisa and its environs, led to the construction of the Lisa Memorial Arcade by then President Olusegun Obasanjo and Governor Gbenga Daniel, with promises of sustained development. Two decades on, the once symbolic arcade has been left to deteriorate, while the 10.5-kilometre Ijoko-Oyero-Lisa access road remains in a state of disrepair.

Abati emphasised that the anniversary will serve as a renewed call for urgent government’s intervention. Restoring the Lisa Memorial Arcade, he said, would honour the departed with dignity, while rehabilitating the access road will ease the daily burden of thousands of residents who commute between Ogun and Lagos.

He further stressed the need for the site to be recognised as a national heritage landmark, and for the long-envisioned aviation tourism centre to be established-preserving memory and inspiring future generations.

The forum also acknowledged the efforts of the Deputy Chief Whip of the Federal House of Representatives, Hon Ibrahim Ayokunle Isiaka, whose intervention at the Awela River axis facilitated the construction of a flyover bridge. This singular project, Dr Abati noted, has significantly reduced the annual loss of lives caused by flooding in the area.

In addition, the forum commended His Royal Majesty, Oba Oladele Odugbemi for his enduring commitment to the welfare of Lisa and its neighbouring communities. His leadership in matters of security, infrastructure and government engagement has, they affirmed, kept the voice of the region alive in the corridors of power.

The 20th anniversary observance is scheduled for October 22.

President Theodore Roosevelt (October 27, 1858-January 1919) was the 26th president of the United States. He served from 1901 to 1909. When asked to rein in his 19-year-old daughter, Alice, whose conducts had become so embarrassing to the people, the man known as TR, had this to say: ‘I can do one of two things. I can be President of the United States, or I can control Alice Roosevelt. I cannot possibly do both.’

Children of the mighty and most powerful, in some instances, are pains to their parents. Yoruba sociology of parenting categorises children based on their behaviours in the public. There are some children regarded as àkóìgbà, which refers to the category of children who are patently impervious to correction. An àkóìgbà child, though well-brought up, remains an outcast in behaviour. He or she behaves in manners that negate the home training given from the cradle.

The second categorisation is the àbíìkó or àbíìpabé children. These are the ones whose antisocial behaviours can be excused because the fault lies with poor parenting. An àbíìkó or àbíìpabé child receives no home training and as such, has nothing going on for him or her in terms of good upbringing. In the real street lingo, they are called born throwey (born and throw away).

There are some known as omo òwúrò alé. Children in this category are the ones who were given the normal proper family training but, along the line, abandoned those lofty morals due to bad influence and adopted behaviours that conflict with their family. The beauty of an omo òwúrò alé is that timely intervention can save the situation and bring them back on track.

The worst category is the omo pàpànlagi. Those in this typology are lost, completely – nothing can change them. They attach no importance to family values and have no sense of shame. When an omo pàpànlagi exhibits his or her characters in the public place, the opprobrium is always on the family. Unfortunately, the majority of members of his or her family are of good accounts, good characters and enviable dispositions. The question is: how does an omo pàpànlagi acquire the bad behaviour?

When a child displays any character that indicates an error in his or her upbringing, the African society has a way of correcting that. In most cases, the reaction of those who experience the detestable character is to send the unruly child back home. This method, I dare posit, is common in Yorubaland where the saying: Òde la ti únkó omo tí kò ní èkó (a bad child receives lessons in good conduct from outsiders) holds sway.

Back to Alice Roosevelt. Two biographers, Colin McEvoy and Tyler Piccotti, in a July 23, 2025, piece titled: Hunter Biden and the 8 Most Problematic Presidential Children of All Time, say of Alice thus: ‘Although her actions might seem harmless by today’s standards, Alice Roosevelt was such an unconventional woman during her day that she repeatedly made headlines and caused headaches for her father Theodore Roosevelt.. Alice smoked and swore in public, which was practically unheard of among female socialites at the time. She also attended and placed bets at horse races and took her pet snake to parties. Before William Howard Taft became president, Alice buried a voodoo doll of Taft’s wife, Nellie, in the White House front yard, earning herself a ban from the nation’s capital.’

Alice was so notorious that she featured again in another article by the Newsweek, The Most Problematic Presidential Children, published a year earlier on June 13, 2024. That notoriety by Alice informed why Americans called on their president to do something about the behaviour of his daughter, and he quipped the opening quote.

Nigeria has its fair share of Alice Roosevelt. Noemie Emery, on June 25, 2003, details misbehaviours of the children of the mighty and powerful in Why Have So Many Presidents’ Kids Gone Wrong? A reading of the portraits of the children mentioned in the piece will resonate with what Nigerians have experienced in the hands of spoilt brats of their leaders. Something close to Emery’s piece occurred the penultimate week in Edo State.

