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CAN raises concern over reported conviction of Christian woman in Borno

THE Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) has expressed concern over the reported conviction and imprisonment of a Christian woman, identified as Lami Samuel Dawa, in Borno State.

CAN said the circumstances surrounding the conviction, particularly reports that the case arose from the conversion of an adult woman to Christianity, had raised serious questions about the protection of religious freedom and fundamental human rights in the country.

The association, however, said it was still verifying the precise facts and legal basis of the conviction.

In a press statement issued on Saturday and signed by its President, Archbishop Daniel Okoh, CAN disclosed that an appeal had already been filed, adding that it was committed to allowing the judicial process to run its course.

The association stressed that every Nigerian had the constitutional right to freely choose, change or practise their religion or belief without coercion, intimidation or unlawful punishment.

It called on the relevant authorities to ensure that the rights of all parties involved in the case were protected and that justice was served in accordance with the Constitution and the laws of the country.

‘Nevertheless, the case raises important questions about the protection of religious freedom and the fundamental rights guaranteed under the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria,’ the statement said.

CAN further disclosed that it would continue to monitor developments surrounding the case and engage relevant authorities through appropriate legal and institutional channels.

Reaffirming its commitment to religious tolerance and peaceful coexistence, the association said it remained dedicated to protecting the fundamental rights and freedoms of every Nigerian, irrespective of religious background.

The development comes amid renewed concerns over the protection of religious freedom and the rights of citizens to practise their faith in different parts of the country.

President Tinubu and unfinished business to restructure the federation

ONE of the fundamental diagnoses of the Nigerian state is that its constitutional framework for governance is at variance with its plural reality. In other words, the Nigerian Constitution recognises Nigeria as a federation with three tiers of government-federal, state and local. Unfortunately, the structural and institutional mechanisms of governance are so centralised and seemingly unitary in ways that deny the realities for all practical purposes. This is one key anomaly that explains why the local government structure has remained comatose since the Ironsi administration. It also explains one of the crucial reasons why the democratic governance since 1999 has not really translated into a decisively significant positive and hence impactful package of democratic dividends especially in terms of local governance at the grassroots.

And this makes the challenge of restructuring the Nigerian constitution to achieve the essence of a genuine federation all the more cogent for any administration willing to make sense of the Nigerian predicament and find adequate resolution that unburdens developmental and governance targets on behalf of millions of Nigerians. This agenda is most significant for the Tinubu administration for two fundamental reasons. The first comes from Tinubu’s ideological attachment to the task of restructuring the Nigerian governance system even before becoming the president, and even as he was never in the habit of playing to the gallery about it. One of the rallying points of his connection with the progressive elements in the Nigerian state is the imperative of constitutional restructuring of the Nigerian federation. The second reason derives from some of his key governance policies since assuming the position of the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

A few examples of significant governance policies have been enacted that seem to signal that the administration has come to terms with the necessity of restructuring as a pathway to impactful governance reform. One significant policy is the creation of the Ministry of Regional Development that is meant to instigate socioeconomic and infrastructural progress across the six geopolitical zones in Nigeria. The ministry makes it possible to measure policy convergences and divergences across these zones in ways that facilitate harmonisation. This policy is followed by a correlative one: the establishment of six regional development commissions (RDCs) that would serve as the arrowheads of the policy initiatives, formulation and design. Next in line, and beyond all expectations of its possibility, the Tinubu government has pushed the bill legislating the creation of state police closer to realisation. Signing the 2023 Electricity Act significantly decentralised electricity generation, transmission and distribution away from the exclusive to the concurrent list, a policy which enables states to take charge of power generation. There are three separate amendments ongoing to the Nigerian Minerals and Mining Act 2007 which are meant to undermine its rigid centralisation of the ownership of solid minerals and other natural endowments in the hands of the federal government to the exclusion of the other tiers of government.

Fundamental to all these sweeping legislative overhauls and policy transformations, and coterminous with the Supreme Court ruling of July 2024 concerning the financial autonomy of local governments, is the urgency of incentivising the subnational elements and entities in the Nigerian federation to commence the project of actively investing in their own regions and achieve governance distinction. All these speak to the challenge of restructuring to unlock the governance potentials inherent in laying the foundation for a true federalism in Nigeria. How then can this trajectory towards restructuring the Nigerian federation become a significant plank in the Tinubu administration that yields solid governance reform and brings home the impact of the Renewed Hope Agenda, post-2027?

The endgame for that restructured federation is the objective of installing a framework of structurally permanent competitive federalism among the federating units and regions. This is the overall agenda that all the preceding policy initiatives must reach for; this is the blueprint that must structure the restructuring process in the next administration cycle. Once we understand the brilliant strategy of a piecemeal legislative approach that privileges decentralisation through gradual policy advancement, then we see the significance of, for instance, the Ministry of Regional Development and the six regional development commissions. This is a pivotal transition that connects federalism to developmental local governance. The policy development serves as a cogent prelude to a full-fledged creation of local and regional economic corridors and growth poles that unravel the binding constraints around wealth generation at the grassroots level.

This is a fundamental consideration and pivot because the grassroots is what enables democratic governance. Democratic governance becomes meaningful when local governance is empowered. It is significant development at the local level-the level of the local government-that speaks to the connection of governance to the people. We had a very palpable demonstration of this relevance of local governance in the immediate post-independence period when the local government areas were significant spaces both for sociopolitical mobilisation as well as efficient public works, and service provision and delivery. Local governance therefore facilitates the grassroots participation of the people who are the most fundamental factor in governance. Indeed, the local governments constitute the framework for testing the transparency and responsiveness of government institutions. This is where the concepts of subsidiarity and social capital become fundamental in understanding local governance. The subsidiarity principle is targeted at undermining the centralisation dynamics that are at work in the lopsidedness of the Nigerian federal constitution. The principle demands that whatever policy and development issues can be handled at the local and grassroots level must not be denied the third tier of government.

How then must the initial policy initiatives of the Tinubu administration be strengthened to push the restructuring blueprint towards its ultimate objective of a competitive federalism? There are five policy and structural pathways that could serve as the basis of institutionally grounding the task of decentralising the Nigerian governance systems. The first is legal and constitutional, and it is meant to ensure that the regional bodies already established do not become mere appendages pushing the centralising logic of the federal government. Thus, the regional bodies and frameworks already set in place must be constitutionalised into significant economic spaces that reinforce Nigeria’s governance architecture. The government must also legislate on the policy significance of streamlining the regional development plans, in the shape, for example, of the North Central 20-Year Economic Infrastructure and Social Development Plan. This allows for each of the six regions (or more) to develop along the lines of their comparative advantages in terms of agriculture, trade, mining, fishing, and more.

