UPL got some money, but here’s the harder question

The Uganda Premier League (UPL) now has more money in the room than it did a year ago.

However, that does not mean it has solved its money problem. There is government support going to the clubs. There is a commercial partnership in the offing.

There is a bigger league, a sizeable audience and, with Afcon 2027 approaching, a potentially bigger market to sell to.

But none of that changes the uncomfortable question at the heart of Ugandan football – what happens when the latest intervention runs out?

That was one of the more interesting threads to emerge from the 13th Fufa Super League Limited (FSLL) Annual General Meeting (AGM) at HB Hotel in Hoima last Saturday.

Much-needed push

The Shs5.5b government allocation for the 18 clubs was already being processed between the National Council of Sports (NCS) and the beneficiaries.

It was not an AGM windfall. Nor is it revenue belonging to FSLL, the company that conducts business on behalf of the UPL.

The money goes directly to the clubs, which must account for it individually.

The league, meanwhile, is working towards a new commercial partnership with a bank worth a couple of hundreds of millions.

Useful money, certainly, but hardly enough to rewrite the economics of the competition.

Numbers behind the business

The audited financial statements presented at the AGM put some flesh on that reality.

In 2025, FSLL reported Shs2.803b in income against expenditure of Shs2.728b, leaving a Shs62.7m surplus after an exchange loss of Shs12.1m.

That was an improvement on 2024, when the company recorded a Shs109.8m deficit.

But the composition of the spending tells its own story. Of the 2025 expenditure, Shs1.998b went into sponsorship-fund distribution, while administrative expenses accounted for Shs585.8m.

The 2027 budget projects annual sponsorship-fee allocations from StarTimes of about Shs3.091b, with resources then spread across club distributions and other obligations, including the Secretariat, referees and VAT.

In other words, the UPL is not suddenly awash with money. It is managing a business in which a substantial share of available resources is already committed.

Which brings us back to the harder question – how does the league, and each of its clubs, keep expanding the purse?

Secretariat’s own cry

FSLL Board chairman Arinaitwe Rugyendo, while describing the government intervention as a historic milestone, acknowledged that the Secretariat itself remains outside the allocation.

He referred to the league office as the ’19th club’ and appealed for government support for its operations.

More money reaching clubs does not automatically mean more money reaching the institution running the league.

Afcon opportunity

When Dennis Mugimba, spokesperson for the Ministry of Education and Sports, got the microphone as the chief guest, he made the conversation breathe beyond the government intervention.

‘The benefits are immense,’ he said, referring to Uganda’s co-hosting of Afcon 2027 and its wider socio-economic implications.

Mugimba also chairs the Communications and Signage Sub-Committee of the Afcon 2027 Local Organising Committee.

Then came the more pertinent question: how are the clubs positioning themselves for the immediate, short and long-term benefits?

Mugimba’s point was that Afcon should not simply be something Uganda hosts.

It should be something its football institutions are prepared to exploit commercially long after the tournament is done.

His example was almost embarrassingly basic. Some elite clubs, he said, still do not have official websites.

‘Social media is good,’ Mugimba said, ‘but when some high-value potential partner wants information about you, they look for your website.’ A website, he argued, remains irreplaceable.

It is the sort of mundane detail that can determine whether a club looks like a serious commercial property or merely a football team looking for sponsorship.

Accountability

Fufa president Moses Magogo made a similar argument from another direction.

He reminded clubs that the Shs5.5b is taxpayers’ money and that receiving it brings accountability, including tax and NSSF obligations.

But he also urged clubs to understand the language of government and potential investors – numbers.

‘These numbers help us to make a compelling case for government and private sector funding of football,’ Magogo said.

The league’s communications report suggests there is an audience to sell.

During the 2025/26 season, when there were 16 clubs, the league reported approximately 230 million total reach across digital, broadcast and traditional media, alongside about 4,200 mentions and 1.6 million interactions.

Its digital audit also put the combined following of the 16 clubs across major platforms at more than 1.62 million.

That is attention. The harder part, though, is converting attention into money.

Magogo’s answer was the oldest one in football – fans. ‘Money for the league comes from fans,’ he said, arguing that clubs with bigger fan data bases strengthen the value of broadcast rights and the league itself.

Mugimba took the idea further, challenging clubs to study the La Liga model where supporters can become shareholders, rather than merely members or consumers.

Give people a stake, he suggested, and the relationship between club and supporter changes.

That is an intriguing proposition for a league whose clubs still struggle to consistently fill stadiums.

And there will be more football to sell. The UPL has expanded from 16 to 18 clubs this season following last year’s controversial format collapse after only three matchdays, which resulted in an unusual promotion and relegation arrangement.

The 2026/27 season now carries 306 fixtures across 34 matchdays. More clubs mean more matches, players, staff, travel and operational costs.

