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Fura Da Nono deserves a place in Nigeria’s UNESCO Culinary Heritage story

Fura da Nono is one of Northern Nigeria’s most cherished traditional foods and beverages. It is a nutritious, refreshing, culturally significant combination of millet dough balls (fura) and fermented cow’s milk (nono).

This nutritious drink is very popular among the Hausa and Fulani communities, and has remained an important part of Northern Nigerian food culture for generations.

The traditional drink represents the indigenous food knowledge, pastoral traditions, local agriculture, food processing and community identity of Northern Nigeria

From the millet fields and cattle-rearing traditions of Northern Nigeria, Fura da Nono is more than a traditional drink; it is a living expression of Nigeria’s rich culinary heritage and a worthy candidate for consideration under UNESCO’s Intangible Cultural Heritage framework.

In the bustling markets, neighbourhoods and roadside food stalls of Northern Nigeria, this traditional delicacy continues to hold its place in the country’s culinary landscape.

Served chilled or at ambient temperature, depending on local preference and preparation, Fura as it is popularly called, is a distinctive combination of soft, spiced millet dough balls and naturally fermented cow’s milk.

Its creamy consistency, slightly sour dairy flavour and characteristic aroma, make it one of the most recognisable traditional food products associated with the Hausa and Fulani communities.

Yet, beyond its refreshing taste and nutritional appeal lies a much deeper story of indigenous food science, agricultural adaptation, pastoral culture, women’s entrepreneurship and the intergenerational transmission of culinary knowledge.

At a time when countries are increasingly recognising food as an important expression of cultural identity, Fura da Nono deserves greater attention as part of Nigeria’s efforts to document, preserve, promote and internationally showcase its indigenous culinary traditions.

The name itself tells the story of its two principal components. Fura refers to the cooked, spiced millet dough formed into small balls, while Nono refers to the fermented milk traditionally obtained from cow’s milk.

Together, they produce a cereal-and-dairy delicacy that has remained an important part of food culture in Northern Nigeria.

The precise date or individual responsible for the invention of Fura da Nono is not established in available historical records. It is therefore more accurate to understand its origins through the long-standing agricultural and pastoral traditions of the Northern, particularly the relationship between Fulani cattle-rearing communities and the grain-farming populations of the region.

For generations, cattle have been central to Fulani pastoral livelihoods, providing milk and other resources that support household nutrition and local economies. In communities where fresh milk was readily available, fermentation became an important indigenous method of processing and preserving milk, extending its usability and creating products with distinctive flavours and textures.

At the same time, millet became an important cereal in the semi-arid environments of Northern Nigeria.

Its suitability to relatively dry growing conditions made it a significant component of traditional diets. The combination of millet and fermented milk represents a practical relationship between the region’s agricultural resources, food preferences and traditional methods of processing available ingredients.

Historical and food-science literature identifies Fura as a traditional staple among Hausa and Fulani communities, with millet, particularly the variety locally known as gero, serving as a principal ingredient.

Fura da Nono is not simply an accidental mixture of two ingredients, but a reflection of generations of accumulated knowledge about cereal processing, dairy fermentation, flavour development, food preservation and the use of locally available agricultural products.

Although closely associated with Fulani culinary culture, Fura da Nono has also become part of the wider food culture of Northern Nigeria, particularly among Hausa-speaking communities and other populations that have adopted and adapted the delicacy.

Its popularity demonstrates how food traditions can travel across communities while retaining important elements of their original cultural identity.

The preparation of Fura da Nono is a traditional culinary process involving several stages of food processing. It requires knowledge of grain selection, milling, spice combinations, dough consistency, cooking, pounding and dairy fermentation.

The process begins with millet grains, which are carefully selected, cleaned and washed to remove dirt and unwanted materials. Depending on the preferred preparation method, the grains may be dehulled before being dried and milled into flour.

The millet flour is then combined with water and traditional spices.

Ginger is particularly important, while cloves and dried pepper may also be included, depending on the recipe and the producer’s preference.

These ingredients contribute to the characteristic aroma, flavour and warmth of the finished product.

Water is gradually incorporated into the spiced flour to form a firm dough. The dough is shaped by hand into balls of varying sizes and cooked in boiling water until properly done.

The cooked millet dough is subsequently pounded in a mortar using a pestle, with small quantities of water added as necessary to achieve a smooth, cohesive and slightly elastic consistency. It is then shaped into balls and lightly dusted with millet flour to prevent sticking.

The second major component is nono, the traditional fermented cow’s milk. Fresh milk is fermented through the activity of naturally occurring or deliberately introduced microorganisms, depending on the production method. Fermentation produces lactic acid, which gives the milk its characteristic sour taste and changes its texture.

In traditional dairy processing, the cream may be separated from the fermented milk. The cream, locally known in Fulani dairy culture as man shanu, is processed into traditional butter, while the remaining fermented milk is consumed as nono.

To serve Fura da Nono, the millet balls are broken into smaller pieces or mashed and combined with the fermented milk. The mixture is stirred until the desired consistency is achieved. Some consumers prefer a relatively smooth drink, while others enjoy it with small pieces of millet dough remaining.

Sugar may be added to taste, although this is a matter of personal and regional preference.

The result is usually a distinctive cereal-and-dairy preparation that combines the earthy taste of millet, the aromatic character of spices and the tangy creaminess of fermented milk.

Essentially, the preparation is not entirely uniform. Recipes, spice proportions, textures, fermentation methods and serving preferences may vary between families, producers and communities.

Such variations are part of the living nature of culinary traditions.

One of the important characteristics of Fura da Nono is its combination of two food groups with complementary nutritional contributions.

Millet is a nutrient-containing cereal that provides carbohydrates, dietary fibre, plant protein and minerals. Its carbohydrate content makes it an important source of dietary energy, while its fibre contributes to normal digestive function and helps support a balanced diet.

Millet also contains minerals such as magnesium, phosphorus and iron, although the quantities available in a serving depend on the millet variety, processing method and portion size.

The grain contains B-group vitamins and various bioactive plant compounds. Its nutritional composition makes it a valuable indigenous cereal, particularly in communities where millet has traditionally served as a staple food.

The nono component contributes another important dimension to the nutritional profile. Fermented cow’s milk provides high-quality dairy protein, calcium, phosphorus and other nutrients associated with milk.

Protein is essential for the growth, maintenance and repair of body tissues, while calcium and phosphorus contribute to the development and maintenance of healthy bones and teeth.

Dairy products can also provide vitamin B12 and riboflavin, although the precise nutritional composition of nono varies with the milk used and the processing conditions.

Fermentation is another important aspect of its nutritional and technological value.

During fermentation, microorganisms convert some of the lactose in milk into lactic acid. This process produces the characteristic sour taste and influences the texture and microbial composition of the product.

Depending on the microorganisms involved and the handling conditions, fermented milk may contain beneficial live cultures.

However, not every traditionally fermented product has a standardised probiotic content. The presence of beneficial microorganisms must be established through appropriate scientific testing.

The combination of millet and fermented milk therefore provides carbohydrates, protein, fibre and minerals within one traditional food preparation. Its nutritional contribution, however, depends on the proportions of fura and nono, the quantity consumed and whether additional sugar is introduced.