The second reform consideration piggybacks on the first: the structural responsibilities that will unlock the economic growth and progress of the regional governance corridors must be attended by fiscal and financial autonomy. One immediate means of consolidating the financial strength of the Ministry and the regional development commissions is to allocate some specific empowering percentage to them from the Consolidated Revenue Fund. They can also leverage alternative funding especially through public-private partnerships or even through the Renewed Hope Infrastructure Development Fund (RHIDF). Without some concrete sources of revenues, the regional initiatives will regress into routine activities and eventually collapse. A critical dimension of this fiscal autonomy and responsibility must necessarily be the need to devolve management of resources to the regions. This is critical if the comparative advantages of the regions would become competitive, and if the regions would truly take ownership of their development. The federal government can then be the recipient of some percentages benchmarked against the First Republic modified model rather than be the one doling out peanuts to the regions.

The third reform pillar the Tinubu administration must explore is, as we have hinted, the pursuit and institutionalisation of developmental local governance. True federalism is only meaningful when it is founded on a bedrock of local and self-sustaining governance. The administration can jumpstart this by submitting comprehensive local government autonomy legislation that will leverage the landmark Supreme Court ruling on the financial autonomy of local governments. This ensures that there are readily available funds that the local governments receive directly for developmental purposes. But then, follow-up legislation must make oversight and accountability possible by establishing structural procedures to track expenditures and tangible developments in terms of road networks, healthcare services, sewage maintenance, small businesses and enterprises, basic education, etc.

All these will necessarily lead to the fourth pillar that will draw the Nigerian federation closer to a very visible and competitive federalism-the need to establish the regions, and the regional development commissions, as ‘growth poles’ or economic corridors that are interconnected and mutually reinforcing in terms of their harmonised policy, developmental and economic objectives. One starting point would be the strategic need to decentralise public assets and infrastructures, like military bases, national think tanks and training institutions. This constitutes a solid gesture towards ensuring a secure base for economic growth and investment. The regional development commissions would also need to facilitate the interconnections of the regions through massive transit networks, like the proposed Lagos-Calabar coastal highway, and the Sokoto-Badagry superhighway that strategically connect the north-west and the south-west. The transit networks will also focus on critical feeder roads that the regional commissions will manage together with the local governments. The economic corridors in the geopolitical zones also require electricity as a necessity. This makes it imperative for the government to start thinking about the strategic significance of decentralising the energy and grid systems in ways that offload the pressures away from the national grid that keeps collapsing. This will make the regions the beneficiaries of interconnected regional grids that service their developmental aspirations and blueprints.

The last reform mandate is, as is to be expected, security. Law and order are the basis of economic growth and developmental progress. This implies that it would be one of the greatest governance paradoxes to have achieved a significant level of decentralisation through the initiatives Tinubu has already taken while upholding a centralised security architecture. In the next administration’s development policy cycle, therefore, we expect that the state police initiative would have been completed. In other words, the government at the federal and state levels would have gone beyond the conceptualisation to active deployment. However, it would then be left to the regional development commissions to coordinate and synergise intelligence gathering and sharing, joint operations, capacity building, and so on.

From the foregoing, it becomes obvious that achieving a decentralised federation possesses a key dimension of making democratic governance work for millions of Nigerians. The key objective of restructuring the federation is to unlock the binding constraints that disconnect democracy and governance from those who are its real motivation. The policy initiatives that have quietly commenced the decentralisation mandate required to make federalism functional must be pressed to their logical conclusions once the next administration cycle begins, post-2027. With the restructuring framework set in motion, the Tinubu administration would have firmly grasped by the horns the bull of a lopsided federal arrangement that keeps stifling developmental initiatives and prospects. This is a very tough prospect, but the administration, against all odds, has proven that it is not shy to make tough choices.

Over 50,000 former railway workers homeless – ANRSC

Association of Nigeria Railway Senior Citizens (ANRSC) has raised the alarm that over 50,000 former workers of the Nigerian Railway Corporation (NRC) are currently homeless, while others are facing eviction from their official quarters due to the refusal of the NRC Management to implement a 2004/2005 Monetization Policy of the Federal Government.

Addressing Transportation Journalists over the weekend, the National Chairman of ANRSC, Comrade Segun Esan, stated that, ‘It is important to mention here that the federal government introduced the Monetization Policy in 2004/2005 for two major reasons.

‘The first reason is to relieve the federal government of the huge financial burden of maintaining these government quarters, vehicles, and domestic staff across the country. These quarters are to be sold to the occupants on owner-occupier basis, whether serving or retired, at discounted and affordable prices.

‘The second reason for the promulgation and implementation of this gazetted monetization policy is to use the reality of the existing quarters to provide homes for the federal government workers and their families.

‘And the White Paper and the SGF Circular Ref. No. SGF/OP/I/S.3/VII/2003 was very clear about the monetization: To convert all government quarters to owner-occupier basis by selling them to the legal occupants.

‘That was the purpose. It was a welfare and retirement security policy. It has been fully implemented in all the Ministries, Departments, and Agencies of the federal government, which includes NNPC, CBN, NPA, FAAN, Federal Ministry of Aviation, Department of Meteorological Services, and even in the Judiciary.

‘Today, Judges and staff of the Judiciary are proud owners of their former official quarters. Their workers have peace after retirement. And we wonder why the Nigerian Railway Corporation is different. Why are railway workers singled out for punishment by its own management?

‘This is where we must speak with pains, but with facts. The past Management of the Nigerian Railway Corporation, by itself, commenced the implementation of some part of the monetization process. They monetised and shared vehicles – official cars- and they monetised furniture, paying furniture allowances to themselves.

‘They benefited robustly from the policy. But when it came to the most important aspect – the quarters where the poor retirees live – they refused to implement it. This is selective justice. You cannot take your own vehicles and furniture under monetization and deny the retirees their quarters under the same policy. That is injustice and oppression.

‘Successive Managements since 2004 have turned our quarters into a cash cow. Our quarters have been sold secretly to third parties, to money-bags and cronies. They have been leased out at exorbitant rates while the legal occupants – retirees – are being evicted. They used the period of interminable litigation as a window to continue selling our heritage.