Growth, by itself, is not financial sustainability. The clubs know some of the problems.

At the AGM, they raised the cost of importing sporting equipment, medical insurance and the need for genuine consultation over new competition regulations, including the requirement to have two Under-21 players on the pitch at all times.

Kitara already giving back

Kitara president Deo Kasozi offered perhaps the most grounded view of all.

With the government having invested heavily in Hoima’s infrastructure, he said the region had already immensely benefitted.

‘As Kitara, the government now owes us nothing,’ Kasozi, the AGM hosting president, said.

The club, he noted, had already returned Shs120m to the government through taxes and stadium-related operations from the matches it had played at Hoima City Stadium.

Therein lies the bigger story. Doors have been opened. But eventually, somebody has to walk through them and build the business.

The Shs5.5b can help clubs breathe. But it cannot teach them how to breathe on their own.

Shs5.5b – Government allocation to clubs

Shs3.091b – Projected 2027 StarTimes sponsorship-fee allocation

Shs2.803b – FSLL 2025 income

Shs2.728b – FSLL 2025 expenditure

Shs62.7m – 2025 surplus after exchange deficit

Shs1.998b – 2025 sponsorship funds distributed

18 – Clubs in 2026/27

306 – Fixtures in 2026/27

230m – 2025/26 total media reach

1.62m+ – Combined club social-media following in 2025/26

4,200+ – Media mentions

1.6m – Interactions

PNP backs 2 Senate-approved child safety bills amid school shootings

The Philippine National Police (PNP) supports two Senate-approved measures seeking to strengthen safeguards for children in schools and online, amid concerns over campus violence and digital threats.

In a statement on Tuesday, PNP chief Gen. Jose Melencio Nartatez Jr. said the proposed Comprehensive School Safety Act and Sagip Bata Act will reinforce efforts to protect children from threats in both physical and digital environments.

The remarks come amid renewed concerns over school violence following the Sept. 18 shooting at Banga National High School in South Cotabato that left two students dead and several others injured.

‘We stand ready to work with DepEd, local governments, and communities to ensure schools remain secure and protective environments for our learners,’ Nartatez said.

Senate Bill No. 2424, or the proposed Comprehensive School Safety Act, seeks to create a National School Safety Framework covering the prevention of, response to, and recovery from threats in school.

The measure will also require schools to develop localized safety plans that could include CCTV cameras, counseling services, emergency response systems, additional security measures, and anonymous reporting mechanisms.

It also proposes regulations on students’ use of mobile devices during class hours.

The proposed Sagip Bata Act, or Senate Bill No. 1819, seeks to address online sexual abuse and exploitation of children, including emerging threats involving technology.

It covers acts such as grooming, luring, sexual extortion, image-based abuse, livestreamed exploitation and the use of artificial intelligence to generate or manipulate sexual content involving children.

‘Our Anti-Cybercrime Group is intensifying monitoring of online platforms where children may be groomed, exploited or recruited,’ Nartatez said.

‘We are strengthening digital forensics, evidence preservation, and coordination with service providers,’ he added.

Students who experience threats, bullying, grooming or abuse are urged to report the incidents and seek assistance from authorities.

Baste Duterte ‘unaware’ sister Sara holds interest in GenCorp Industries

Davao City Mayor Sebastian ‘Baste’ Duterte said he is unaware that her sister, Vice President Sara Duterte, holds interest in GenCorp Industries Inc.

He also remarked that contracts between the corporation and the City of Davao are all ‘above board.’

According to the mayor, while reports say that Davao has transactions with GenCorp amounting to P14.3 million, there are actually transactions worth P33.2 million, equivalent to a total of 19 contracts.

Of the 19, 13 were already finished while six were still ongoing, the mayor said.

‘I, and all other officials and employees of the City Government of Davao, never had any knowledge of Vice President Sara Z. Duterte holding an interest in GENCORP INDUSTRIES INC,’ Mayor Duterte said in a statement on Monday.

‘Furthermore, neither the name Sara Zimmerman Duterte nor the surname ‘Duterte’ appears in any of the official documents, such as, among others, the Articles of Incorporation, submitted by GENCORP INDUSTRIES INC. across the 19 contracts and transactions in question,’ he mentioned.

The local government official issued the statement as the prosecution team intended to call him as its witness to the vice president’s impeachment trial as it continues the Article II presentation next week.

Article II accuses the vice president of amassing unexplained wealth; failing to ‘fully and truthfully’ declare her and her husband’s assets, liabilities, and net worth on her Statements of Assets, Liabilities and Net worth (SALNs); and failing to divest her business interests during her tenure as vice president.

The vice president’s name does not appear as an incorporator or stockholder of Gencorp in its Articles of Incorporation and General Information Sheets submitted to the commission from 2020 to 2025.