Fura da Nono can form part of a varied and balanced diet, but it should not be presented as a cure for any disease or as a substitute for medical treatment.

Its nutritional value is particularly relevant to discussions about food security, local food systems and the promotion of indigenous crops.

Millet is an important climate-adapted cereal in many dryland agricultural systems, while traditional dairy processing provides opportunities to add value to locally produced milk.

By bringing these ingredients together, Fura da Nono illustrates how traditional food knowledge can contribute to dietary diversity and the utilisation of indigenous agricultural resources.

An essential part of the Fura da Nono story is the contribution of women who have sustained its production, processing and distribution across generations.

In many Fulani communities, women have traditionally played significant roles in milk processing and dairy trade.

Knowledge of milking, fermentation, cream separation, butter production and the preparation of nono is often transmitted within families, particularly from mothers and older female relatives to younger generations.

Women are also central to the preparation and sale of Fura da Nono in markets, neighbourhoods and other commercial spaces. Through small-scale businesses, they have helped maintain the availability of the delicacy while generating income for their households.

Their contribution extends beyond selling a traditional drink. They are custodians of specialised knowledge, including the selection of ingredients, control of fermentation, determination of product consistency, use of traditional utensils and understanding of consumer preferences.

This knowledge is not always written down or formally taught in institutions. It is frequently acquired through observation, participation and repeated practice.

Such informal systems of learning are precisely the kinds of cultural transmission that make traditional food practices valuable subjects for intangible cultural heritage documentation.

The women who prepare and sell Fura da Nono should therefore be recognised not merely as food vendors but as practitioners and knowledge bearers whose experiences, techniques and oral histories deserve documentation and preservation.

Fura da Nono occupies an important place within this diversity because it represents the intersection of cereal agriculture and pastoral dairy culture.

Its preparation preserves knowledge about millet cultivation, grain processing, traditional spices, milk fermentation and food presentation. Its consumption reflects established dietary preferences, while its commercial distribution supports small-scale food enterprises.

The tradition also offers an opportunity to tell a more comprehensive story about Northern Nigerian food culture beyond the familiar narratives of popular dishes.

For international audiences, Fura da Nono can provide insight into the communities that developed practical methods of combining locally available ingredients into nutritious and culturally meaningful foods.

It is also an opportunity to promote Nigerian food journalism, food tourism, travel journalism encourage investment in local millet and dairy value chains, and create wider markets for indigenous food product

However, its heritage value should not be measured only by its commercial potential.

Let’s visit the kitchen

Recipe for 6 servings:

– 6 Cups Millet grains or millet flour

– 8 Fresh gingers

– 10 Cloves

– 1 teaspoon dried pepper (optional)

– Water

– A little millet flour for dusting

For the Nono

– 6 Cups Fresh cow’s milk, preferably safely pasteurised milk for household preparation

– A suitable starter culture or previously prepared nono from a hygienically controlled source

Method

Step 1: Preparing the millet

The millet grains are carefully sorted to remove stones, dirt and other unwanted materials. They are washed and, where necessary, dehulled before being dried and milled into flour.

Step 2: Adding traditional spices

The millet flour is combined with ground ginger, cloves and, depending on individual preference, a little dried pepper.

These spices give fura its characteristic aroma and distinctive taste. The proportions vary according to family recipes and regional preferences.

Step 3: Making the dough

Water is gradually added to the spiced millet flour until a firm; workable dough is formed. The dough is divided into portions and shaped into balls.

Step 4: Cooking the millet balls

The shaped dough balls are placed in boiling water and cooked until thoroughly done. They are then removed and allowed to cool sufficiently for handling.

Step 5: Pounding and shaping

The cooked millet dough is transferred into a traditional mortar and pounded with a pestle. Small quantities of water may be introduced during pounding to produce a smooth, cohesive and slightly elastic consistency.

The resulting dough is divided into smaller balls and lightly dusted with millet flour to prevent sticking. These are the traditional fura balls.

Step 6: Preparing the fermented milk

The second component, nono, is produced through the fermentation of cow’s milk. Traditionally, fermentation relies on established indigenous practices and naturally occurring or previously introduced lactic acid bacteria.

The milk is allowed to ferment under controlled hygienic conditions until it develops its characteristic mildly sour taste and texture. Where traditional fermentation is practised, the preparation should be protected from contamination, with appropriate attention to temperature, cleanliness and safe handling.

In traditional Fulani dairy processing, the cream may be separated from the fermented milk. This cream, known as man shanu, is processed into traditional butter, while the remaining fermented milk is consumed as nono.

Step 7: Combining the Fura and Nono

To prepare the drink, the fura balls are broken into smaller pieces and placed in a clean bowl or serving container. The fermented milk is poured over them.

The mixture is stirred and gently mashed until the desired consistency is achieved. Some consumers prefer a smooth, creamy drink, while others prefer to retain small pieces of millet dough.

Sugar may be added according to individual taste, although it is not essential to the traditional preparation.

Step 8: Serving

Fura da Nono can be served chilled or at ambient temperature, depending on local preference. It is traditionally enjoyed as a refreshing meal accompaniment, a filling snack or a nourishing drink.

The preparation is not completely standardised. The proportions of millet, spices and fermented milk, as well as the texture and serving style, vary among households and producers. These differences are important expressions of the living nature of the tradition.

Heidi Klum as severed hand, Zendaya channels Halle Berry for Halloween

A year after dressing as Medusa, supermodel Heidi Klum morphed into a gory giant hand for her annual Halloween party.

Klum, known for elaborate Halloween transformations, was barely recognizable in this year’s costume.

As seen on her Instagram posts, Heidi donned a massive prosthetic modeled after her own left hand that engulfed nearly her entire frame. The wrist ended in bloody tendons, while the fingers were adorned with rings and long red nails, two of which concealed her feet in heels. If Heidi was barely recognizable, Zendaya’s costume immediately took people back to the New York premiere of “X-Men” in 2000.

Zendaya wore the same vintage Lanvin ensemble Halle Berry wore to the premiere: a printed string bikini top and matching low-rise, wide-leg trousers from the fashion house’s Fall 2000 collection. She completed the look with pointed-toe heels, tinted sunglasses and a pixie cut reminiscent of Berry’s hairstyle at the time.

Her longtime stylist Law Roach posted Zendaya’s Halloween look on Instagram.

Zendaya’s fellow Marvel stars Robert Downey Jr. and Pedro Pascal, meanwhile, pulled off a character swap for Halloween.

Downey, best known in the Marvel Cinematic Universe as Iron Man, donned Pascal’s Mister Fantastic suit. Pascal joined the MCU as Reed Richards, aka Mister Fantastic, in the 2025 film “The Fantastic Four: First Steps.”

Pascal, meanwhile, wore the Doctor Doom costume, the character Downey is set to play in the upcoming “Avengers: Doomsday,” which opens in Philippine cinemas on December 16.

If Heidi was barely recognizable, Zendaya’s costume immediately took people back to the New York premiere of “X-Men” in 2000.

Her longtime stylist Law Roach posted Zendaya’s Halloween look on Instagram. Zendaya’s fellow Marvel stars Robert Downey Jr. and Pedro Pascal, meanwhile, pulled off a character swap for Halloween.