‘On the 6th of January, 2016, Honourable Justice Babatunde Adejumo, then the President of the National Industrial Court of Nigeria (NICN), in Suit No. NICN/LA/22/2011, delivered a landmark judgment in our favour after being in court for five painful years. The Court affirmed that we are entitled to own our quarters under the Monetization Policy. Instead of obeying that judgment, NRC Management in 2016 ran to the Court of Appeal and has kept the case there since 2016 – 10 years down the line now.

‘In its glorious days, the Nigerian Railway was the highest employer of labour in Africa, with over 50,000 workers spread across the North, North-East, North-Central, North-West, Western, Eastern and Lagos Districts of the Corporation. Till today those 50,000 workers created millions of families all over the country who today form a critical voting population in every state of Nigeria.

‘It is on the premise of this injustice and deprivation that we appeal to our President and father, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, for help. We know that our President is a compassionate and just leader with a lot of respect for the retirees.

‘We implore His Excellency to, please, direct the implementation of the monetization policy. The houses already exist – they are the quarters we live in. With the advancement in technology, provision of quarters for civil servants is no longer in vogue all over the world. The government has no business keeping the quarters of a privatised and already liberalised railway industry to itself.

‘The quarters are to be sold as expressly directed by the policy, while the government, through the Corporation, concentrates on providing rail transport services to the nation.’

CANEX WKND: Turning Africa’s cultural power into economic wealth

Discussing Nigeria’s rich cultural heritage brings to mind a vibrant tapestry of costumes, music, dance, and visual arts, as well as our foods and drinks. When we extend the conversation to the rest of Africa, the world usually listens to our stories. Nigerian musicians are taking Afrobeats to international audiences; Nollywood productions are travelling across borders; African fashion designers are attracting global attention; and writers are challenging conventional narratives about the continent.

These creative endeavours do more than entertain as they influence perceptions, shape identities and create economic opportunities.

This is why the forthcoming Creative Africa Nexus Weekend (CANEX WKND) is particularly significant. Scheduled for November 5-8, 2026, at the Wole Soyinka Centre for Culture and Creative Arts in Lagos, the event will bring together creative professionals, investors, financiers, policymakers and business leaders from Africa and the diaspora.

Organised by the African Export-Import Bank (Afreximbank), in partnership with the Federal Government of Nigeria, the African Union Commission and the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) Secretariat, CANEX WKND aims to connect African creative talent with investment, markets and commercial opportunities. Its theme, ‘One People, United in Culture, Creating for the World: From FESTAC ’77 to CANEX ’27’, captures the relationship between cultural identity and economic ambition.

The event should be understood as more than a colourful gathering of artistes, performers and entrepreneurs. It presents an opportunity to rethink how Africa organises, finances and commercialises its creative industries.

Culture as an economic asset

For too long, discussions about Africa’s cultural heritage have concentrated on its historical and social significance. Those dimensions remain important, but culture also possesses considerable economic value. Music, film, fashion, publishing, visual arts, design, gastronomy and sport can generate income, create jobs, attract tourism and expand exports.

The global visibility of Afrobeats and Nollywood illustrates the possibilities. Nigerian music has developed international audiences, while the country’s film industry has established a distinctive presence in global entertainment. African fashion, cuisine and literature are also contributing to the continent’s growing cultural influence.

However, international popularity does not automatically translate into commensurate economic returns for creators and their home countries. For example, a song can become a global sensation without its creators possessing the commercial infrastructure required to maximise royalties.

The challenge, therefore, is to move from visibility to value creation. Africa must develop creative businesses that can produce consistently, compete internationally, protect their intellectual property and retain a greater share of the revenue generated by their work. This requires a combination of investment, professional management, appropriate regulation, reliable infrastructure and access to markets.

CANEX WKND offers a platform for bringing these elements together.

The journey from FESTAC ’77 to a commercial future

Nigeria’s hosting of CANEX WKND carries historical significance. In 1977, Lagos hosted the Second World Black and African Festival of Arts and Culture, popularly known as FESTAC ’77. The festival assembled artistes, writers, musicians, performers and cultural representatives from Africa and the diaspora in a remarkable expression of Pan-African identity.

Culture journalist, enthusiast and practitioner Jahman Anikulapo, who is also the editorial director of Naija Times, an online newspaper, says FESTAC demonstrated the capacity of culture to unite people across geographical boundaries and historical experiences. According to him, FESTAC also affirmed the importance of African heritage in a world where the continent’s stories were frequently interpreted through external perspectives.

Almost half a century later, the central challenge has evolved. It is an opportunity for researchers to explore how Africa must preserve the spirit of cultural solidarity while building commercially sustainable creative industries.

The approaching 50th anniversary of FESTAC in 2027 provides an opportunity to assess what has been achieved and what remains unfinished. Cultural celebrations are valuable, but their legacies should extend beyond performances, exhibitions and commemorative ceremonies. They should inspire institutions, businesses and policies that enable creative professionals to build enduring careers.

What Lagos can learn from Algiers: Turning deals into lasting impact

The case for CANEX WKND is strengthened by the results recorded at its 2024 edition in Algiers, Algeria. Held from October 16 to 19, the gathering attracted nearly 4,000 participants from 81 countries, featured 108 exhibitors and facilitated and agreed deals valued at more than US$540 million, according to Afreximbank. These figures suggest that a creative economy platform can do more than bring artistes together; it can connect cultural production with finance, investment and commercial partnerships.

One of the most significant transactions was a pound 245 million global facility agreement with New World Television (NWTV) to part-finance its acquisition of sports broadcasting rights across 24 African countries. The agreement demonstrated the commercial value of sports content and the opportunities available when African businesses secure the resources to acquire and distribute premium media rights.

Afreximbank also announced a US$3 million financing facility for Mediwood Studios to support the expansion of Tunisia’s film industry. This targeted intervention highlighted the importance of financing production capacity, with potential implications for employment, skills development and the growth of a regional film ecosystem.

Another initiative, CANEX Presents the Angels, demonstrated how smaller creative enterprises could attract investment through direct engagement with potential backers. At the pitch session, angel investors committed US350,000tosupportthreecreativebusinesses.CameroonianfashiondesignerKibonenNfireceivedaUS250,000 pledge from investor Moji Hunponu-Wusu, while a consortium committed a further US$100,000 towards investments involving Kibonen Nfi and Zimbabwean designers Pam Samasuwo-Nyawiri and Thulani Ngazimbi.