This is based on the records of the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) and as testified by SEC Company Registration and Monitoring Department Director Gerardo del Rosario on Monday.

However, in her SALNs from 2016 to 2025, which were also previously presented in the impeachment trial, Duterte declared that she was an incorporator or stockholder of Gencorp Industries Inc.

Meanwhile, Mayor Duterte maintained that the engagements of his office with GenCorp were legal, saying that ‘any claim otherwise shall be duly supported with verified evidence and reliable documents.’

In the same statement, he said, ‘In every instance, GENCORP INDUSTRIES INC. was rigorously evaluated and determined to have submitted the lowest calculated responsive bid or offer.’

‘Most importantly, in compliance with government procurement laws and administrative issuances, all 19 transactions have been duly processed, reported, and published on the Philippine Government Electronic Procurement System (PhilGEPS) portal.’

‘Any interested party seeking to verify the city’s transactions with GENCORP INDUSTRIES INC., or any other entity, is invited to review the official PhilGEPS website or coordinate with their office for authorized record access,’ he added.

Stakeholders mount pressure on FG to reactivate moribund refineries

As petrol prices are approaching N1,500 per litre in parts of Nigeria, thereby putting pressure on commuters and transport operators, the Federal Government has been urged to reactivate its refineries to increase domestic supply and help moderate pump prices.

The energy experts, while justifying the call, said the impact of high petrol costs goes beyond the filling station, as increased fuel expenses are passed through the transport system to commuters.

A former chairman of Major Energies Marketers Association of Nigeria (MEMAN), Adetunji Oyebanji, while speaking with the Nigerian Tribune, argued that bringing the government-owned refineries back into operation would expand Nigeria’s refining capacity and create greater competition in the downstream petroleum market.

According to him, the country needs several functional refineries competing for customers, rather than relying on a limited number of major suppliers.

He identified the Dangote, BUA and government-owned refineries as examples of facilities that could contribute to a more competitive refining market if operating at substantial capacity.

Oyebanji said that competition among refiners could help moderate petrol prices, although it would not necessarily make the product cheap.

‘If it’s only one person now, he can say, ‘I will sell at N1.500.’ But if there are three or four big refineries, one may say, ‘In order to get some business, I’ll sell my own at N1.400,” he said.

He explained that other refiners would then have an incentive to respond to competitive prices in order to retain customers.

‘So, it will keep the price moderate, but it’s not that it is going to reduce it completely,’ he said.

Also, an energy expert and lecturer at Ignatius Ajuru University of Education, Port Harcourt, Dr Joseph Obele, corroborated Oyebanji, urging the federal authority and the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) to revive the government-owned refineries, saying the rising crude oil prices have continued to put pressure on the cost of petroleum products and worsening the burden on Nigerian households and businesses.

According to him, the restart of the refineries could help strengthen domestic fuel supply and reduce Nigeria’s exposure to international market shocks.

Obele said the government should maximise every available refining capacity in the country rather than depend heavily on external sources of refined petroleum products at a time of rising global crude prices.

‘The immediate approach to the recent rise in petroleum prices is to restart the government-owned refineries,’ he said.

His position comes as international oil prices have risen amid geopolitical tensions involving the United States and Iran and concerns over potential disruptions around the Strait of Hormuz.

He said the effect of the higher crude prices was already being reflected in Nigeria’s downstream market, with Premium Motor Spirit (PMS) reportedly selling between N1,400 and N1,500 per litre in some locations, while Automotive Gas Oil (AGO) had risen above N2,000 per litre.

According to him, sustained increases in petroleum prices could trigger further increases in transportation, food, medical services and other essential commodities.

‘The continuous increase in the cost of petroleum products will invariably affect the prices of virtually all commodities and services. It will create additional inflationary pressure and deepen the financial hardship being experienced by Nigerians,’ he said.

Obele therefore called for the immediate return of the Port Harcourt and Warri refineries to sustainable production, arguing that government-owned facilities should complement private-sector refineries in meeting national fuel requirements.

He said reviving the refineries would not only increase domestic supply but also stimulate activities across the petroleum value chain, including employment for workers, contractors, marketers, transporters and other businesses.

According to him, the prolonged dormancy of government-owned refineries has affected economic activities connected to the facilities and weakened confidence in the country’s ability to fully utilise its petroleum resources.

Oyebanji said the effect of high petrol prices was particularly significant for commuters because transportation operators had to factor fuel costs into fares.

He cautioned against the assumption that local refining alone would automatically result in cheap petrol, saying its more immediate benefits would include increased domestic supply, reduced dependence on imported refined products and stronger competition.

He also recalled the controversies surrounding previous attempts to sell or attract private investment into the government-owned refineries, noting that organised labour had opposed some of the proposals.