Pascal, meanwhile, wore the Doctor Doom costume, the character Downey is set to play in the upcoming “Avengers: Doomsday,” which opens in Philippine cinemas on December 16.

Simmers off to a hot start in Siargao surf

World No. 6 Caitlin Simmers is off to a hot start in one of her favorite surfing destinations on the planet.

Fresh off a dominant victory in Heat 1 of the inaugural WSL Championship Tour Philippines Pro at the iconic Cloud 9 reef break in Siargao, the American surfer could not hold back her praise for Siargao’s premier wave and its unique technical challenges.

‘Honestly, I keep telling people it’s one of my favorite waves on the planet because it’s just really tight, and you kind of have to do some exciting things in the spaces you get. It’s pretty hard to just do your stock-standard couple of turns on it,’ Simmers shared.

Simmers highlighted how Cloud 9’s rapidly shifting sections demand split-second precision, forcing surfers to abandon routine maneuvers.

Looking ahead in the draw, she singled out the break’s end section as an ideal launching pad for aerial maneuvers.

‘I think I’m just hoping all the girls do airs because these are the best surfers in the world, best women in the world. And I know every single one of them can do an air on that end section. It’s just a matter of timing, really,’ she added, confident that the venue will showcase the absolute best of women’s surfing as the event progresses.

Simmers has a sharp performance in heat 1, handily dispatching fellow American and World No. 11 Caroline Marks.

Simmers dropped a 9.00 single wave score alongside a 6.17 for a dominant 15.17 heat total.

Marks struggled to find high-scoring opportunities, finishing with a 9.00 total (5.50 and 3.50) to bow out in ninth place with 2,000 championship points.

While Simmers took care of business in the opener, Heat 2 delivered the biggest shock of the day.

World No. 14 Yolanda Hopkins pulled off a massive upset by knocking out World No. 3 Gabriela Bryan.

Navigating the four- to six-foot waves under calm lineup winds, Hopkins logged a combined 10.10 (5.27 and 4.83) to outpoint Bryan, who collected a 7.00 total (4.00 and 3.00) and finished ninth overall.

With the victory, Hopkins sets up a marquee quarterfinal matchup against Simmers.

The WSL Championship Tour Philippines Pro is presented by the Philippine Sports Commission (PSC) with support from Surigao del Norte Gov. Robert Lyndon Barbers, General Luna Mayor Johnson Sajulga, Vice Mayor Romina Sajulga, PAGCOR, DOT, DPWH, TIEZA, and NEA/SIARELCO.

Why Europeans are taking to the streets? [COMMENTARY]

Europe is facing a growing wave of public discontent as demonstrations, strikes and clashes with law enforcement continue to spread across several countries. Rising living costs, pressure on household incomes, housing shortages, dissatisfaction with public services and disagreements over government policies have brought thousands of people onto the streets. From France and Italy to Belgium, Albania, Serbia and Germany, the protests have highlighted the mounting challenges facing the continent.

The current unrest cannot be explained by a single factor. Rather, it reflects the combined impact of economic, political, social and security problems that have accumulated over recent years. While the immediate reasons for demonstrations differ from one country to another, the underlying frustration is increasingly similar: many Europeans feel that their governments are struggling to address their everyday concerns.

The scale and diversity of the recent demonstrations illustrate how widespread public frustration has become. In France, protests that initially involved students and concerns over education have expanded into broader demonstrations over living costs, wages and public services. Italy has also experienced major protests and nationwide strikes, with workers, students and trade unions demanding higher wages, improved public services and measures to address rising prices. On October 30, demonstrations took place in more than 40 Italian cities, with clashes reported in several locations.

Belgium, Portugal, Spain, Albania and Serbia have also witnessed demonstrations driven by different combinations of economic, political and social demands. Germany, meanwhile, saw large-scale protests at the end of October, with demonstrators raising concerns about living costs, public spending, education and proposed military conscription measures.

Although many demonstrations have been peaceful, some have been accompanied by clashes, vandalism, fires and looting. Such incidents have resulted in injuries among both protesters and law enforcement officers. However, it is important to distinguish between peaceful demonstrators expressing legitimate grievances and individuals or groups engaging in violence and criminal activity.

Analyst Frank Musmar, in a commentary to AzerNEWS, said that the protests spreading across Europe in September and October 2026 represent a geographically widespread but fragmented wave of public discontent.

According to Musmar, independent trackers had recorded 151 protest events in 85 cities across 20 countries since September 17, while Spanish newspaper El País counted at least 177 demonstrations in 12 countries between September 15 and October 23. He argued that the unrest should be understood through three interconnected factors: economic insecurity, declining public trust in institutions and the growing pressure of geopolitical commitments. Rather than representing a coordinated pan-European movement, the demonstrations reflect separate national crises that are increasingly connected through a shared information environment.

Musmar identified affordability as one of the main economic factors driving public dissatisfaction. While previous waves of populist discontent in Europe were often associated with unemployment and the consequences of the financial crisis, the current situation is increasingly shaped by the rising cost of everyday life.

Housing has become a particularly serious concern. Eurostat figures show that EU house prices increased by 55 percent and rents by 30 percent between 2010 and 2024. In Spain, the Bank of Spain estimates the housing shortage at 750,000 units, with the deficit potentially exceeding one million. Portugal has also experienced significant price increases, with residential property prices rising by 19 percent year-on-year in the fourth quarter of 2025.

The pressure is not limited to housing. Rising energy and consumer prices have further strained household budgets, while higher fuel and fertilizer costs have placed additional pressure on farmers and businesses. In Italy, agricultural producer prices fell by 5.8 percent year-on-year in the second quarter of 2026, contributing to protests and blockades by farmers and truckers in Calabria and Campania.

Public services have become another source of frustration. Musmar pointed to France, where demonstrations initially focused on teacher shortages and deteriorating school facilities, before expanding into wider social unrest. In Italy, high school students have also protested over poor building conditions and education cuts.

From a broader perspective, Musmar said the situation reflects a weakening social contract between governments and citizens. He referred to analysis by the Council on Foreign Relations, which highlights the growing difficulties facing France as public spending priorities, an ageing population and a shrinking younger workforce place additional pressure on the country’s economic model.

The analyst also emphasized the generational dimension of the protests. He cited research suggesting that 52 percent of young people aged 16 to 26 across seven European countries expect to be worse off than their parents. In his view, this growing uncertainty about future opportunities has helped bring together students, trade unions and middle-class citizens around common concerns.

Economic stagnation and unequal access to opportunities have also contributed to declining confidence in political institutions. The expert noted that research by Brookings scholars links prolonged economic difficulties with greater political polarization and increased support for anti-establishment movements. Growing wealth inequality further reinforces perceptions that economic opportunities are becoming increasingly concentrated.

Political and fiscal pressures represent another important dimension of the crisis. European governments must balance domestic spending priorities with rising defence commitments, support for Ukraine and the costs of the energy transition. At the same time, high public debt and limited budgetary flexibility make it increasingly difficult to meet all these demands.