What played out in the sacred palace of the Oba of Benin, last Thursday, between the Benin monarch, Omo N’Oba N’Edo Uku Akpolokpolo Oba Ewuare II, and the self-imposed Iyaloja General of Nigeria, Mrs. Folasade Ojo-Tinubu, daughter of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, calls for sober reflection.

Every society defines its own structure. The Benin people of Edo State are a peculiar lot. When our elders say how we behave here is a taboo in another land (bí a ti únse níbí, èèwò ibòmíì), they probably have the Benin people in mind.

That is exactly what the Benin sovereign, Oba Ewuare II, did to Mrs. Folasade Ojo-Tinubu when she came calling to the Benin Palace with the misadventure of Iyaloja of all Edo Markets.

The uniqueness of the Benin Palace lies more in the carriage of the oba. The Omo N’Oba is the epitome of the culture, tradition and custom of the Benin people. In him, the people find their essence. His personage speaks royalty in all ramifications. Thus, what one can do and get away with in many palaces will no doubt attract severe sanctions if done in the Omo N’Oba’s palace.

If there is any Black nation that still holds to its foundational culture, give it to Benin. Everything in the ancient city, and by its people, revolves around the monarch. He, like the modern-day executive president, is the fountain of honour. The Omo N’Oba owns every inch of Benin land. He creates dukedoms and appoints Dukes to oversee them in trust. He is the law, the judge and jailer!

The Benin palace operates a new level of protocol. For instance, the Omo N’Oba does not wait for anybody. The oba, hailed as Umogun, determines who he sees. And when he sits in his court, the entire kingdom bows in deference. In any of his court sessions, he determines the proceedings. He appoints who to talk and dictates what to say. Benin palace functionaries, at any time, can read the body language of the oba and act accordingly.

Another unique nature of the Benin palace is the way different guests to the ancient palace are treated differently. Beyond the general courtesy extended to guests, the issues to be discussed determine how the king reacts. For issues of less importance, the Omo N’Oba does not speak directly. Especially when it has to do with the tradition of the Benin Kingdom, the palace does not place a premium on the personality of the guest. For the oba and his subject, it is Benin tradition before any other thing.

When the oba prays, he calls on God and the ancestors – because without the tradition, there is no kingdom. Therefore, when anyone approaches the palace with any alien tradition different from that handed over by the ancestors, the palace does not spare any effort at setting the record straight.

One of the traditions of the Benin people is that when the oba speaks on any matter, his words become law. No one fights the palace and becomes popular. Whatever the Oba of Benin hates, becomes abhorrent to the entire Benin. Whoever clashes with the oba becomes an enemy of the entire kingdom.

Once a person is declared the enemy of the palace, Oghionba, the person immediately becomes a pariah. No Benin son or daughter associates with anyone who has a score to settle with the Uku Akpolokpolo! This is an unwritten code that has passed from generation to generation. There is nothing to show that such will change soon. This is one of the lessons any guest to the palace must learn and understand before venturing to the sacred ground where the Oduma (Lion) of Benin Kingdom resides. ‘Civilisation’ has not succeeded in changing that order!

Albert Lekan Oyeleye, a professor of English Language, taught Pragmatics, Semantics and Discourse Analysis at the University of Ibadan. In his Truth Condition seminar class a few years ago, he posited that meanings are in binary oppositions of plus or minus. He added that when words are spoken, they carry meanings that are not of surface values, called ‘Deep Structure’ in that branch of Linguistics. ‘Deep Structure’ meaning states that one must consider all the variables to be able to arrive at the intended meaning of any spoken word.

When the Omo N’Oba looked at the president’s daughter last Thursday, and said: ‘You are in Benin, the home of culture. We have our culture here,’ my mind raced to Oyeleye’s ‘Deep Structure’ and the binary opposition of meaning. I asked: what was the deep structure implicature of the statement?

If, without being speculative, one applies Oyeleye’s Truth Condition, can one successfully submit that what the Benin monarch told the president’s daughter is: in case you have no culture where you come from, here in Benin, we have our culture? This semantic implicature is further amplified by the next question Oba Ewuare II asked Mrs. Ojo-Tinubu thus: ‘Do you know the role of Iyeki in Benin culture?’

But more importantly, and still in the realms of Pragmatics, when the oba considered the response from the self-styled Iyaloja General of Nigeria, the next step the Benin monarch took, indicated clearly that the issue in discourse is of no importance – indeed an aberration in Benin Kingdom. He simply directed a chief to educate the woman on how Benin runs its market system. ‘Iyaloja is a bit alien to us here in Benin. I have discussed this matter with my chiefs and those who are knowledgeable’, the Omo N’Oba said, and directed Chief Osaro Idah, the Obazelu of Benin, to educate Mrs. Ojo-Tinubu.