Despite those challenges, he maintained that the facilities should be rehabilitated and returned to productive use.

He further stressed that adequate crude supply arrangements would be essential to the success of any refinery; saying operators must have reliable access to crude to sustain production.

The energy expert called for a coordinated strategy involving the rehabilitation of government refineries, expansion of private refining capacity and secures crude supply arrangements.

He said such measures, alongside targeted government intervention for vulnerable households, could help reduce the pressure of rising fuel and transportation costs on Nigerians.

Meanwhile , the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA) in a statement by its management has explained that the current pricing structure remained governed by the PIA’s free-market framework, saying it does not determine the prices charged at filling stations.

The Authority said its responsibility is to regulate market conduct, enforce applicable standards, promote fair competition and protect consumers, rather than determine the retail price of petrol.

The clarification comes amid growing pressure over the rising cost of Premium Motor Spirit (PMS), with the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) and petroleum marketers calling for government intervention as higher fuel costs continue to affect households, transport operators and businesses.

NMDPRA explained that petrol pricing operates under the deregulated framework established by the Petroleum Industry Act 2021 and is therefore determined by market conditions rather than a pump-price template issued by the regulator.

According to the Authority, Section 205(1) of the PIA provides for wholesale and retail petroleum product prices to be based on unrestricted free-market conditions. It added that it does not fix pump prices or issue administrative pricing templates.

According to the regulator, government intervention in petroleum pricing is restricted under Sections 205(2) to 205(4) to exceptional circumstances where there is formal evidence of a declared market failure. It said no such market failure has been declared.

The NMDPRA, however, stressed that deregulation does not remove its responsibility to enforce competition and consumer-protection rules across the downstream market.

It said Section 216 of the PIA empowers it to address anti-competitive practices, price-fixing and abuse of market dominance.

The Authority said it is working with the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Commission under a memorandum of understanding to monitor practices including price-gouging, collusion, under-dispensing and compromised product quality.

It also plans to establish dedicated reporting channels through which consumers and industry stakeholders can submit complaints about irregular pricing and other exploitative practices for investigation and enforcement.

The regulator said it is further working with the Nigeria Customs Service and other security agencies to strengthen surveillance along border corridors and prevent the illegal diversion of petroleum products out of the country.

Yewa North LG chairman boosts education with learning materials

Chairman of Yewa North Local Government Area of Ogun State, Dr. Olusola Akinbode, has distributed learning materials to pupils in the council as part of efforts to strengthen basic education and improve teaching and learning.

Speaking with journalists during the exercise in Ayetoro, Akinbode said the intervention was aimed at supporting pupils and teachers while complementing the ongoing efforts of the state government to improve the standard of education.

He described education as a major priority of his administration, noting that the initiative was in line with the education agenda of the government.

‘We will continue to support our schools and provide the necessary materials that will make learning easier and more effective for our children in the council,’ Akinbode said.

The chairman said his administration was committed to ensuring that pupils, irrespective of their location in the council, had access to essential educational facilities and materials.

He also highlighted some of the council’s interventions in the education sector, including the construction and furnishing of a three-classroom block at Ansarudeen Primary School, Imasai; the renovation of a four-classroom block, at Ebute-Igboro; and an intervention at Yewa Central Primary School, Igan-Alade.

Akinbode, in a release by the council’s zonal Information Office, Later Akintunde urged the pupils to take their studies seriously and make judicious use of the materials provided, assuring them that the local government would continue to support initiatives aimed at improving education.

Speaking separately, the representative of Comprehensive High School, Ayetoro Comprehensive, Mrs. Ijeoma Nawaedeh of Comprehensive High School (Junior), commended the state and local governments for their various interventions in the education sector.

Nawaedeh described the provision of learning materials and improved learning facilities as a welcome development, saying the initiative would motivate both teachers and pupils to perform better.

Similarly, Mrs. Rebecca Akinwunmi of United Primary School and Mrs. Florence Bankole of Ayetoro Sector appreciated the chairman for the gesture, noting that the intervention would contribute to effective teaching and learning.

The beneficiaries also expressed appreciation for the initiative, describing it as timely and beneficial to their academic pursuits.

Why I linked Isbae U with Obasanjo – Charly Boy

Veteran entertainer and activist, Charly Boy, has explained why he helped connect former President Olusegun Obasanjo with Nigerian comedian and content creator, Isbae U, for his popular YouTube programme, Curiosity Made Me Ask.

Charly Boy, in a post on X on Monday, said he facilitated the meeting because he believed in creating opportunities for young Nigerians and encouraging older generations to engage with their ideas and platforms.

According to him, Obasanjo’s appearance on the programme demonstrated what could happen when experienced older Nigerians were willing to step into the world of younger people.