Musmar pointed out that NATO allies have committed to working towards defence spending of 5 percent of GDP by 2035, adding to the financial challenges facing European governments. The central dilemma, he added, is that citizens expect greater economic and social security at a time when governments are also being asked to finance expanding strategic commitments.

When citizens repeatedly take to the streets to demand changes, it suggests that existing political mechanisms are not always seen as sufficient to address their concerns. Governments are therefore under increasing pressure to demonstrate that they can deliver practical solutions rather than rely solely on political statements and temporary measures.

The consequences could extend beyond individual countries. Continued instability may affect investor confidence, industrial activity and the broader European economy. It could also reshape domestic political debates, especially as governments face increasing demands to review their economic priorities, social spending, and foreign policy commitments.

President Tinubu and unfinished business to restructure the federation

ONE of the fundamental diagnoses of the Nigerian state is that its constitutional framework for governance is at variance with its plural reality. In other words, the Nigerian Constitution recognises Nigeria as a federation with three tiers of government-federal, state and local. Unfortunately, the structural and institutional mechanisms of governance are so centralised and seemingly unitary in ways that deny the realities for all practical purposes. This is one key anomaly that explains why the local government structure has remained comatose since the Ironsi administration. It also explains one of the crucial reasons why the democratic governance since 1999 has not really translated into a decisively significant positive and hence impactful package of democratic dividends especially in terms of local governance at the grassroots.

And this makes the challenge of restructuring the Nigerian constitution to achieve the essence of a genuine federation all the more cogent for any administration willing to make sense of the Nigerian predicament and find adequate resolution that unburdens developmental and governance targets on behalf of millions of Nigerians. This agenda is most significant for the Tinubu administration for two fundamental reasons. The first comes from Tinubu’s ideological attachment to the task of restructuring the Nigerian governance system even before becoming the president, and even as he was never in the habit of playing to the gallery about it. One of the rallying points of his connection with the progressive elements in the Nigerian state is the imperative of constitutional restructuring of the Nigerian federation. The second reason derives from some of his key governance policies since assuming the position of the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

A few examples of significant governance policies have been enacted that seem to signal that the administration has come to terms with the necessity of restructuring as a pathway to impactful governance reform. One significant policy is the creation of the Ministry of Regional Development that is meant to instigate socioeconomic and infrastructural progress across the six geopolitical zones in Nigeria. The ministry makes it possible to measure policy convergences and divergences across these zones in ways that facilitate harmonisation. This policy is followed by a correlative one: the establishment of six regional development commissions (RDCs) that would serve as the arrowheads of the policy initiatives, formulation and design. Next in line, and beyond all expectations of its possibility, the Tinubu government has pushed the bill legislating the creation of state police closer to realisation. Signing the 2023 Electricity Act significantly decentralised electricity generation, transmission and distribution away from the exclusive to the concurrent list, a policy which enables states to take charge of power generation. There are three separate amendments ongoing to the Nigerian Minerals and Mining Act 2007 which are meant to undermine its rigid centralisation of the ownership of solid minerals and other natural endowments in the hands of the federal government to the exclusion of the other tiers of government.

Fundamental to all these sweeping legislative overhauls and policy transformations, and coterminous with the Supreme Court ruling of July 2024 concerning the financial autonomy of local governments, is the urgency of incentivising the subnational elements and entities in the Nigerian federation to commence the project of actively investing in their own regions and achieve governance distinction. All these speak to the challenge of restructuring to unlock the governance potentials inherent in laying the foundation for a true federalism in Nigeria. How then can this trajectory towards restructuring the Nigerian federation become a significant plank in the Tinubu administration that yields solid governance reform and brings home the impact of the Renewed Hope Agenda, post-2027?

The endgame for that restructured federation is the objective of installing a framework of structurally permanent competitive federalism among the federating units and regions. This is the overall agenda that all the preceding policy initiatives must reach for; this is the blueprint that must structure the restructuring process in the next administration cycle. Once we understand the brilliant strategy of a piecemeal legislative approach that privileges decentralisation through gradual policy advancement, then we see the significance of, for instance, the Ministry of Regional Development and the six regional development commissions. This is a pivotal transition that connects federalism to developmental local governance. The policy development serves as a cogent prelude to a full-fledged creation of local and regional economic corridors and growth poles that unravel the binding constraints around wealth generation at the grassroots level.

This is a fundamental consideration and pivot because the grassroots is what enables democratic governance. Democratic governance becomes meaningful when local governance is empowered. It is significant development at the local level-the level of the local government-that speaks to the connection of governance to the people. We had a very palpable demonstration of this relevance of local governance in the immediate post-independence period when the local government areas were significant spaces both for sociopolitical mobilisation as well as efficient public works, and service provision and delivery. Local governance therefore facilitates the grassroots participation of the people who are the most fundamental factor in governance. Indeed, the local governments constitute the framework for testing the transparency and responsiveness of government institutions. This is where the concepts of subsidiarity and social capital become fundamental in understanding local governance. The subsidiarity principle is targeted at undermining the centralisation dynamics that are at work in the lopsidedness of the Nigerian federal constitution. The principle demands that whatever policy and development issues can be handled at the local and grassroots level must not be denied the third tier of government.

How then must the initial policy initiatives of the Tinubu administration be strengthened to push the restructuring blueprint towards its ultimate objective of a competitive federalism? There are five policy and structural pathways that could serve as the basis of institutionally grounding the task of decentralising the Nigerian governance systems. The first is legal and constitutional, and it is meant to ensure that the regional bodies already established do not become mere appendages pushing the centralising logic of the federal government. Thus, the regional bodies and frameworks already set in place must be constitutionalised into significant economic spaces that reinforce Nigeria’s governance architecture. The government must also legislate on the policy significance of streamlining the regional development plans, in the shape, for example, of the North Central 20-Year Economic Infrastructure and Social Development Plan. This allows for each of the six regions (or more) to develop along the lines of their comparative advantages in terms of agriculture, trade, mining, fishing, and more.

The second reform consideration piggybacks on the first: the structural responsibilities that will unlock the economic growth and progress of the regional governance corridors must be attended by fiscal and financial autonomy. One immediate means of consolidating the financial strength of the Ministry and the regional development commissions is to allocate some specific empowering percentage to them from the Consolidated Revenue Fund. They can also leverage alternative funding especially through public-private partnerships or even through the Renewed Hope Infrastructure Development Fund (RHIDF). Without some concrete sources of revenues, the regional initiatives will regress into routine activities and eventually collapse. A critical dimension of this fiscal autonomy and responsibility must necessarily be the need to devolve management of resources to the regions. This is critical if the comparative advantages of the regions would become competitive, and if the regions would truly take ownership of their development. The federal government can then be the recipient of some percentages benchmarked against the First Republic modified model rather than be the one doling out peanuts to the regions.

The third reform pillar the Tinubu administration must explore is, as we have hinted, the pursuit and institutionalisation of developmental local governance. True federalism is only meaningful when it is founded on a bedrock of local and self-sustaining governance. The administration can jumpstart this by submitting comprehensive local government autonomy legislation that will leverage the landmark Supreme Court ruling on the financial autonomy of local governments. This ensures that there are readily available funds that the local governments receive directly for developmental purposes. But then, follow-up legislation must make oversight and accountability possible by establishing structural procedures to track expenditures and tangible developments in terms of road networks, healthcare services, sewage maintenance, small businesses and enterprises, basic education, etc.