The event also invested in emerging African storytellers. CANEX Shorts selected three winners from 147 submissions for its short-film competition, with cash prizes awarded to filmmakers from Ghana, Kenya and Botswana. The CANEX Prize for Publishing in Africa recognised Cassava Republic Press for Female Fear Factory, a book by Pumla Dineo Gqola.

These initiatives connected creative recognition with opportunities for professional development, financing and market exposure. They also demonstrated the breadth of the creative economy, from broadcasting and film production to fashion, publishing and short-form storytelling. This is why the Lagos edition should facilitate similar and bigger deals.

Afreximbank has committed US$2 billion to support Africa’s creative industries over the 2024-2027 period. The challenge is to ensure that the commitment translates into accessible finance, viable businesses, stronger production capacity and sustainable employment across the continent.

CANEX WKND 2026 should build on Algiers by demonstrating that the platform can facilitate transactions and help turn financial commitments into enduring economic outcomes.

Financing talent and viable businesses

One of the most important barriers confronting African creative entrepreneurs is access to finance. Conventional lenders may consider creative businesses too risky because their assets are often intangible, revenues can be unpredictable and intellectual property is not always straightforward to value or use as collateral.

This financing gap prevents many businesses from expanding beyond small-scale operations. The CANEX Finance Summit and Deal Room provide opportunities for eligible creative businesses to present commercially viable projects to financiers and investors. For the Lagos edition, the priority should be to convert networking into transactions.

Investors need credible projects, transparent financial information and confidence that contractual obligations will be honoured. Entrepreneurs, in turn, need fair financing terms, mentorship and access to the expertise required to manage growth.

Not every creative idea will become a viable business, and not every project will attract investment. The objective should be to build a system in which promising enterprises can be assessed fairly and supported according to their commercial potential.

Governments and development finance institutions should also explore financing models suited to the creative sector, including guarantees, equity investment, revenue-based financing and facilities that recognise intellectual property as a potential source of economic value without abandoning sound commercial discipline.

Intellectual property and the value of ownership

Africa’s creative ambitions also depend on effective intellectual property protection. A creator’s work is an economic asset. Copyright, trademarks, licensing agreements and other legal protections help determine who can use that work, under what conditions and who receives payment. When these arrangements are weak or poorly enforced, creators risk losing income even when their work achieves widespread recognition.

Digital technology has expanded opportunities for African content to reach global audiences. Streaming services, social media, online publishing and digital marketplaces have reduced some traditional barriers to distribution. But they have also made it more important to understand licensing, royalties, digital rights management and the commercial terms governing the use of creative content.

While African governments must strengthen the institutions responsible for protecting intellectual property, there is also a need for stronger commercial literacy. Talent alone is not enough. Creators must understand contracts, negotiate distribution agreements, maintain records of ownership and distinguish between immediate exposure and long-term commercial value.

Africa should not be satisfied with exporting creativity while surrendering control over the assets that make it valuable.

AfCFTA and the opportunity of a continental market

Another reason CANEX WKND matters is its relationship with the African Continental Free Trade Area. Africa’s creative entrepreneurs need access to markets beyond their national borders. The AfCFTA provides a framework for expanding intra-African trade, including trade in services. However, the existence of a continental trade agreement does not automatically eliminate practical barriers.

Differences in regulations, payment systems, customs procedures, professional standards, distribution infrastructure and consumer markets can still complicate cross-border business. Language differences also require attention, particularly when creative products move between Anglophone, Francophone, Lusophone and Arabic-speaking markets.

CANEX WKND can help bridge these gaps by bringing businesses together, encouraging partnerships and identifying practical obstacles that policymakers need to address. The objective should be to create a more integrated African marketplace in which talent, capital, services and creative products can move more efficiently. Such a market would also strengthen the continent’s negotiating position with international distributors, technology platforms and investors.

Lagos must deliver more than hospitality.

Hosting CANEX WKND provides Nigeria with an opportunity to demonstrate its creative capacity and strengthen its position as a meeting point for African commerce and culture.

Lagos is an appropriate setting. Its music, film, fashion, publishing, advertising, entertainment and technology ecosystems provide a foundation for engagement between creative professionals and commercial partners. The city also offers international participants access to Nigerian entrepreneurs and a wider network of African businesses.

But the benefits of hosting a major international gathering should not be measured only by attendance, hotel occupancy, media coverage or the visibility of prominent personalities. Nigeria must ensure that local creative businesses participate meaningfully. Small and medium-sized enterprises should be able to meet prospective buyers, access technical expertise, explore financing and build partnerships that survive beyond the event. Emerging artistes and entrepreneurs should have opportunities to learn from established professionals and investors.

The government should also consider what happens after the delegates leave. Improved coordination among relevant ministries, stronger industry data, clearer regulations and more accessible support for creative businesses would provide a more durable legacy than a successful four-day programme.

This matters particularly as Nigeria prepares to host the Intra-African Trade Fair in 2027. CANEX WKND can help build relationships and demonstrate the organisational capacity required for a larger continental trade gathering.

Technology and the next generation

Technology is reshaping the creative economy. Artificial intelligence, digital production tools, online distribution and new payment systems are changing how content is created, marketed, distributed and monetised.

For Africa’s young creative professionals, these developments offer opportunities to reach global audiences without necessarily depending on traditional gatekeepers. However, they also introduce questions about copyright, consent, fair remuneration, data ownership and the use of creative material to train artificial intelligence systems.

African policymakers and industry leaders should ensure that innovation does not undermine the rights of the people whose creativity gives these technologies value.

Investment in skills is equally important. Training in production, design, digital marketing, business management, financial literacy and intellectual property can help transform informal creative activity into sustainable enterprise. Access to affordable broadband, reliable electricity, appropriate workspaces and production facilities remains essential.

It must be noted that Nigeria’s ministers, Jumoke Oduwole (Investment, Trade and Industry) and Hannatu Musawa (Art, Culture, Tourism and the Creative Economy), have been strong advocates for a creative economy that is treated as a serious contributor to our economic diversification.

Measuring success beyond the spectacle

CANEX WKND provides a valuable opportunity to celebrate African creativity, but the event’s most important achievements may not be visible on the concert stage or the fashion runway. The Lagos edition should establish a clear framework for measuring success. Organisers and relevant institutions should report the value of deals announced, the financing actually disbursed, the number of businesses supported, the jobs created or sustained, the markets entered and the cross-border contracts completed.

They should also track outcomes for young people, women-led enterprises and emerging creative professionals. These indicators would provide a clearer picture of whether CANEX is strengthening the foundations of the creative economy or merely generating temporary excitement.