‘Sometimes, the greatest thing you fit give a young person no be money. Na opportunity. Look at wetin happen when Baba entered Bae U’s world,’ he wrote.

Charly Boy noted that Obasanjo, despite his age and experience, embraced the unconventional format of the programme and matched Isbae U’s energy.

‘A man of his age and experience sat down with a young man whose style dey completely different from wetin he is used to. Baba no just sit there looking serious. He matched the energy, played along and showed Nigerians another side of himself,’ he said.

Explaining his role in bringing the two together, Charly Boy said he had enough confidence in the young people behind the programme to introduce them to the former president.

‘And who helped make that connection happen? CharlyBoy. Fada believed in the young people behind that show enough to pull Baba into their space,’ he said.

Obasanjo’s appearance on Curiosity Made Me Ask attracted widespread attention after the former president joined in the programme’s trademark humour and banter with Isbae U.

The host jokingly introduced Obasanjo as his former employee, claiming that he had paid his salary, provided his food and paid his rent at Aso Rock between 1999 and 2007.

Obasanjo played along with the joke while also responding to questions about contemporary Nigerian pop culture, including whether he knew music producer, Don Jazzy; dancer, Poco Lee; and content creator, Carter Efe.

The former president said he did not know them, prompting further banter from the host.

Reflecting on the wider significance of the interview, Charly Boy urged older Nigerians to do more than encourage young people to succeed, saying they should also create opportunities for them.

‘To the older generation: don’t only tell young people to succeed. Give them room. Open doors. Recommend them. Trust them with opportunities,’ he wrote.

He also urged young Nigerians to prepare themselves to take advantage of opportunities when they come.

‘To the younger generation: don’t wait for somebody to hand you a future. Build something worth believing in. When opportunity comes, be ready,’ he said.

Charly Boy called for greater collaboration between generations, saying such partnerships could create opportunities for both the young and old.

‘When generations support each other, everybody gets to grow. Na so legacy suppose work,’ he wrote.

From bills to resolutions, Senate data show lawmakers’ output

Sen. Lito Lapid’s recent questioning of a witness in the impeachment proceedings against Vice President Sara Duterte – said to be his first – has renewed attention on the legislative work of celebrities who became politicians.

But for Dr. Alicor Panao, data scientist for Inquirer and associate professor at the University of the Philippines, legislative data from the Senate present a more complicated picture, especially when the number of bills that became law is considered.

Lapid, he said, has authored 798 bills throughout his career, 97 of which were listed as having become law. This places him eighth among senators with available legislative profiles when ranked by bills that became law, ahead of Sen. Francis Pangilinan with 67 and Sen. Panfilo Lacson with 53.

2027: INEC moves to strengthen archiving, documentation

The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has initiated a capacity-building workshop for Public Affairs Officers (PAOs) focused on archiving, cataloguing, and documentation.

This workshop is part of INEC’s efforts to strengthen institutional memory in preparation for the 2027 General Election.

Held in Abuja under the theme ‘Preserving Institutional Memory Through Effective Archiving and Documentation,’ the workshop continues the capacity-building program for PAOs that began on Tuesday, emphasizing strategic communication.

In her welcome remarks, Mrs. Victoria Eta-Messi, the Director of Voter Education and Publicity, highlighted that archiving and documentation are critical components of the Commission’s operations.

She emphasized that proper preservation of records will enable INEC to learn from previous electoral cycles and enhance its processes.

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Eta-Messi noted that the Graphic, Library, and Documentation (GLD) Division, being the newest within the department, requires strengthened capacity across the states to effectively fulfill its responsibilities.

She urged participants to take the training seriously and apply the knowledge gained in their respective offices.

She explained that proper archiving would help the Commission preserve its processes and institutional knowledge ‘for posterity, reference, and lesson learning.’

Eta-Messi pointed out that records from previous electoral cycles are sometimes left in boxes or poorly organized, making it challenging for the Commission to conduct comparative analyses and learn from past experiences. She encouraged PAOs to support the department and the Commission in fulfilling their archiving and documentation responsibilities.

Mr. Adedayo Oketola, the Chief Press Secretary to the INEC Chairman, also stressed the importance of this initiative, especially as the Commission prepares for the 2027 elections. He echoed the remarks of the Director of Voter Education and Publicity and encouraged participants to make effective use of the training.

Discussing the objectives of the workshop, Mrs. Perpetua Obiageri Aligwara, the Deputy Director of Graphic, Library, and Documentation, stated that every election cycle generates crucial decisions, procedures, and lessons essential for the Commission’s continuity.

She said Voter Education and Publicity Department considered structured archiving and documentation a core capacity-building priority as Commission prepares for 2027.