All these will necessarily lead to the fourth pillar that will draw the Nigerian federation closer to a very visible and competitive federalism-the need to establish the regions, and the regional development commissions, as ‘growth poles’ or economic corridors that are interconnected and mutually reinforcing in terms of their harmonised policy, developmental and economic objectives. One starting point would be the strategic need to decentralise public assets and infrastructures, like military bases, national think tanks and training institutions. This constitutes a solid gesture towards ensuring a secure base for economic growth and investment. The regional development commissions would also need to facilitate the interconnections of the regions through massive transit networks, like the proposed Lagos-Calabar coastal highway, and the Sokoto-Badagry superhighway that strategically connect the north-west and the south-west. The transit networks will also focus on critical feeder roads that the regional commissions will manage together with the local governments. The economic corridors in the geopolitical zones also require electricity as a necessity. This makes it imperative for the government to start thinking about the strategic significance of decentralising the energy and grid systems in ways that offload the pressures away from the national grid that keeps collapsing. This will make the regions the beneficiaries of interconnected regional grids that service their developmental aspirations and blueprints.

The last reform mandate is, as is to be expected, security. Law and order are the basis of economic growth and developmental progress. This implies that it would be one of the greatest governance paradoxes to have achieved a significant level of decentralisation through the initiatives Tinubu has already taken while upholding a centralised security architecture. In the next administration’s development policy cycle, therefore, we expect that the state police initiative would have been completed. In other words, the government at the federal and state levels would have gone beyond the conceptualisation to active deployment. However, it would then be left to the regional development commissions to coordinate and synergise intelligence gathering and sharing, joint operations, capacity building, and so on.

From the foregoing, it becomes obvious that achieving a decentralised federation possesses a key dimension of making democratic governance work for millions of Nigerians. The key objective of restructuring the federation is to unlock the binding constraints that disconnect democracy and governance from those who are its real motivation. The policy initiatives that have quietly commenced the decentralisation mandate required to make federalism functional must be pressed to their logical conclusions once the next administration cycle begins, post-2027. With the restructuring framework set in motion, the Tinubu administration would have firmly grasped by the horns the bull of a lopsided federal arrangement that keeps stifling developmental initiatives and prospects. This is a very tough prospect, but the administration, against all odds, has proven that it is not shy to make tough choices.

PM says he’s not dodging censure

Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul has dismissed accusations that his government is avoiding a no-confidence debate, insisting he is ready to face parliament in December and the coalition remains stable.

Speaking on the programme Talk with Anutin’s Cabinet on Saturday, Mr Anutin said he had instructed all cabinet ministers not to travel during the proposed debate week so they would be available to answer questions in parliament.

However, when the government and opposition failed to agree on the schedule, the administration was accused of running away from parliament. “We never ran away,” he said.

The debate has been set for Dec 7-11, with the vote on the final day, following disagreement over whether the session should have been held last week.

Mr Anutin, who is on an official visit to Bhutan from Friday until Sunday at the invitation of Bhutanese Prime Minister Dasho Tshering Tobgay, defended his overseas trips as necessary missions involving meetings with foreign leaders and investors.

Direct engagement by the prime minister carried more weight than delegating such meetings, he said, adding the government had to balance parliamentary politics with national interests, including investment, exports and international confidence.

“Whether people like the government or not, the country must come first. Politics is not even my second priority. It comes much further down the list,” he said.

Asked whether the opposition might target ministers from certain coalition parties to undermine government relations, Mr Anutin said it was free to choose its targets. He insisted the coalition was stable and said grilling him alone would effectively cover the accountability of the entire cabinet.

House Speaker Sophon Zarum on Saturday rejected claims the debate had been delayed by up to 60 days after the motion was submitted, saying the facts did not support them.

Mr Sophon said the government had been ready from the outset for four days of debate and one day of voting, and had been prepared to proceed as early as Oct 27-29.

However, he said the opposition told negotiators it was not ready and requested a postponement until November or December within the current parliamentary session.

Lagos showcases startups, digital economy ambitions at GITEX Nigeria

The Lagos State Government has showcased its technology ecosystem, emerging startups and investment opportunities at GITEX Nigeria 2026, using the international technology event to strengthen partnerships and promote the state’s ambition to become Africa’s innovation capital.

The Lagos State Ministry of Innovation, Science and Technology (MIST), led by Commissioner Olatunbosun Alake, coordinated the state’s participation at the event, held at the Landmark Centre, Victoria Island, Lagos.

The two-day programme featured a technology exhibition, the Future Economy Conference and a Startup Festival, bringing together government officials, technology entrepreneurs, investors and international stakeholders.

A welcome dinner ahead of the programme attracted representatives of Lagos, Katsina, Jigawa, Ondo, Kwara, Delta, Borno and Ogun states, alongside founders, investors and diplomatic guests.

Speakers included Sam Egube, Deputy Chief of Staff to Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu, who represented the governor; Trixie LohMirmand, Executive Vice President of Dubai World Trade Centre and Chief Executive Officer of KAOUN International; and representatives of the Moroccan Consulate. Alake also highlighted opportunities within Lagos’ innovation ecosystem.

At the opening of the Lagos programme, Deputy Governor Kadri Obafemi Hamzat described Lagos as a ‘consequential city’, saying the decision to host GITEX reflected the state’s growing influence in Africa’s technology landscape.

Hamzat reiterated the government’s ambition to position Lagos not only as Nigeria’s commercial capital but also as Africa’s innovation capital. He cited the presence of nearly 1,000 active startups as evidence of the ecosystem’s potential, while emphasising the need for sustained investment in infrastructure, talent, policy and implementation.

Throughout the event, MIST showcased startups, technologies, partnerships and investment opportunities to potential investors and international collaborators.

The Governor’s Special Adviser on Innovation, Technology and Broadband Development and Chairman of the Local Organising Committee, Ganiyu Oseni, stressed that infrastructure and policy must advance together to support a competitive digital economy.

He identified connectivity, electricity, digital identity and talent development as critical requirements, urging investors to establish operational bases in Lagos rather than treat the state merely as a market.

Oseni also called for Nigeria to move beyond adopting foreign technologies and develop home-grown solutions in digital finance, tokenised assets and cross-border settlements that could compete across Africa and globally.

More than two dozen startups and technology companies participated in the exhibition, covering artificial intelligence, financial technology, cybersecurity, education technology, agriculture and logistics.

Among the companies seeking investment and market opportunities were Sidebrief, DawnAI, RollaPay, Hyperspace Technologies, Sowota and Climatrix AI.

The second day placed greater emphasis on financial technology through FDX Nigeria by GITEX, which examined digital payments, banking, financial inclusion, digital assets and cross-border finance.

A major highlight was the Lagos State Employment Trust Fund (LSETF) Pitch Programme, organised in partnership with TechQuest STEM Academy and MIST. The initiative provided selected entrepreneurs with an opportunity to present their businesses, products and growth strategies to investors and other ecosystem stakeholders, strengthening the funding pipeline for Lagos-based innovators.

The programme also featured the launch of MINT Africa by GITEX, a platform focused on the future of finance on the continent.