Those who were physically present during the encounter recalled that the Benin monarch was visibly angry – justifiably so. Ever since the encounter, there have been series of activities in Benin City surrounding the issue of Iyaloja of all Edo Markets. The debate in town centres on the misadventure of Mrs. Folasade Ojo-Tinubu to impose on the ancient kingdom of Benin, a strange market structure that makes an individual the head of all markets in Edo State.

In a daring move, Mrs. Ojo-Tinubu had, earlier, before coming to the palace, inaugurated one Pastor Josephine Ibhaguezejele. as the Iyaloja of all markets in Edo State. She did that at the Festival Hall of the Edo State Government House. The Benin Palace had the information in disbelief. It was after the ‘installation’, that the president’s daughter ventured into the sacred palace ground to ask the Omo N’Oba to rally support for Josephine Ibhaguezejele. Sacrilege!

Naturally, such a stranger-than-fiction position would infuriate the palace which had in 2024, kicked against such an anomaly. What gave the Iyaloja General of Nigeria the boldness to go ahead and do what she did? What height of bravado propelled her to visit the palace to ask the Omo N’Oba to rally support for the new Iyaloja of all Edo Markets?

When the Omo N’Oba asked if Mrs. Ojo-Tinubu understood the concept of Iyeki, what the oba was saying was that Edo markets are not without leaders. The only difference is that while, for instance, Mrs. Ojo-Tinubu could transmute from being an Iyaloja of Lagos to Iyaloja General of Nigeria, no such position exists in Benin, nay the entire Edo State.

According to Benin culture which Oba Ewuare II lectured the president’s daughter on, no single market leader can control another market in Benin. The oba was emphatic when he told Mrs. Ojo-Tinubu that ‘Iyaloja is a bitalien to us here in Benin. I have discussed this matter with my chiefs and those who are knowledgeable.’

The concept of Iyeki, a pure traditional position, according to Chief Idah who spoke on behalf of the oba, is different from the social and cosmetic Iyaloja General of Nigeria, Mrs. Ojo-Tinubu parades. What the Benin palace told the president’s daughter could pass for an inaugural lecture on cultural diversity.

While anyone without a single store in any market can become Iyaloja General in the culture that produces the like of Ojo-Tinubu, in Benin, and the entire Edo State, no single individual can lord it over other market women in different markets in the state.

More importantly, too, while it is possible for President Tinubu’s daughter to turn the Iyaloja chieftaincy title to a family affair and transmute from being Iyaloja of Lagos, the position formerly held by the late Alhaja Abibat Mogaji, to becoming Iyaloja General of Nigeria, in Benin, an Iyeki (market leader) is the representative of the Oba of Benin in any Benin market. The occupier of that position also carries out some assigned duty for the oba in the market.

This is why Chief Idah, speaking for the oba, tutored Mrs. Ojo-Tinubu: ‘Iyaloja is alien to us here in Benin. Every Iyeki has a special relationship with the palace. Are you aware of that? Do you know that every Iyeki has a cultural role to perform inside every market?

‘The Oba does not interfere so long as the Iyeki does what is expected of her in the shrine of a particular market on behalf of the Oba. We are not going to say much, except to explain to you the concept of Iyeki in Benin. Iyeki is independent in every market, like the Oba Market, Ogiso Market, and others. The traders select their leaders from within the market. The Iyekis do more than the role of coordinating traders. There are certain shrines in all the markets. They play certain roles on behalf of the palace. After their selection, they bring the person to the palace for confirmation.

‘The novelty of a general Iyeki is alien to Benin custom and tradition. We just believe the Iyaloja is your socio-cultural thing, like you have other clubs. It is not in our culture to have a general Iyeki. Iyeki is particular to each market. No one has the right to control another in a different market. The Iyeki in Oba Market has no role to play in Ogiso Market. The Oba established the market for all in the society.’

Let us go back to Alice Roosevelt. Why would President Tinubu’s daughter flout Benin culture? I ask this question because on April 30, 2024, she had written a letter to Oba Ewuare II, asking him to provide all necessary support for Pastor Isi Ibhaguezejele, as her appointed Iyaloja of all Edo markets.

In the letter, Mrs. Ojo-Tinubu did not just introduce herself as the Iyaloja General of Nigeria but also as: ‘.the First Daughter of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu (GCFR).’ You may wish to ask as I did, what is the import of that family background in a letter seeking support for a venture? What was she trying to tell the oba? Then she went ahead to say:

‘With greatest sense of responsibility and utmost regard to our Royal Father, His Royal Majesty, Omo N’Oba N’Edo, Uku Akpolokpolo Oba Ewuare II, The Oba of Benin, I humbly write to introduce PASTOR MRS JOSEPHINE ISI IBHAGUEZEJELE as the Edo State lyeki-Elect.

‘With the development, it is her responsibility to see to the day-to-day affairs of the traders in the state (Edo State).Your Majesty, I humbly request that you give your daughter every necessary backing to succeed in this great and noble assignment as I look forward to your fatherly blessing for her to be fruitful in her newly assigned responsibilities.’