Aligwara identified loss of procedural knowledge, inconsistent application of guidelines across state and local offices, and difficulties in explaining rationale behind previous decisions as some risks associated with poor records management.

She stressed need for central and secure archive for election guidelines, results documentation, litigation records, post-election reviews and other activities including written and pictorial records.

She said effective documentation would help safeguard consistency, transparency and public confidence across election cycles.

Resource person, Mr. Osarome Ogbebor, took participants through records creation and filing practices, information organisation, basics of cataloguing and classification and management of records throughout their lifecycle.

Another resource person, Mr. Elijah Olawale Azeez, focused on protection of institutional records and control of access.

The two-day training is expected to equip PAOs with practical knowledge and skills to support effective archiving, cataloguing, documentation and preservation of Commission’s institutional records.

FROM JINGLE TO SOUNDSTRIP | My friendship with Tony Maghirang

The man who wrote in morsels had the most to say.

Antonio ‘Tony’ Maghirang was a music writer, critic, and fan. He was and is synonymous with the late great Jingle magazine. A journalistic institution in the music scene who reviewed multiple albums in the space of a few paragraphs. He was succinct, didn’t mince his words, and was never going to sugarcoat anything.

And that is how we met. Or clashed, if you will.

In 1982, Tony reviewed Canadian progressive rock band Rush’s Moving Pictures album. He trashed it and even compared it to a local band’s release (that was new wave and not even prog rock).

I walked over to the Jingle offices along P. Tuazon and 7th Avenue (I lived around the corner along 8th Avenue) and handed over a letter to the editors for their Bongga and Boquilla section for letter writers.

I expressed my protest and ended the missive by telling Tony to ‘clean your ears with hydrochloric acid.’

I thought that was the end of that, except that letter spawned a life of its own, with some other readers siding with me and some not in agreement. And it went on for a while in the letter column.

Thirty-six years later, in 2018, I was invited by my cousin Bing Pascual to cover a Valentine’s show she was producing featuring Lolita Carbon and Noli Aurillo at the Manila Hotel.

One of the media guests was Tony Maghirang, and he sat right before me. Tony turned and asked, ‘Rick, galit ka pa sa akin?’

I said no. Heavens, I was a 15-year-old kid in 1982. I wouldn’t even write such a thing today. I apologized, and Tony accepted. We became friends and worked together on a couple of projects where I invited him to cover Space-Ta, Kiss the Bride, Ebe Dancel, Wolfgang, and other launches.

During the Ebe Dancel EP launch, Tony made it in spite of battling gout.

‘Wouldn’t miss it for the world,’ he told me as he sauntered in with a limp.

But Tony was a trouper. Even decades after Jingle, he still stayed relevant, even with all the new jack writers coming in, and that says something about who he is as a writer and a person.

During the Covid-19 lockdown, when the Jingle documentary Jingle Lang ang Pahina became available for online viewing for a limited time, that letter I wrote was recounted by Tony, and he named me. This was shot in 2012, six years before we renewed acquaintances.

I viewed it with my equal parts shame and glee, and no offense was taken. I did, after all, write it.

A few years ago, Ian Urrutia invited Tony and me to be panelists for a special screening of the Jingle documentary along with its director, Chuck Escasa. And what a thrill it was sitting next to Tony discussing those good old days, aside from hearing Chuck’s love letter to the pioneering music magazine and guest Jing Garcia’s cool anecdotes.

We had lunch afterwards in a nearby restaurant in Poblacion, Makati, where he regaled me with tales from his Jingle days.

It was a pleasure working with Tony in the final eight years of his life. We became colleagues in the Soundstrip section of Business Mirror and Rolling Stone Philippines. We would sit next to each other during events, and I would frequently invite him to my events, and he vice versa. He even supported my underground record label, Eikon Records, reviewed some (thankfully, he didn’t trash them), and even purchased a Keltscross T-shirt that I made.

We started as ‘not really friends’ but ended up as really good friends. When you work with an institution like Tony Maghirang, you soak up as much knowledge and wisdom from them.

I sit stunned at his passing. I know all lives come to an end. But as I said, he is an institution. The man might not be here anymore, but the memories, his words, his articles, and his presence surely enriched Filipino music history.

Digital plates: No value for money, documents show

The leadership of car dealership associations in the country early this month lifted the lid on frustrations, hurdles, and bottlenecks surrounding acquisition of digital/electronic number plates.

They surmised that the country sleep walked into the system while the Russian manufacturer, Joint Stock Company Global Security (JSCGS) appears overwhelmed.

While appearing before the Sectoral Committee on Physical Infrastructure on September 2, the leadership of Kampala City Traders Association (KACITA), Federations of Uganda Customs Agents and Freight Forwarders (FUCAFF), and Associated Motor Dealers, that represents motor vehicle importers and bond dealers, raised a litany of concerns that have worsened backlog of cars without number plates and exacerbated systematic corruption as desperate car buyers are cornered to pay kickbacks to get plates swiftly.