A post-event scorecard, followed by periodic progress reports, would distinguish announcements from completed transactions and identify areas where further intervention is required. Such transparency would strengthen investor confidence and help policymakers determine which financing models produce the greatest economic value.

CANEX WKND 2026 offers an opportunity to advance that agenda. Its significance lies in helping to build an economy in which African stories, designs, performances and ideas generate sustainable value for African people.

NIMASA DG refutes Omatseye, says $700m CVFF not converted to Naira

The Nigerian Maritime Administration and Safety Agency (NIMASA) has refuted claims by a former Director General of the agency, Temisan Omatseye, that the $700m Cabotage Vessel Financing Fund (CVFF) has been converted to naira and is no longer being held in United States dollars.

In a statement released on Sunday, NIMASA said this claim is incorrect and does not reflect the actual status of the CVFF.

The NIMASA statement reads, ‘The attention of the Management of the Nigerian Maritime Administration and Safety Agency (NIMASA) has been drawn to reports circulating in some sections of the media alleging that the Cabotage Vessel Financing Fund (CVFF) has been converted to naira and is no longer being held in United States dollars.

‘The reports attributed this claim to a former Director-General of NIMASA, Mr Omatseye, who reportedly alleged that the conversion was undertaken to enable the Fund to earn higher interest rates.

‘For the avoidance of doubt, this claim is incorrect and does not reflect the actual status of the CVFF.

‘The revenue streams accruing to the CVFF are denominated in different currencies. Accordingly, funds remitted in United States dollars are retained in dollars with the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), while contributions remitted in naira are retained in the local currency. There has been no conversion of the dollar-denominated component of the CVFF to naira, contrary to the allegation.

‘Meanwhile, the Honourable Minister of Marine and Blue Economy, His Excellency, Adegboyega Oyetola, CON, is working assiduously towards ensuring the imminent disbursement of the Fund to qualified beneficiaries.

‘The Agency has received applications from eligible beneficiaries, some of whom are currently undergoing the required documentation processes with their preferred Primary Lending Institutions (PLIs). NIMASA remains optimistic that the disbursement process will commence shortly.

‘The Honourable Minister’s commitment to ensuring the disbursement of the CVFF is consistent with the Renewed Hope Agenda of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, which seeks to strengthen indigenous capacity, empower local operators and enhance the competitiveness of Nigeria’s maritime industry.

‘In view of the foregoing, maritime stakeholders, industry operators and members of the public are advised to disregard the misleading reports suggesting that the CVFF has been converted from dollars to naira.’

Falana requests prosecution of Sowore’s attackers in Ado-Ekiti

A Lagos-based human rights lawyer and Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), Femi Falana, on Sunday charged the Ekiti State Police Command to immediately arrest and prosecute the suspected thugs who attacked the presidential candidate of the African Action Congress (AAC), Omoyele Sowore, in Ado-Ekiti.

The SAN equally urged the Ekiti State Ministry of Justice to take over the prosecution of two suspects, Joseph Rotimi Olabiowonu, popularly known as Metilo, and Opeyemi Adedoyin, who are accused of abducting and assaulting Sunday Ogunsakin, leading to his death.

Falana made the request in a statement on Sunday while expressing sadness over what he described as the growing incidence of political violence, thuggery and unlawful killings in Ekiti State.

While recalling past incidents of political violence in the state, the human rights crusader referenced the alleged killings of Dr Ayo Daramola, Tunde Omojola and Engr Kehinde Fasuba by a notorious killer squad allegedly operating because of political differences.

Falana maintained that the criminal gang also threatened the lives of other prominent indigenes of the state, just as he noted that although suspects were arrested and charged with the murders before the Ekiti State High Court, the cases were allegedly compromised by powerful political interests.

The senior lawyer stated that the failure to ensure justice in those cases had contributed to the persistence of political thuggery and unlawful killings in the state.

Falana equally recounted the circumstances surrounding the death of Sunday Ogunsakin following an alleged attack on 14 September 2026.

The SAN alleged that Olabiowonu, a former chairman of the Road Transport Employers Association of Nigeria (RTEAN), and Adedoyin invaded Ogunsakin’s residence in Afao-Ekiti over a land dispute.

According to the human rights lawyer, the victim was abducted and severely assaulted before the suspects allegedly pushed him out of a moving vehicle, causing serious head injuries.

‘Ogunsakin was subsequently rushed to the Ekiti State University Teaching Hospital (EKSUTH), where he was pronounced dead.

‘The two suspects were arrested and investigated by the Ekiti State Police Command under Commissioner of Police Michael Falade before being arraigned before a Magistrates’ Court in Ado-Ekiti,’ he said.

Falana commended the magistrate for ordering their remand in a correctional facility pending legal advice from the state Attorney-General, despite alleged pressure from powerful interests.

Falana further urged the state Ministry of Justice to take over the case involving Olabiowonu and Adedoyin and ensure that they are charged before the High Court for alleged abduction, torture and murder.

2027 Senate Presidency: Uzodimma’s Imo battle, Akpabio’s ‘no vacancy’ move deepen succession politics

The contest for the presidency of the 11th Senate has taken a fresh turn following a Federal High Court judgment removing Hope Uzodimma, the Imo State governor, as the All Progressives Congress (APC) senatorial candidate for Imo West and recognising former governor Rochas Okorocha as the winner of the party’s primary election.

The ruling, delivered on Thursday, October 29, by Justice Obiora Egwuatu of the Federal High Court in Abuja, ordered the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to recognise Okorocha as the APC candidate for the January 16, 2027 National Assembly election.

The court also directed Uzodimma to stop presenting himself as the party’s candidate and ordered the APC to forward Okorocha’s name to INEC.

But in a swift response, the Imo State chapter of the APC rejected the position, insisting that Uzodimma remained its candidate for the senatorial district.

In a statement signed by Jones Onwuasoanya, its State Publicity Secretary, the party said Uzodimma emerged from the May 18 primary with the overwhelming support of party members, adding that its legal department would study the judgment and determine the next line of action.

‘The party wishes to state without any confusion that His Excellency Distinguished Senator Hope Uzodimma, CON, remains the candidate of our Party for Imo West Senatorial District, having won the primaries of our great Party with the overwhelming support of the majority of our Party members,’ the statement said.

The party’s position has introduced another layer of uncertainty into the political calculations surrounding the next Senate presidency, particularly as Uzodimma has been linked to the race to succeed incumbent Senate President Godswill Akpabio.