Expectedly, the letter, when it became a public document, generated a lot of heat in Benin. All daughters and sons of the Benin Kingdom, at home and in the Diaspora, rose in its condemnation. The agitation was heavy such that the president’s daughter backtracked.

The prevailing situation in Edo State then was not favourable. That was the period Governor Godwin Obaseki of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), was holding sway. There was no way the self-imposed Iyaloja General of Nigeria could have appointed a stooge in the state.

But after the September 21, 2024, gubernatorial election which produced the current Governor Monday Okpebholo of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Mrs. Folasade Ojo-Tinubu got her confidence back. Her father’s political party is the ruling party in the state. The rumours of the installation of Pastor Josephine Isi Ibhaguezejele as Iyaloja of Edo markets gained traction. But many did not believe that the venture would be revisited so much so that the Omo N’Oba had earlier rejected it.

Now the president’s daughter has installed an Iyaloja for Edo Markets, with the full support of the Coordinator, Office of Edo State First Lady, Mrs. Edesili Okpebholo-Anani and possibly the Edo State Government’s tacit support as implied in the use of the Government House Festival Hall. In contrast, Oba Ewuare II, Oba of Benin, who by tradition and custom, determines what happens in his kingdom, has said that such a position is alien to Benin tradition. The die is cast! Who blinks first? Who shifts ground: the Benin tradition or the position of ‘the First Daughter of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu (GCFR)?’

This is where President Tinubu should act. As the father of the Iyaloja General of Nigeria, and as an elder, President Tinubu must tutor his daughter that it is not every cloth that the chameleon imitates. The president must act fast before people begin to ask questions that will interrogate his parenting method for his children.

President Tinubu, this time, cannot speak the way TR spoke when asked to caution his recalcitrant Alice. Tinubu, I submit here without hesitation, must be President of Nigeria and control Folasade at the same time. Unlike TR, our PBAT must ‘possibly do both.’ This is the Toro (half Kobo) I have to loan to the President.

AS the World Habitat Day is being marked globally, the Nigerian Institute of Building (NIOB) has emphasized that need to engage registered builders to construct buildings in order to drastically reduce the cases of building collapse in Nigeria.

This step, according to the statement by NIOB, would make Nigeria’s urban cities safer, free residents from avoidable displacement, prevent needless deaths, and protect the poor who are always the victims of building collapse.

‘On this World Habitat Day, let us recommit ourselves to making safe, resilient, and affordable housing a reality. Let us embrace the vision of cities that can withstand crisis and protect every citizen,’ the statement read.

As builders, built environment professionals, policymakers, and community members, NIOB urged that they must respond by prioritizing resilient building/construction standards and climate-sensitive designs: and engaging appropriate and qualified professionals in housing developments.

It also called for the need to strengthen urban infrastructure like drainage and safe and affordable housing.

‘Ensuring inclusive policies that protect the marginalized. Working together – government, professionals, private sector, NGOs, and citizens – to build housing solutions that endure.

‘Equally important, we must emphasize that engaging Registered Builders to construct our buildings will drastically reduce the cases of building collapse in Nigeria,’ the statement read.

NIOB said that housing is not just about shelter; but about dignity, safety, and sustainable resilience.

Talking about the theme for the year, ‘Urban Crisis Response’, NIOB said it has called the attention to the urgent need to prepare ‘our cities, towns and communities to withstand shocks – from floods, chaotic planning and development; building collapses, overstretched public infrastructure and climate change to displacement and economic hardship.’

‘In many of our communities, towns and cities in Nigeria, families live in fragile and dilapidated houses, vulnerable to storm damage, flooding, and poor infrastructure. Too often, the most vulnerable in the society- women, children, the displaced, and the poor – suffer the hardest impact. We cannot remain indifferent,’ the statement rea World Habitat Day: HDAN seeks action toward climate-resilient housing, others.

SIGNPOSTING the critical and perilous level of decadence in the society, a recent report indicated that a misguided young man, Mutawakilu Ibrahim, stabbed his grandparents to death during a heated argument over food at their residence in Kofar Dawanau Quarters, Dala Local Government Area of Kano State. The suspect was said to have used a knife to inflict multiple injuries on his grandfather and grandmother who were 75 and 65 years old, respectively. And they were both pronounced dead by the medical authorities at the hospital they were taken to after the attack. The 30-year-old man, who has been arrested by the police, is believed to have been under the influence of intoxicants at the time of the attack.

Kano State is Nigeria’s most populous state, and it has been reported to be plagued by many social vices in recent times, including increased cases of violent crimes within family settings. According to security experts and community leaders, it is the combined effects of drug abuse, mental health challenges, and rising economic hardship that have been putting pressures on family relationships. And some of these factors have causal relationship: the use of illicit drugs may have resulted in the burgeoning cases of mental issues while mental challenges, on the other hand, have a serious bearing on the increasing violent conduct, especially amongst the youths. All of these exemplify the rot in the society arising from the collapse of the moral value system.