Oseni maintained that Nigeria had the talent, market scale and entrepreneurial capacity to lead Africa’s digital financial transformation, provided infrastructure, regulation and investor confidence developed alongside innovation.

Compromised voter register: Should Nigerians have cause to worry about INEC?

In the middle of October 2026, journalists from the Southern part of the country gathered in Uyo, the Akwa Ibom State, for a workshop on ethical reporting ahead of the 2027 elections. The primary focus of the sessions, organised by Nigeria’s FactCheckAfrica and a Spanish group, FIAP, was combating electoral misinformation. Facilitators and participants generally named ordinary citizens and bad actors as sources of misinformation.

But an entity no one deemed fit to mention as a source of bad information was the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), the electoral umpire, which they and millions of people across the country expect to be above board because of the sensitivity of its position. Yet, in the past few days, defective information has come from INEC, throwing its credibility – and to a larger extent, that of the 2027 elections – into question.

On Monday, October 26, the commission finally bowed to pressure and made the Preliminary Register of Voters for the 2027 general election available online to anyone who desires to view it. But minutes after the online portal, display.inecnigeria.org, came online, eagle-eyed Nigerians started to spot anomalies in the register: duplicated voters and artificial intelligence (AI)-generated photos of voters who do not seem to exist.

The implication, according to electoral observers, was that fake voters had been injected into the INEC database with the capacity to vote. If ballots are cast on behalf of those fake voters, the elections they participate in would be unfair.

Less than 24 hours after INEC announced the online platform, it acknowledged that its voter register contains defective entries. In a statement issued on Tuesday, October 27, Mohammed Kudu Haruna, Chairman, Information and Voter Education Committee (IVEC), said the commission was aware of suspected AI-generated photographs appearing in the Preliminary Register of Voters.

Haruna, however, noted that INEC had identified and flagged ‘a number of questionable registration records’ for further examination during the physical display from October 9-15, suggesting that the electoral umpire was aware of the problems flagged by the public well before it made the register available to view online.

‘The online publication represents the original preliminary register and does not reflect all ongoing data-cleanup activities,’ the INEC spokesperson said, revealing that the commission had commenced the process of reviewing these questionable records and taking appropriate corrective action in accordance with established procedures.

But this attempt to correct the problem has hardly earned the electoral umpire plaudits. Instead, stakeholders have described the situation as a crisis of trust and credibility, expressing fears that it may take Nigeria back to the dark ages when fake voters were inserted into the voter register and used to rig elections, subverting the will of the electorate.

How INEC embraced technology

After President Umaru Musa Yar’adua assumed the presidency, he made a notable admission that no one in his position would be expected to make: on his first day in office, he admitted that the 2007 elections that brought him in had ‘lapses and shortcomings’. Indeed, hard evidence would arrive later to back his claim that the INEC data employed in that election cycle was compromised.

In a noble bid to reform the process and prevent a reoccurrence, Yar’adua set up a 22-member electoral review committee chaired by a former Chief Justice of Nigeria, Mohammed Uwais, on August 28, 2007. A little over a year later, in December 2008, the panel, popularly known as the Uwais committee, submitted its report to the president, who pledged to ‘carefully study and faithfully implement, with the support of the national assembly, those recommendations that will guarantee popular participation, ensure fairness and justice, and bring credibility to the electoral process in Nigeria.’

The committee recommended among others: constitutional amendments that would insulate INEC from the political influences of the executive arm of government in terms of its composition and funding; the power to appoint the INEC board was to be transferred from the president to the National Judicial Council (NJC); and a Special Electoral Offences Commission was to be set up to try electoral offenders.

About five months later, in May 2009, Yar’Adua forwarded the entire report, including its annexures, for the consideration of the National Assembly. Although the president rejected ceding the power of appointment of the INEC board, he accepted most of the fundamental recommendations and was to begin implementation when he took ill and eventually did not return to office due to his death in May 2010.

His successor, President Goodluck Jonathan, tried to sustain his efforts but got nowhere with the fundamental recommendations at the National Assembly. However, his appointment of Professor Attahiru Jega as the INEC chairman on June 8, 2010, kickstarted the commission’s technology adoption.

As all of this was going on, courts were removing governors and annulling elections from 2007, underlining the depth of the irregularities that marred that election cycle. In all, nine governorship elections in 2007, including those in Ondo, Ekiti, and Osun states, were nullified due to severe voting irregularities.

To address these irregularities, Jega’s solution was cleaning up the voter register and introducing the automated fingerprint identification system to stop voters from registering more than once, effectively halting voting by multiple people. This process helped restore some confidence in the 2011 elections and led to the introduction of the electronic register that has contributed to INEC’s current confidence crisis.

Jega also introduced the permanent voter’s card (PVC) and smart card reader for the 2015 general election. At the polling station, a voter’s identity is verified by matching his or her biometrics to the voter’s card. The voter is then allowed to vote and the votes are counted manually.

In 2022, Jega’s successor, Professor Mahmood Yakubu, introduced the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS), which is an electronic device designed to read permanent voter cards and authenticate voters – using the voters’ fingerprints – to prove that they are eligible to vote at a particular polling unit. This was used in the Ekiti and Osun states’ governorship elections in June 2022 and July 2022. The technology worked to its design in both states.

The commission also introduced the INEC Result Viewing Portal (IReV) ahead of the 2023 elections to guarantee transparent accreditation and uploading of polling unit results, although it ended up hurting confidence rather than helping it. The commission said the technology would enable citizens to view results in real-time on election day. But many of the results could not be uploaded onto the portal due to what INEC described as technical glitches. Also, the disparity between results uploaded to the portal and those announced by INEC ended up casting doubts on the outcome of the 2023 elections.

Professor Joash Amupitan, the current INEC chairman who assumed office in October 2025, has not introduced any technology, but he has sought to consolidate the gains of the past eras, including allowing Nigerians to view the voter register online and spot irregularities such as those that INEC is now cleaning up.

So, nearly two decades after the 2007 election debacle, many stakeholders fear that the country has reversed the gains of electoral credibility and returned to the dark ages of blatant rigging of the voter register.

Stakeholders raise the alarm

During an appearance on Arise News on Friday, October 30, Lawrence Bayode, INEC’s Director of Information and Communication Technology, admitted that the commission’s own registration officers uploaded AI-generated photographs into the national voter database. He stated that field officials used their official login details to deliberately inject fake records. He noted that the commission’s Automated Biometric Identification System (ABIS) eventually flagged these anomalies, but that has not halted the avalanche of criticism of the commission.

In an interview with Sunday Tribune, Abideen Olasupo, the Chairman of BallotEyes and YvoteNaija, described the revelation of AI-generated photos and duplicate entries in the voter register as a threat to public confidence ahead of the 2027 elections. ‘Trust in an election begins long before polling day; it begins with citizens believing that the register accurately reflects eligible voters… When people see questionable identities or duplicate records, they may conclude the process is already compromised, which discourages registration, verification, and turnout,’ he said.

‘The second implication is the credibility of the eventual results. An unresolved controversy over the register gives political actors grounds to challenge the process and makes it harder for citizens to accept outcomes, especially in closely contested elections. It also creates fertile ground for misinformation, where genuine irregularities might become the basis for broader, unverified claims.’