Although the court case concerns the APC’s Imo West nomination and not Uzodimma’s general eligibility to become Senate President, the judgment directly affects the first hurdle he must cross: securing a seat in the next Senate.

The 11th National Assembly is expected to be inaugurated in June 2027, following the January 16 National Assembly elections. Senators-elect will elect the Senate President and Deputy Senate President at the inauguration.

For Uzodimma, the immediate challenge is therefore no longer simply whether he can secure support for the Senate’s top position, but whether he can remain the APC’s candidate and win election into the chamber.

The ruling followed a suit filed by Okorocha, who challenged the recognition of Uzodimma as the party’s candidate. Okorocha argued that he won the May 18 primary and that INEC was bound by the report of its officials who monitored the exercise.

In its judgment, the court held that the evidence before it established that Okorocha, rather than Uzodimma, won the primary. It consequently ordered the APC to submit Okorocha’s name to INEC.

The governor and the APC had opposed the suit, arguing that it was filed outside the 14-day period prescribed by Section 285(9) of the Constitution for pre-election matters. The court nevertheless ruled in Okorocha’s favour.

The APC’s insistence that Uzodimma remains its candidate means the dispute could continue through further legal and party processes. Uzodimma also retains the right to appeal the judgment.

The development has revived attention on the political rivalry between the two former governors. Okorocha governed Imo State from 2011 to 2019 and represented Imo West in the Senate from 2019 to 2023, while Uzodimma represented the same district from 2011 to 2019 before becoming governor in January 2020.

Beyond the dispute over the party ticket, the outcome could affect the calculations of politicians positioning themselves for the Senate presidency.

The Imo dispute is unfolding against the backdrop of an increasingly public contest between Akpabio and politicians reportedly interested in succeeding him.

On October 14, during the inauguration of the APC Presidential Campaign Council at the State House in Abuja, Akpabio openly appealed to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to support his return as Senate President in the 11th National Assembly.

He also used the occasion to caution governors against abandoning their constituents to pursue other political offices before completing their tenures.

‘I did eight years as a governor, and the constitution says you should do eight years. There’s no need for you to start eyeing another position that is not available,’ Akpabio said.

Although he did not mention Uzodimma by name, the remarks were widely interpreted as directed at the Imo governor, whose reported interest in the Senate presidency had become a subject of political discussion.

Akpabio also told Tinubu to encourage lawmakers to return to the National Assembly and support his second-term ambition.

‘Mr President, you already know that we (the National Assembly) are with you. Please, take the advice of Governor Soludo seriously. He (Soludo) said if the cloth is not torn, why try to amend it? If you try to amend it, you are going to tear the cloth,’ he said.

‘If the National Assembly is so much with you, why not encourage them to come back and support you in your second term?’

The Senate President’s comments were significant because they brought his ambition into the open while also drawing attention to the possibility of a rival candidate emerging from within the ruling party.

Uzodimma, who was also present at the campaign council inauguration, confirmed that he would contest the senatorial election.

‘Mr President, you will be on the ballot on 16 January 2027. But if we are honest with ourselves, so will we,’ he said.

‘I will be on the ballot as a senatorial candidate. So, all of us. The challenge of re-electing Mr President is the challenge of re-electing every member of APC.’

Uzodimma’s second term as governor is expected to end in January 2028, while the 11th Senate is scheduled to begin in June 2027.

If elected senator and determined to take up the seat before his governorship tenure expires, he would have to leave the governorship early, as he cannot simultaneously occupy both offices.

The timing has therefore become part of the political debate around his reported ambition.

A day after Akpabio’s appeal to Tinubu, the Senate witnessed another episode that further exposed the struggle over the next leadership of the chamber.

During plenary on October 15, Tahir Monguno, the Senate Chief Whip, moved to publicly endorse Akpabio’s return, declaring that the Senate presidency would not be open for contest in the 11th National Assembly.

Monguno also extended the endorsement to Deputy Senate President Barau Jibrin and other principal officers, expressing confidence that most of the serving lawmakers would secure re-election.

‘By the grace of God, the majority of us are going to make it back to the Senate, and this seat is hereby declared: there is no vacancy. No vacancy at all, including the seat of DSP, and all other principal officers,’ Monguno said.

Cyril Fasuyi, senator representing Ekiti North, seconded the motion, insisting that the Senate presidency was already occupied by Akpabio.

‘The seat of the Senate President in the 11th Assembly is not open to any contest. It is already occupied by Senator Godswill Obot Akpabio,’ Fasuyi said.

Akpabio put the motion to a voice vote, which received support from lawmakers present.

The declaration was an unusually early public expression of support for the incumbent and his principal officers, coming months before the general election and before the composition of the next Senate is known.

Akpabio subsequently suggested that the controversy surrounding his remarks on the bill seeking to decriminalise attempted suicide was being exploited by politicians interested in the Senate presidency.

‘I know the position of president is gone. The position of vice president is gone. The only one that is left now is the position of Senate president that everybody wants to contest and have started mobilising,’ he said.

The declaration, however, does not amount to a formal election or guarantee that Akpabio will retain the office. Under the legislative process, the Senate President is elected by senators-elect at the inauguration of a new National Assembly.

The voters in the senatorial elections will first determine who enters the chamber, while the newly elected lawmakers will decide who leads it.

The episode nevertheless demonstrated that the battle for the 11th Senate presidency has begun well ahead of the inauguration.

The public endorsements followed an earlier controversy over amendments to the Senate Standing Orders in May 2026, which raised questions about whether the rules were being adjusted to shape the field of contenders for the next leadership.

On May 5, the Senate amended its rules to require lawmakers seeking the positions of Senate President and Deputy Senate President to have served for at least eight years in the chamber, across two consecutive terms immediately preceding their nomination.

The change represented a departure from the previous arrangement, under which ranking senators who had served at least one term could contest for presiding offices.

The amendment had implications for several politicians believed to be interested in leadership positions in the 11th Senate, including Uzodimma and Adams Oshiomhole, senator representing Edo North.

Uzodimma had served two consecutive terms in the Senate between 2011 and 2019, but had been outside the chamber since becoming governor. Oshiomhole, on the other hand, entered the Senate in 2023 and was serving his first term.

The proposed requirement for two consecutive terms immediately preceding nomination would therefore have excluded both men.

The amendment also generated questions about Akpabio’s own eligibility under the proposed framework, given that his previous Senate service was not continuous with his current tenure.