The killing of the Kano old man and woman allegedly by their grandson is a terrible development that is very difficult to comprehend. How and why would one kill one’s grandparents under any guise? And indeed, why should one kill anyone, for that matter, in order to settle ‘scores,’ if any? It either shows defective upbringing or is down to an unteachable or incorrigible disposition on the part of the killer. Engaging in a heated argument with one’s grandparents is bad enough; going ahead to murder them is extremely strange. It is doubtful that this young man is from a cohesive, disciplined family background as his action smacks of someone raised in a dysfunctional family setting. And in all of this, there has been no mention of his parents. Why should his feeding be the responsibility of his grandparents if his parents are available?

And indeed, why should the feeding of a 30-year-old be the responsibility of anyone else other than himself? If he could raise money to procure illicit drugs, why not raise money to buy food also? It is really sad that many youths of today are increasingly unable or unwilling to appreciate what constitutes reasonable, decent and decorous conduct. The sense of entitlement they exhibit at every turn is very alarming. Or why would a 30-year-old have a heated argument with his grandparents over food and go ahead to murder both of them by dealing multiple lethal knife blows on them? This callous and bizarre act can only be perpetrated by a demented person whose stability of mind is suspect.

In the recent past, people felt a sense of gloom at the mere mention of death or serious injury to humans: hardly did anyone want to be associated with such heart-rending circumstances because of the attendant social repercussions, including the ostracisation of perpetrators. Today, however, because of the high frequency of cases of killings and the preponderance of the agents of death like killer herdsmen, bandits and Boko Haram insurgents and their heinous activities in the North and unknown gunmen in the South, gory cases of killings and maiming have become just mere statistics to many. This is a dangerous tendency that seems to be making violence the new normal in the society and, in a sense, encouraging or at least making light of the breach of the sanctity of human life.

The optics around violent conduct in the country is bad. The daily news of terror killings, homicides and parricide as in the instant case is very troubling even as it reflects horribly on the image of the country. All critical stakeholders, especially leadership at all levels, with the government leading the pack, must ensure that the society is reset on the path of moral rectitude, decency and decorum. The government should be exemplary by providing good governance that is capable of reining in citizens’ economic hardship, so that the tendency for one to slide into criminality or engage in asocial behaviour like drug abuse to just get by is reduced. Families and religious institutions should endeavour to influence young men and women to shun societal vices like illicit drug use, excessive consumption of alcohol, violent conduct and so on.

The traditional leadership, too, should avoid deliberate or inadvertent incentivisation of criminal and/or morally reprehensible acts through inapposite recognition of wealthy perpetrators in palaces. Savagery, uncivilised conduct and other criminal acts must be discouraged in all ramifications. Meanwhile, Ibrahim’s alleged dastardly act should be painstakingly investigated, diligently prosecuted, and punished to the fullest extent of the law if he is found guilty.

It used to be sad tales of farmers losing every pod from their cowpea to the devastating maruca vitrata, also known as pod borer insect which has the capacity to destroy over 70 percent of cowpea pods while on the field. The story always ends in misery as rural farmers lose their money and investment.

But for Ogenomor Emmanuel, each leaf, each pod, is a testimony against pests, doubt, and fear that innovation can change the story of beans in Nigeria. For him, what was once a modest yield has become exportable quality, and with it, the promise of better nutrition, income, and a country less dependent on imports.

Cowpea is more than staples in Nigerian homes, they are among the cheapest sources of protein, rich in essential nutrients which include protein, fibre, iron, folate, and other minerals. For many households, cowpeas cushion against hunger, especially this period when meat prices have skyrocketed.

Yet Nigeria’s cowpea story remains regrettable. According to data from FAO and other studies, cowpea/dried cowpea production was around 4.3 million metric tons in 2023 yet demand and consumption deficits is still prevalent.

Nigeria is experiencing a deficit not just domestic. Poor quality, contamination (by pesticide residues, insects, pathogens), storage losses, and insufficient yields have meant that Nigeria often fails to capitalize on export markets or fully meet its own needs.

As Dr. Rose Gidado, Director of Agriculture biotechnology at National Biotechnology Research and Development Agency (NBRDA) argues, Nigeria imports hundreds of millions of naira’s worth of beans annually to fill its own shortfall.

Estimates place Nigeria’s cowpea import bill at about N10 billion annually. Furthermore, export revenue is lost when standards are not met. The Nigeria Agricultural Quarantine Service (NAQS) reports that failure to meet phytosanitary and pesticide-residue requirements costs the country some US$362.5 million annually in potential export revenue.