Similarly, Samson Itodo, the Executive Director of Yiaga Africa, another organisation focused on free and fair elections, said the integrity of the 2027 elections ‘is already under threat from serious infirmities in the voter register’.

‘These AI-generated images and suspected cases of register padding raises fundamental questions about the credibility of the register. A compromised voter register is a compromised foundation for credible elections. The infirmities in the register are not minor errors. They pose grave threats to voting rights and our democracy,’ he said.

Amid the silence of the ruling APC’s presidential campaign council (PCC), opposition parties have questioned INEC’s neutrality and capacity to deliver credible elections on January 16 and February 6, 2027.

In a separate interview with Sunday Tribune, Kola Ologbondiyan, the Director of Media and Publicity, African Democratic Congress (ADC) PCC, said the defective voter register makes it ‘increasingly challenging’ to entrust the 2027 elections to the commission’s care.

‘I think that, beyond identifying these staff, they have to clean up the system in a manner that Nigerians can trust INEC. That, too, is also very, very important. They must clean up the voters’ register. And I don’t know, why is it difficult for a commission that describes itself as independent to act independently? Why is it difficult?’ Ologbondiyan wondered.

The Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC) PCC spokesperson, Dr Chiogo Constance Ikokwu, also questioned INEC over the presence of deceased Nigerians, including prominent politicians, on the voters’ register.

It called on INEC to provide Nigerians with answers and ensure the register was credible, up-to-date and verifiable before the 2027 elections.

CSOs, political parties seek accountability

Though INEC claims that some of its staff had compromised its system, it is yet to reveal their identities or even whether it has uncovered those responsible, leading to accountability calls from civil society organisations (CSOs) and political parties.

According to Ologbondiyan, it is not enough for INEC to come out and say its staff were responsible.

‘Who are these staff? Who are they? Did they fall from the sky? Also, don’t forget that the issue of the back-end of INEC’s system has been a subject of debate. There are non-state actors and individuals who have access to the back-end of INEC. They didn’t say anything, and they didn’t do anything about it, but now they are saying that their staff are the ones responsible. What type of staff are they? Are they the regular staff or the non-state actors who had access to their back-end the last time?’ the ADC campaign spokesperson asked.

Likewise, the BallotEyes and YvoteNaija chairman called for the identification of the registration officers implicated in the voters’ register scandal, while raising questions over INEC’s internal safeguards.

‘If a registration officer messes up, who is supervising them? Who controls access, and where is the institutional accountability? Nigerians deserve to know how these entries were created, why existing safeguards did not prevent them before they became public, and how widespread the problem is,’ Olasupo said.

Also, the Yiaga Africa boss called for a comprehensive investigation of the crisis. ‘We need an independent audit to enable citizens to understand the extent of the irregularities, identify those responsible and verify that the register is thoroughly cleaned before December 2026,’ Itodo said.

In a separate statement, his organisation called for serious consequences for those found culpable.

‘If a registration official can manipulate the voter register, what prevents a compromised election official from uploading falsified result sheets to IReV? Nigerians must therefore pay closer attention to the conduct of election officials, particularly those responsible for voter accreditation, results management and transmission,’ the organisation said.

Can INEC clean up its mess fast enough?

Although INEC says it is yet to establish a motive for the manipulation, many stakeholders view it as an attempt by desperate politicians to foist their will on the electorate. One of the many wards that has been fingered for irregularity is Edo State governor, Monday Okpebholo’s Polling Unit 001, Ward 2, Udomi Primary School, Irrua, in Esan Central Local Government Area of the state.

During his election in September 2024, his polling unit had 397 voters on its register. In INEC’s register for the 2027 elections, the register has curiously grown to 4,783 voters, a stunning 1,105% increase that has raised eyebrows in the political world. The polling unit also contains several AI-generated photos of supposed registered voters, casting doubt on whether there are genuinely 4,783 Nigerians registered to vote in that polling unit. Notably, the Edo governor has promised to deliver 2.5 million votes for the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in a state that has turned out less than 700,000 voters in the past three presidential elections.

Moreover, these irregularities call into question the 103 million registered voters’ figure that the INEC chairman continues to cite in public appearances, including on Friday while receiving the ECOWAS Pre-Election Fact-Finding Mission at the commission’s National Headquarters in Abuja.

In the meantime, INEC must clean up the voter register and publish the final version by December 15, in about a month and a half. It is not clear how far the commission has gone in its efforts, but political parties, candidates, and voters are expecting a final register that they can trust.

The INEC chairman told the ECOWAS delegation on Friday that the commission has no preferred political party or candidate in the upcoming polls. But for millions of Nigerians watching the data cleanup closely, words may no longer be enough; they are waiting to see if INEC’s actions over the next six weeks will reflect an umpire ready to referee a fair game.

Bisera’s ace seals thriller; Que rules PGT OOM anew

A clutch ace at the most crucial moment saved Yvon Bisera’s season and delivered one of the narrowest victories in Ladies Philippine Golf Tour Order of Merit history, while Angelo Que relied on consistency and a strong early-season surge to secure a second straight PGT OOM crown.

Both fashioned out two victories to seize early control of their respective OOM races, but neither had an easy ride to the coveted season-ending plum. As the circuit unfolded, a host of determined challengers emerged, turning the races into gripping battles of momentum, resilience and nerves, with the women’s title eventually decided by a razor-thin P4,550 margin.

While Que built a comfortable cushion through a series of strong finishes in the closing legs, Bisera saw her once-commanding position come under serious threat, setting up a dramatic showdown with Harmie Constantino in the final stop at Apo.

The ladies’ race proved particularly unpredictable, with the lead changing in significance from one leg to the next and the outcome remaining uncertain until the final round.

Bisera had seen her bid for a third leg victory fall short by just one stroke to Chanelle Avaricio at Summit Point. She came up two shots short of Tiffany Lee at Pueblo de Oro, then struggled to make a bigger impression at home at South Pacific, settling for fourth.

Still, she carried the OOM lead into the Apo finale, albeit with Constantino closing in. And when Bisera opened with a 74 and followed it up with a 73 in the second round, the door swung wide open for Constantino, who was coming off a four-win campaign in 2024 and had saved her best performance for the season’s final leg.

Constantino made her move count, claiming the Apo leg by two strokes and putting Bisera’s OOM crown on the line. At one point, the Davaoeña ace faced the prospect of finishing sixth and losing the season-long race by a mere P2,000 in earnings.

Then came the shot that changed everything.

Bisera aced the 17th hole of Apo, turning a potentially costly finish into a joint third-place effort with Avaricio and Princess Superal. It was a timely breakthrough that kept her in the money and, ultimately, preserved her place atop the rankings.

Her P83,750 share of the combined third- to fifth-place purse of P251,250 lifted her season earnings to P704,150, just enough to edge Constantino, whose P162,500 prize at Apo brought her total to P699,600, including her victory at Caliraya Springs.

The difference: a stunning P4,550.

Reflecting on her victory, Bisera admitted that she did not initially expect to contend for the OOM title, but a crucial hole-in-one on the final day ultimately proved decisive.