Oshiomhole publicly criticised the amendment, arguing that it raised questions about fairness and the circumstances in which lawmakers were changing the rules governing their own leadership.

Beyond Akpabio and Uzodimma, Oshiomhole is among the politicians whose names have featured in discussions about the next Senate presidency.

The former Edo governor, former APC national chairman and former president of the Nigeria Labour Congress has built a political profile around his confrontational style and public criticism of powerful interests.

His challenge to the May amendments placed him at the centre of the debate over the eligibility rules, although he must first secure re-election to the Senate before any leadership contest can take place.

Other political actors have also become part of the conversation.

Nyesom Wike, minister of the Federal Capital Territory, publicly opposed Uzodimma’s reported ambition during an appearance on TVC’s Journalists’ Hangout in September.

Wike accused governors of seeking to influence the emergence of the next National Assembly leadership by determining which candidates secure legislative seats.

He specifically criticised the possibility of Uzodimma seeking to become Senate President after leaving office as governor.

The dispute has therefore moved beyond the Senate chamber, drawing in governors, federal ministers and party leaders whose interests may shape the emergence of the next legislature.

The president’s position is also important. Although the Senate President is elected by senators and not appointed by the president, the ruling party’s internal arrangements and the president’s political preference can influence the contest.

Akpabio’s direct appeal to Tinubu for support reflects the importance he attaches to the relationship with the Presidency.

At the same time, Uzodimma’s position as chairman of the Progressive Governors’ Forum and his reported relationship with Tinubu have made his possible entry into the Senate a subject of wider political interest.

The question is whether the next Senate leadership will emerge primarily from the choices of senators-elect or from negotiations among powerful figures within the ruling party.

Oil production recovery holds key to lower FX risks for banks

Nigeria’s efforts to sustain foreign-exchange stability and strengthen economic growth will depend partly on its ability to increase crude oil production, protect oil assets and translate export earnings into stronger external reserves and improved dollar inflows.

For the banking and finance sector, a sustained recovery in oil production could support foreign-exchange market stability, improve confidence in the naira and create a more predictable operating environment for businesses that depend on imported inputs and foreign-currency transactions.

Crude oil remains a major source of Nigeria’s foreign-exchange earnings, making production volumes and export receipts important to the country’s external position and capacity to meet foreign-currency obligations.

The link between oil production and financial stability is particularly important as Nigeria seeks to move from macroeconomic stabilisation towards stronger private-sector investment, improved household welfare and more inclusive economic growth.

According to PwC Nigeria’s report, ‘Unlocking Nigeria’s reform dividend: From macroeconomic stabilisation to inclusive growth,’ the country entered the second half of 2026 from a stronger macroeconomic position, supported by greater foreign-exchange stability, moderating inflation, stronger external reserves, higher revenue mobilisation and increased capital inflows.

The report stated that Nigeria’s real Gross Domestic Product grew by 3.89 percent year-on-year in the first quarter of 2026, supported by information and communications technology, finance and insurance, construction and agriculture.

Headline inflation moderated to 15.91 percent in June, while the naira remained broadly stable at N1,379.68 per dollar. Gross foreign reserves rose by 38.3 percent year-on-year to $51.46 billion in June, providing a stronger external buffer and supporting confidence in the foreign-exchange market.

Despite these improvements, PwC noted that household affordability remained under pressure, private-sector financing conditions were still tight, and economic growth remained concentrated in a relatively narrow group of sectors.

These challenges underline the importance of sustaining foreign-exchange stability and improving financing conditions for businesses seeking to expand production, invest in infrastructure and create jobs.

Oil production and foreign-exchange stability

Nigeria’s dependence on crude oil exports for a significant share of its foreign-exchange earnings makes oil production an important factor in the performance of the naira and the accumulation of external reserves.

Higher production could increase export receipts, provided the additional volumes are sold and the proceeds are realised. This could strengthen dollar inflows and support the external position, particularly when international oil prices remain favourable.

For businesses and financial institutions, a more stable foreign-exchange environment could improve confidence in the market and make it easier to plan transactions involving imported goods, equipment and other foreign-currency payments.

However, the impact of higher production will depend on several factors, including international oil prices, production costs, export volumes and the extent to which additional earnings translate into foreign-exchange inflows.

PwC warned that the naira would remain exposed to movements in oil prices, capital flows and domestic foreign-exchange demand, despite the improvement in external buffers and ongoing market reforms.

This suggests that sustaining foreign-exchange stability will require more than higher oil output. Consistent reforms and effective management of external earnings will also be important.

Implications for banks and private-sector financing

Foreign-exchange stability is relevant to the banking sector because businesses operating in Nigeria rely on predictable currency conditions to manage costs, meet payment obligations and plan investments.

When foreign-exchange conditions improve, businesses may find it easier to plan transactions involving imported raw materials, equipment and other inputs. This could support business activity and investment, particularly in sectors that depend on imports.

Conversely, persistent currency uncertainty can complicate business planning and place pressure on companies facing higher import costs.

PwC identified tight private-sector financing conditions as one of the challenges confronting Nigeria’s economy despite improvements in macroeconomic indicators.

The report argued that the next phase of the reform process should focus on translating macroeconomic gains into stronger household incomes, higher productivity, more jobs and broader-based economic growth.

For banks, this highlights the importance of an operating environment in which businesses can access finance and use it productively. Improved foreign-exchange stability could support this process, although the report does not establish a direct link between higher oil production and lower bank lending risks.

Monetary policy, inflation, fiscal pressures and the availability and cost of credit will continue to influence financing conditions.

PwC expects monetary policy to remain relatively tight, with room for gradual interest-rate reductions if the decline in inflation is sustained. It also noted that government financing requirements and continued spending needs could maintain fiscal pressures.

Consequently, higher oil production could support the broader macroeconomic environment, but it would not automatically guarantee lower lending rates or wider access to credit.

Oil asset protection remains critical

The ability to sustain higher production depends partly on protecting oil infrastructure, reducing theft and preventing disruptions to production and transportation.

Tantita Security Services Nigeria Limited has been involved in pipeline surveillance and oil asset protection in the Niger Delta since 2022, working alongside other security outfits to secure oil facilities and address illegal activities.

The company has said its operations have contributed to improved pipeline security, reduced oil theft and increased economic activity in oil-producing communities.

Speaking on the sidelines of an award presented to Tantita by Blueprint Newspapers, the company’s Media Consultant, Paul Bebenimibo, said the company remained committed to supporting efforts to increase Nigeria’s crude oil production to 2.5 million barrels per day.