On nutrition, UNICEF data show that 32 percent of children under five in Nigeria are stunted, over 2 million children suffer from severe acute malnutrition, and more than 11 million children face food poverty.

This scary data means that improving access to affordable, nutritious legumes like cowpea (with high protein, minerals, and relatively inexpensive cultivation) could have major public health impacts.

At the Institute of Agricultural Research (IAR), Zaria, a team of Scientists, led by Professor Mohammed Ishiyaku developed Bt Cowpea, a variety genetically engineered to resist the Maruca pod borer, a major insect pest that can ravage cowpea yields.

This move is in response to the need to address the ravaging effect of pod borer, increase yield, improve rural farmers’ livelihoods and drive economic prosperity for the nation at large.

With fewer pesticide sprays required and better resistance to insect damage, Cowpea can help raise yields, improve quality, lower costs, reduce environmental, health and residue risks, and support export compliance.

In 2023 Emmanuel began farming with 5 hectares of Cowpea; by 2025 he is also cultivating 7.7 hectares. He recounts how with local varieties he got 3-4 bags per hectare, often losing 60-70 percent of pods to insects despite spraying 7 or 8 times. With Cowpea, he sprays once every 15 days, and the plant endures.

‘This is my farm. It is about 7.7 hectare of land. I Started the farming business in 2023, I started with five hectares, and from five hectares is where we are today. As you can see, the crop is exceptionally doing well’, Emmanuel said as he wears a smile.

Today, he gets 19 to 22 bags per hectare from the Bt cowpea variety, roughly 5-7 times what local varieties would yield under similar circumstances.

Beyond yield, Emmanuel emphasises quality: ‘There’s one thing about this particular Cowpea, maybe because of the gene it contains, when it is being cooked, it takes less time to get done, unlike the normal cowpea variety that will take up to three hours, before it gets ready, but this new variety takes about 35 to 40 minutes before it gets ready’, he said.

Emmanuel, who is also an out-grower for seed companies, has been exporting Cowpea since October 2024, to buyers in the United Kingdom and the United States, fetching double what he would make in local markets because of purity. The export opportunity has been catalytic, not just for Emmanuel’s income, but he says it offers a model that can scale.

‘I have people who I export to in the United Kingdom and the United States, I sold it at double of what I usually sell in the local market. I started exporting beans in October 2024, the people that buy it from me talk about the purity of the particular Cowpea that was what made them actually key into doing business with me.

‘And it’s a kind of variety. The gene is so pure, the one I planted for the rainy season got me 19 bags and half bags per hectare’, he explained.

For the UK market, standards are strict, the regulatory agency there looks out for pesticide residues, traces of insect damage, moisture content, and overall purity are monitored.

Many Nigerian beans fail these tests, or are rejected, costing farmers and exporters. The NAQS figure of US$362.5 million in lost revenue annually reflects how big a prize is being missed.

But because of its pest resistance, reduction on the risk of insect damage and the need for lesser pesticide application, the Bt Cowpea can meet export criteria more reliably.

Also, the UK is a stable market, often willing to pay premiums for quality, clean, certified produce. For Emmanuel, the double value he gets for export versus local market underscores how much extra income is possible.

When Emmanuel visits his farm and sees the flourishing pods and leaves, his strides animate something larger than farming, his life has shifted. Where local cowpea variety gave him just enough, Cowpea has given surplus, export markets, dignity.

He recalled the pains of waiting, spraying eight times, losing half of the pods, then barely making enough to feed family and pay local bills. But now he sprays once every two weeks, the plants stand strong, the pods fill, the beans are clean.

He sells some locally, but more are packed for export. Buyers in the UK notice purity, no damage, minimal waste, grains that pass residue tests.

For Emmanuel, that means not just business, but also hope. Hope that other farmers in Nasarawa and beyond will follow. Hope that Nigeria can reduce imports and lose revenue. His farm is not just a plot of land, it’s a pilot, a beacon.

Cowpea may not solve Nigeria’s malnutrition overnight. But it is a powerful tool that bridges technology, markets, nutrition, and lives. For Emmanuel, for his neighbors, for thousands beyond the borders of Nasarawa, this seed is more than cowpea. It is a seed of change.

As the export boxes move toward the UK, they carry not just beans, but hope that innovation, when paired with support, can feed a nation, elevate its farmers, and heal its children.

An agricultural company based Ibadan FarmerGiant, has reaffirmed its commitment to helping Nigerians achieve their dream farms with ease.

The company also called on the government to implement and monitor effective policies for the growth of agriculture in the country.

This was stated by Dr. Paul Oche, Chairman of FarmerGiant, during the celebration of Nigeria’s 65th Independence Anniversary, alongside the unveiling of the company’s new head office and logo at Apata, Ibadan.