The concerns range from disharmony between Uganda Revenue Authority (URA) and customs agents, insufficient training and awareness among custom agents, weak stakeholder engagements, inadequate implementation centers, a lack of a clear policy to integrate customs operations with the new technology, and quadrupling of costs for number plates: Shs714,000, up from Shs137,000, for first time registration for all automobiles.

‘It should be noted that this cost is transferable to the end user which ultimately raises the cost of the unit cost consumed. A transparent breakdown and justification of the costs would be considered and for public interest. The cost should not exceed at least Shs400,000 for a new motor vehicle number plate and Shs150,000 for motorcycles, while the replacement fee should be maintained at Shs50,000 for all categories,’ Mr Abel Mwesigye, the KACITA representative said.

Similarly, officials from Associated Motor Dealers and FUCAFF laid bare a number of challenges plaguing the digital/electronic number plates supply chain, much to the puzzlement of lawmakers. Some lawmakers, sworn in from May 13 to May 15, and received their Shs315m one-off vehicle grant in mid-July, shared their personal experiences about the challenges associated with the electronic number plates.

Digital/electronic number plates technology is part of the Intelligent Transport Monitoring System (ITMS) project implemented by the ministries of Works and Transport, and Security. How the plates exactly work in the absence of robust infrastructure for wireless technology that connects to central monitoring systems remains a mystery.

Veneer of innovation?

Officials have previously explained that digital plates integrate unique identification features, such as embedded microchips and quick response (QR) code or RFID tags- a type of technology used to automatically identify and track objects-that make it easy to track automobiles. These are directly linked to a central database.

While defending and popularising the technology, one of President Museveni’s June 2018 blueprint for curbing high-profile criminality, officials cited additional advantages of easily tracking and recovering stolen automobiles

However, KACITA officials told the Mbarara South Division MP, Mwine Mpaka-led committee that a significant number of motorcycles mounted with the digital plates since early November 2024 have been reported stolen and have not been traced despite efforts by their owners.

‘This raises questions regarding the effectiveness of the system in delivering one of its primary objectives of enhancing security and facilitating identification and recovery of stolen assets,’ Mr Mwesigye added.

The Physical Infrastructure committee in earnest kicked off the electronic/digital number plate scrutiny in late August with summons to officials in the ministries of Works, Security, Internal Affairs and Justice and Constitutional Affairs.

The Security Minister Jim Muhwezi appeared before the committee on August 26 to request for time to allow the responsible agencies to prepare coordinated responses. However, almost a month later, officials are yet to appear before the committee.

The car dealership associations told the committee of a backlog of vehicles without plates, owing to shortages at the manufacturing level. They further explained that for instance, there is a backlog of 200 vehicles pending fitting with the plates and taxes were paid last month, when the plates are available; the system does not follow a sequence; it follows what is available that day going backwards.

Confidential documents seen by Daily Monitor indicate that the government’s coveted ITMS project was not backed by cogent studies to establish ‘optimal benefits.’

An internal memo by the Ministry of Finance for the review of the ITMS feasibility study details that the project implementer, the Russian company, JSCGS, provided a blanket figure of $127m (Shs449b) as the project cost without detailing an affordability assessment nor accompanying financial model showing a breakdown of project and operating costs and the proposed cost recovery mechanism.

‘There is no assessment on the affordability of the project to the Ministry of Security and office of the President, and the impact of the project on the contracting authority’s budget if any,’ the memo reads in part. The assessment report is key ‘for purposes of streamlining and committing resources if needed’ towards project implementation.

The memo dated August 22, 2022, further, details that the Russian company’s feasibility study report-which assesses the potential for success of a proposed project-did not include a risk analysis nor detail particular risks or assign any to specific parties, leaving the government exposed.

‘No value for money assessment has been included,’ the memo reads, further detailing that the company assessment report also did not include solid cost parameters for the entire project duration nor any envisaged future contingent liabilities.

The Office of the President had requested the Finance Ministry on August 16, 2022 to review the Russian company’s project documents.

Behind the scenes

Inexplicably, documents reveal that the digital plates’ feasibility study report was put together by a working group comprising officials from the Ministries of Security, Works, and Finance, Solicitor General’s office, Uganda Police, UPDF and its commercial arm- National Enterprise Corporation (NEC), National Information Technology Authority Uganda (NITA-U), URA, Kampala Capital City Authority (KCCA), and JSCGS.

A feasibility study is a formal evaluation that tests whether a proposed project or business venture is practical, achievable, and worth pursuing before you spend time or money. Ordinarily, the feasibility study report is prepared by prospective investors.