‘Going into Apo, I wasn’t really thinking about the OOM title. But looking back, that hole-in-one on the final day was probably the biggest turning point and the main reason I was able to secure the OOM crown this year,’ said Bisera.

For Bisera, claiming the season-long honor was especially meaningful, considering the challenges she faced throughout the year and the strength of the competition.

‘Winning the OOM title means a lot to me. I’m really happy and grateful to have achieved this, especially after going a long time without a win following my victory at Pradera Verde. Although I wasn’t able to perform as well as I wanted in Mindanao, I’m still thankful to have come out on top, especially with the field being so strong this year,’ she said.

Bisera also credited her consistency throughout the season, highlighted by two victories and two runner-up finishes, as key factors in her successful OOM campaign.

‘My two wins and two runner-up finishes were the biggest factors that helped me win the OOM title. But that clutch hole-in-one on the final day of the last tournament will always be especially memorable for me. I hope this achievement will give me more confidence as I prepare for my international tournaments,’ said Bisera.

It was a fitting climax to a fiercely contested eight-leg campaign in which every strong finish, missed opportunity and crucial shot carried enormous weight. In a race where fortunes swung repeatedly and no advantage proved entirely safe, Bisera’s ace became the ultimate difference-maker.

Lee wound up third with P650,000, her bid for a maiden OOM title derailed by a difficult Apo campaign that saw her settle for a share of eighth place.

Avaricio finished fourth with P588,600 despite winning three legs at Pinewoods, Summit Point and South Pacific, her campaign affected by her decision to skip a couple of LPGT events in favor of overseas tournaments. Last year’s OOM champion Sarah Ababa, meanwhile, settled for fifth with P491,450 after a winless season.

On the men’s side, Que took a markedly different route to his second consecutive OOM crown, leaning on his early-season victories and a string of respectable finishes to keep his pursuers at bay.

The veteran campaigner drew strength from his come-from-behind triumph at Caliraya Springs and his two-shot victory over Aidric Chan at Summit Point, building the earnings cushion that would prove decisive in the final stretch.

‘Winning back-to-back OOM titles means a lot to me. At 47, being able to compete with and keep pace with the younger players is something I truly value. I believe experience, coupled with a little bit of luck, played a big part in making this achievement possible,’ said Que.

‘Moving forward, I’ll just keep playing, continue working on my game, and strive to do better than I did the previous year. Hopefully, with hard work, faith, and a little luck, I can do it all over again,’ he added.

Juggling commitments between the PGT and the Asian Tour, Que endured a demanding schedule that left little room for rest. Fresh from an Asian Tour event, he struggled to a joint 12th-place finish in Negros Occidental before placing joint 21st in Iloilo. He then shared ninth at Pueblo de Oro, took fifth at South Pacific and closed out his campaign with an eighth-place finish at Apo.

Although he failed to crack the Top 5 in the final five legs, Que’s earlier victories and steady accumulation of earnings proved more than enough. He finished with P1.445 million to complete a rare back-to-back OOM championship.

Jeffren Lumbo remained within striking distance and still had a mathematical chance of overtaking Que heading into Apo. But the Sarangani standout also faltered in the finale, winding up joint 18th and settling for second with P1.230 million.

Clyde Mondilla, winner at South Pacific, took third with P1.223 million, his campaign likewise affected by missed opportunities in key legs. Rupert Zaragosa, who won at Pueblo de Oro, placed fourth with P1.038 million, while Keanu Jahns, winless after sweeping three titles last season, wound up fifth with P982,550.

In the end, Que’s calculated consistency delivered another season-long triumph, while Bisera’s remarkable late-season escape provided the defining moment of the year.

One needed only to stay steady to retain his throne. The other needed one perfect shot to save hers.

ADC accuses Sokoto govt of frustrating presidential campaign flag-off

The African Democratic Congress (ADC) has accused the Sokoto State Government of allegedly using intimidation, threats and security agencies to frustrate its planned presidential campaign flag-off in the state.

The party also alleged that the government pressured hotel operators to cancel reservations made for its delegates and supporters ahead of the event.

The Director-General of the ADC governorship campaign in Sokoto State, Bello Aliyu Goronyo, made the allegations while addressing journalists at the party’s secretariat in Sokoto on Sunday.

Goronyo said the party had formally notified the state government of its intention to host the presidential campaign flag-off, initially scheduled for October 31, 2026, but alleged that the government responded by expressing opposition to the event.

He described the response as an attempt to undermine political pluralism and deny opposition parties the freedom to conduct lawful political activities.

‘The Government replied by stating its disagreement with the flag-off. That reply raises serious concern about the Government’s commitment to political pluralism, freedom of association and the right of opposition parties to hold lawful political activities,’ he said.

The ADC chieftain further alleged that the government mounted pressure on hotel operators to cancel bookings made by the party for delegates and supporters expected to attend the campaign.

He claimed that some government-owned hotels declined to accommodate guests, citing full bookings, while private hotel operators were allegedly threatened with demolition if they failed to cancel the party’s reservations.

‘We have received reports that hotel operators were threatened with consequences, including the demolition of their properties, if they refused to comply,’ Goronyo alleged.

He described the development as part of what he called a sustained campaign of intimidation against the opposition ahead of the 2027 general elections.

The party also alleged that its women supporters were attacked during a solidarity march on October 28, with some sustaining injuries, while their mobile phones were reportedly stolen, clothes torn and vehicles vandalised.

Goronyo said the ADC state campaign office was also attacked on the same day, resulting in damage to its windows, doors and other property, while three motorcycles were destroyed.

The party further accused personnel of the Sokoto Marshals and Sokoto Community Guards of involvement in an alleged attack on its governorship candidate, Manir Muhammad Dan’iya, at the Sultan Abubakar III International Airport on October 30.

According to Goronyo, the candidate’s vehicles were smashed, gunshots were reportedly fired during the incident, and two Department of State Services personnel attached to his security detail were detained.

He called on the police and the DSS to investigate the incident and identify those responsible.

‘The authorities must establish who authorised the operation, what instructions were issued to the personnel involved, who discharged firearms and under what authority, and why DSS officers assigned to protect a political candidate were detained by state security personnel,’ he said.

The ADC also expressed concern over alleged instructions to personnel of the state-owned security outfits to prevent its supporters from entering Sokoto ahead of the campaign flag-off.

‘No governor, political party or security commander has the authority to restrict citizens from entering a state because of their political affiliation,’ the party said.

Despite the alleged intimidation and other challenges, Goronyo insisted that the presidential campaign flag-off would now hold on November 4, 2026.

‘No threat, intimidation or unlawful obstruction will deprive the party of its constitutional right to organise political activities and campaign for its candidates,’ the ADC stated.

The party urged the Inspector-General of Police, the Director-General of the DSS and other relevant authorities to conduct an independent investigation into the alleged attacks, threats against hotel operators and involvement of state security personnel.

It also called for adequate protection for its candidates, leaders and supporters, urging members to remain peaceful and law-abiding.

However, the Sokoto State Government had earlier denied allegations that it directed hotels to reject ADC delegates. The state chapter of the All Progressives Congress (APC) also maintained that hotel reservations were made to accommodate dignitaries expected to attend a traditional title ceremony.