‘Primarily, we are farmers. We operate poultry farms, piggery farms, and crop farms. We also manufacture farm equipment such as incubators, hatchers, cassava processors, feed processors, and palm oil processors. In addition, we offer expertise in farm consultancy, planning, surveys, and business plans to further develop Nigeria’s agricultural sector,’ Dr. Oche said.

He added that while the Nigerian government has introduced commendable agricultural policies-such as low-interest loans, tariff-free importation, and a high prohibition list-it remains a challenge that these policies are not being fully implemented, which poses a major constraint to the growth of agriculture in Nigeria.

Highlights of the event included the unveiling of the company’s new logo, the opening of its new office in Apata, Ibadan, and the erection of the largest Nigerian flag in the vicinity. The occasion was graced by staff members, farmers from across the state, and other key stakeholders.

The story of development in Nigeria is often written in the dust and mud of its roads. Highways are not just strips of asphalt; they are lifelines that connect farms to markets, towns to cities, and families to opportunity. When they fail, they do not simply inconvenience motorists. They cut communities off, strangle economic activity, embolden criminals, and corrode public trust in governance. In Edo State, the decay of federal roads has for years symbolised this national malaise. Yet under Governor Monday Okpebholo, a new chapter is being written, one where leadership refuses to hide behind jurisdictional excuses and instead accepts that the welfare of citizens must come before the politics of federal and state boundaries. For years, Edo people watched with frustration as critical highways deteriorated into craters and death traps. The previous administration under Godwin Obaseki adopted a stance that proved deeply unpopular: the position that federal roads should remain the federal government’s responsibility.

In principle, this might have seemed administratively correct, but in practice, it was devastating. Roads are not used by ‘federal people’ or ‘state people.’ They are used by Nigerians, and in this case, overwhelmingly by the people of Edo State who bore the brunt of the neglect. By refusing to intervene even with temporary measures, the past government left commuters stranded, traders counting losses, farmers unable to move produce, and families exposed to grave danger. The failures on these highways became not just a logistical nightmare but a metaphor for indifference, deepening the divide between citizens’ expectations and governmental response. Governor Okpebholo has chosen a markedly different path. From his first months in office, he treated the condition of federal roads not as an abstract problem awaiting Abuja’s slow machinery, but as an urgent developmental and security challenge. His administration flagged off emergency palliative repairs on major failed sections in Edo North, simultaneously moving to intervene in other critical corridors that had effectively collapsed.

These actions are more than symbolic. They have restored mobility to areas where traffic once crawled or stopped entirely, brought relief to communities that had been cut off, and given traders and farmers renewed access to markets. By taking visible, immediate steps, the governor has sent a clear message: the state cannot afford to wait for distant bureaucracies while its people suffer. The immediacy of these interventions is key to their effectiveness. Across Nigeria, citizens are accustomed to hearing long speeches about future projects that may never materialise. Okpebholo’s approach has been to act quickly with palliative works, grading, resurfacing, and controlling erosion, so that relief is felt within weeks, not years. These fixes are not permanent, and he does not pretend that they are, but they serve an invaluable purpose. They buy time, reduce accidents, facilitate commerce, and restore a sense of normalcy. In a context where waiting for complete federal reconstruction can take a decade, such stopgap measures are not just practical, they are lifesaving.

Equally significant is the way the governor has framed road rehabilitation as a matter of public safety. Edo, like much of Nigeria, has struggled with insecurity along isolated and broken road corridors. Criminals exploit these failed highways to stage kidnappings and robberies, taking advantage of traffic jams and poor visibility. By intervening in these areas, the government is not just fixing asphalt but reclaiming territory from criminal elements. A smooth, passable road is easier to patrol, harder for criminals to exploit, and safer for travelers. This linkage between infrastructure and security reframes the debate. It reminds the public that development and protection are intertwined, and that a government which repairs roads is also, in effect, fighting crime. Another pillar of Okpebholo’s strategy has been his openness to partnerships and external financing. Infrastructure repair is expensive, and state resources are limited. Rather than hide behind this constraint, his administration has reached outward. The recent investment summit in Glasgow, which attracted $250 million in diaspora and private investment commitments, reflects this openness. While the funds are targeted at multiple sectors, including energy, agriculture, and industry, the willingness to attract and negotiate such commitments creates fiscal breathing space. It signals that Edo is not waiting passively for federal allocations but is creatively expanding its revenue and investment base. This approach marks a clear departure from the more insular economic management of the past and demonstrates how international engagement can be tied back to local development needs.

Beyond finance, the culture of governance is also shifting. The Okpebholo administration has leaned into visibility and accountability. By publicly flagging off projects, setting timelines, and giving regular updates, it creates benchmarks against which citizens can measure progress. This openness makes it harder for projects to vanish into procurement limbo and raises public expectations for continuity. It also builds trust, which is perhaps the most intangible yet essential asset for any government. Citizens who believe their leaders are acting in their interest are more willing to endure temporary discomfort and more likely to support long-term development plans. What makes this entire approach particularly instructive for other states is its pragmatism. Too often, federalism in Nigeria is invoked as a shield for inaction. Governors deflect responsibility by insisting that certain roads or facilities belong to the federal government. While technically correct, such excuses leave citizens to wonder whether their suffering is lessened by the knowledge of jurisdiction.