He attributed the company’s progress partly to the leadership and knowledge of the Niger Delta terrain possessed by its chairman, Government Ekpemupolo, popularly known as Tompolo.

Bebenimibo also disclosed that Tantita had deployed drones to monitor activities in the creeks and detect illegal operations.

Beyond surveillance, he said the company had employed more than 60,000 youths, paid monthly, and introduced skills acquisition programmes and other empowerment initiatives for members of host communities.

According to him, the combination of employment, skills development and community support had contributed to reducing criminal activities in parts of the Niger Delta.

The company has maintained that protecting oil infrastructure and creating economic opportunities in host communities are important to sustaining production and supporting national development.

For Nigeria’s financial system, the broader economic significance of these efforts lies in their potential to help sustain oil output and the foreign-exchange earnings associated with exports.

However, the extent of the financial benefits will depend on actual production performance, export receipts and the management of the resulting revenues.

Production targets and economic growth

The Petroleum and Natural Gas Senior Staff Association of Nigeria has also pledged to work with the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission to increase crude oil production to three million barrels per day by 2030.

The commitment was disclosed by the union’s new president, Bosun Olabiyi-Agoro, during a visit to the commission’s corporate headquarters.

According to a statement signed by Eniola Akinkuotu, head of media and corporate communications at NUPRC, the union also raised issues concerning workers’ rights to associate freely and contract staffing.

The production ambition comes as Nigeria seeks to strengthen economic growth and improve the contribution of the oil sector to national revenue and foreign-exchange earnings.

The Federal Government’s 2026 real GDP growth target ranges between 4.1 percent and seven percent in the supplied material, although forecasts differ among institutions.

The World Bank projects growth of 4.4 percent, while the International Monetary Fund forecasts 4.1 percent. PwC Nigeria estimates growth of 4.2 percent, while the Federal Government targets approximately 4.68 percent. The Lagos Chamber of Commerce and Industry has expressed a more ambitious outlook of up to seven percent.

These projections highlight the uncertainty surrounding the growth outlook and the importance of sustaining performance across major sectors, including oil.

Higher crude production could support economic activity through export earnings and government revenue. However, achieving stronger and more inclusive growth will also require improvements in productivity, infrastructure, access to finance and the performance of non-oil sectors.

Beyond oil production

While oil production remains important to Nigeria’s external position, PwC noted that the country faces domestic and external risks that could influence its economic performance in the second half of 2026.

These include food-price pressures, potential supply-side shocks, pre-election spending, geopolitical tensions, energy-market volatility and weaker global growth.

The report also emphasised the importance of improving domestic energy supply and distribution to ease cost pressures on households and businesses.

In April 2026, energy prices rose year-on-year, led by diesel at 43.67 percent and kerosene at 34.12 percent. Premium Motor Spirit prices increased by 23.69 percent, while liquefied petroleum gas rose by 10.43 percent.

PwC said higher diesel and petrol prices increase transport, logistics and business operating costs, while rising kerosene and cooking gas prices put pressure on household energy spending.

Expanding domestic refined-product supply, reducing distribution bottlenecks and sustaining foreign-exchange stability could help moderate some of these pressures.

For banks, improved macroeconomic conditions would be more beneficial if they translated into stronger business activity, more predictable operating costs and improved financing opportunities across productive sectors.

Demonstrate democratic maturity and work collaboratively to keep Kogi State peaceful – Shehu

As the 2027 electioneering year is fast approaching, Wahab L. Shehu, Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), Kogi State Resident Commissioner (REC), has called upon the people of the state to demonstrate democratic maturity and work collaboratively to keep Kogi State peaceful and progress-driven.

Shehu stated this at the critical stakeholders’ session with political leaders and candidates at the INEC headquarters, Lokoja, saying this is a clear indication of their collective commitment to the peace, stability and democratic progress of Kogi State.

He said: ‘We have convened this gathering for one primary purpose: to ensure that our electoral processes in Kogi State remain peaceful, transparent, credible, and seamless.

‘As key players in the political ecosystem, your role goes beyond seeking public office; it extends to sustaining public confidence in our democratic process. Today, we want to address vital operational arrangements, security protocols, and compliance directives essential for our upcoming activities and future engagements.

‘This meeting will also provide you with an opportunity to express your concerns and what you expect from INEC and other stakeholders in the build -up to the General Election. Specifically, this meeting seeks to provide you with an update on INEC’s preparations for the elections and your expected roles, as well as to discuss security concerns in the ongoing political campaigns by candidates and their supporters across the state’.

He pointed out that as the Permanent Voters’ Card (PVC) Collection and Voter Sensitisation is ongoing across the 21 local government areas, ‘We strongly implore political parties, candidates, and community leaders to join hands with us in mobilising citizens to pick up their PVCs at the local government area offices while we await the arrival and distribution of cards for subsequent phases.

‘To ensure maximum outreach, the Commission is actively sensitising the public through regular media jingles across various radio stations in the state.

In line with our strategic preparations for the 2027 General Elections, the Commission is conducting comprehensive internal capacity -building workshops led by our Electoral Operations and Voter Education and Publicity (VEP) Departments.

‘These initiatives cover critical operational areas, including the Collation Support and Verification System (CSRVS), Electoral Operations Support Centre (EOSC), Voter Education, as well as Gender and Inclusivity training to ensure every segment of society is served effectively.

‘To boost our logistical capacity and guarantee prompt deployment during elections, additional operational vehicles have been supplied to the State Headquarters and LGA offices. Major and minor reconstruction and renovation works are currently ongoing across our L local government area offices to create a safe and functional environment for staff, stakeholders, and the general public.

‘We urge all political parties and candidates to begin the mobilisation of their party agents immediately. This is to avoid delays when the time of upload begins and to avoid unnecessary delays in printing the official identification tags,’ he said.

On the security concerns in the ongoing political campaigns, he said: ‘We have received some disturbing reports of attacks and intimidation. Political competition is not a license for criminality. INEC and security agencies emphasise that no candidate’s ambition is worth the safety or lives of citizens.

‘Political parties are required by law to maintain peaceful, issue -based campaigns. Therefore, party leaders are encouraged to rein in their supporters and stop mobilising thugs, destroying opponents’ campaign materials, or blocking rival political gatherings.’

He pointed out that INEC in Kogi State remained strictly non-partisan and dedicated to providing a level playing field for every participant.