Okpebholo’s decision to act anyway recognises a fundamental truth: government is judged by outcomes, not excuses.

The fact that the roads in question are labeled ‘federal’ does not change the reality that they are used by the people of Edo, and it is their welfare that matters most. This lesson-that governance is ultimately about responsibility to people, not paperwork-should resonate across Nigeria.

Of course, caution is necessary. Emergency palliatives, no matter how welcome, are not substitutes for complete reconstruction and long-term maintenance. States that follow Edo’s example must ensure that patchwork does not become permanent policy. The ultimate goal must remain full rehabilitation and modernization, ideally in partnership with the federal government and private contractors.

Yet even here, Okpebholo’s model offers guidance. By demonstrating good faith through immediate interventions, states strengthen their case when lobbying Abuja for larger projects. They can point to the fact that they have already put their own skin in the game, thereby creating a moral and political claim for federal follow-up.

There is also the critical issue of transparency. For interventions to serve as models, procurement must be clean, contracts must deliver value for money, and timelines must be respected. Substandard works not only waste funds but also erode the very trust these interventions are meant to build.

Yet for all the caveats, the significance of Okpebholo’s interventions cannot be overstated. Roads are among the most visible and visceral symbols of governance. They touch every aspect of life-from how quickly food gets to the market, to whether children arrive at school on time, to whether patients can reach hospitals in emergencies.

They affect not just the economy but also the dignity of daily life. By stepping in where his predecessor chose to step aside, Okpebholo has not only rehabilitated stretches of tarmac but also restored a sense of care and connection between the government and the governed. He has demonstrated that leadership is not about pointing fingers at who should act, but about taking responsibility for those who must live with the consequences of inaction.

If other states follow this example, the transformation of Nigeria’s federal roads may begin not from Abuja but from the courage of governors willing to put their people first. It may begin with simple palliative works and culminate in sustained partnerships for full reconstruction.

What matters most is the willingness to act. In Edo, Governor Okpebholo has shown that willingness, and in doing so, he has offered a model of governance that is pragmatic, responsive, and deeply human. That, more than any technical detail, is the lesson other states should take away: when leaders refuse to normalise bad roads, they do more than fix infrastructure-they restore hope, dignity, and the promise of progress.

The Office of the Head of the Civil Service of the Federation (OHCSF) has stressed the urgent need to reposition Human Resource (HR) in government, since it constitutes the ‘nervous system of any organisation’; as it also unveiled the ‘HR Initiative’, a reform aimed at professionalising HR Management within the Federal Civil Service.

The Head of the Civil Service of the Federation, Mrs. Didi Esther Walson-Jack, made the call at a high- profile sensitisation workshop, held at OHCSF, in Abuja.

Walson-Jack, in her keynote address at the event, argued that repositioning HR management within the public service, especially among federal civil servants, had become one of the key imperatives to enhancing professionalism.

She noted that the reform, anchored on global best practices, would ensure that career progression into directorate- level roles, requires professional certification in Human Resource Management.

The Head of the Federal Service, therefore, enlisted CIPM’s support in successfully prosecuting the reform agenda; since the institution remains the only one with statutory authority to certify HR professionals in Nigeria, in line with its enabling Act.

‘ We believe this, therefore, positions CIPM as the indispensable partner in delivering the professionalisation agenda of the Office,’ she stated.

Expressing the institute’s delight at the OHCSF’s reform, its President and Chairman of the Governing Council, Mallam Ahmed LadanGobir, described the reform as ‘a defining moment for Nigeria’s public sector.’

He assured that with CIPM’s decades-long commitment to advancing HR standards, the Institute is fully prepared to guide the civil service through the transformation.

‘CIPM is proud to play a pivotal role in shaping a new era of professionalism, competence, and accountability in the Federal Civil Service.

‘This reform reinforces our mandate to develop ethical and world-class HR practitioners who drive sustainable people and organisational performance,’ Gobir said.

The CIPM boss expressed the optimism that the HR Initiative would introduce a National HR Competency Framework, Accreditation by CIPM and international partners, curriculum review for Management Development Institutes, and a transition plan, requiring officers in HR roles to commence certification within 12 months.

He, therefore, expressed the strong belief that, by January 2026, preference in HR postings would only go to certified or actively certifying professionals.

Gobir also expressed the hope that the reform, which is in line with the Federal Civil Service Strategy and Implementation Plan 2021-2025 (FCSSIP25), would institutionalise HR as a specialised, professional function rather than a generalist administrative role.