After the working group’s report, Gen Elly Tumwine, then as Minister of Security, in September 2020, recommended implementation of ITMS in a phased manner, covering ‘a restricted number of vehicles and motorcycles to be able to ascertain the detailed project scope in terms of data required per month, man-hours, duration for full commissioning, etc.’

Even then, the Finance ministry memo states that the Russian company in its pitch provided only ‘one option for improving security and tracking vehicles without offering other potential options nor reference on their comparative advantages and disadvantages.’

The Finance memo inferred that the Russian company’s feasibility study and financial model were at best sketchy, and did not indicate explicitly ‘financial commitments and contingent liabilities nor made any disclosures’ and did not clarify ‘on future hand back costs if any.’ Hand back expenses refer to costs that arise at the end of the contract.

The Russian company’s sketchy risk analysis, the ministry noted, did not highlight technology-related risks and transfer, costs and management, mitigation plan nor apportionment of the relevant stakeholders. Also, the feasibility study report did not indicate ‘key performance indicators’ against which the performance of the Russian company would be assessed.

This newspaper reached out to JSCGS for a comment on the matter but got no response. Officials from the Ministry of Work and Transport, which oversees [digital] number plate manufacturing, declined to be drawn into discussions on the matter, and referred to the Ministry of Security regarding the pre-implementation processes.

JSCGS, according to the Finance memo, also erroneously stated in its study report that the subsisting legal framework did not provide a clear process of Motor Vehicle registration, manufacturing of number plates, accountability for issuance, storage, disposal and monitoring of number plates. The company also claimed that the then process at first-time registration, post-registration and number plate printing were not governed by the law.

Conversely, Section three of the Traffic and Road Safety Act, 1998, provided for registration and re-registration of motor vehicles in the country. The Traffic and Road Safety (Vehicle Registration, Licensing and Third-Party Insurance) (Amendment) Regulations, 2012, provided for the process of first-time registration and re-registration, the payable fees, and the specifications for the license plates to be issued.

According to the memo, the company also did not provide a ‘clear data protection plan’ in conformity with the Data Protection Act, 2019, for the considerable data collected from the public motor vehicle owners.

‘It is understood that this (data collection) will be done in the interest of the public and national security, but the proposal should also give a detailed approach for ensuring that individual privacy is protected and the data collected is not used wrongly,’ the memo reads in part.

Regarding the usage of existing government infrastructure, documents reveal that the company did not provide how the traffic system ‘will be integrated with the Closed-Circuit Television (CCTV) network in Uganda and if any modifications or adjustments have to be made to the existing system or otherwise.

Sketchy studies, models!

Following a thorough scrutiny of JSCGS’ feasibility report, co-prepared by the government, the Ministry of Finance wrote back to the Office of the President indicating that ‘without a value for money assessment’ there was no justification for the project, and ‘particularly implementing it as a Public Private Partnership’ (PPP) as the Russian company had initially floated.

‘No detailed financial model has been submitted. The financial model is crucial for purposes of establishing core project assumptions, costings, sensitivities, fiscal commitments and structuring of a repayment plan. In the absence of the model, the financial obligations of the government remain uncertain, and the basis for the estimated project cost cannot be ascertained,’ the Ministry of Finance said in the rejoinder.

The Finance ministry recommended to the Office of the President that JSCGS address the massive gaps identified in their sketchy study and resubmit the report for further assessment to take the project forward.

It is not cleared whether both the Russian company and the Office of the President addressed the concerns identified in the review.

However, Mr Matia Kasaija, then as Minister of Finance, on September 9, 2022, wrote to his Ministry of Security (under the Office of the President) counterpart, now the late Gen Eli Tumwine, and the then Attorney General, Mr Kiryowa Kiwanuka, noting that the ITMS project falls short of a PPP undertaking, as previously guided by the President, owing to the concerns raised.

‘In light of the above, it is advised that the Ministry of Security proceeds to implement the project under a classified arrangement as provided under existing legal processes,’ Mr Kasaija wrote.

The Finance Ministry, according to correspondence, had earlier in September guided the Ministry of Security that the ITMS cannot be developed as a PPP, as legally, the procedure would require making all project details and documents ‘public.’

President Museveni first hinted at mounting tracking chips on all boda bodas and vehicles during his address to parliament on security in the country in June 2018 in the wake of the assassination of Arua Municipality MP, Ibrahim Abiriga in June 2018.

The move was part of the President’s 12-point plan, including fingerprinting all guns and installing CCTVs on streets to fight high-level crime in the country and curb high-profile criminality in the country.

Following the President’s pronouncement, documents seen by Daily Monitor indicate that officials from the Ministries of Security and Works, respectively, went to work to procure ‘a tracking solution.’

Later in 2019, JSCGS arrived on the horizon for the venture. The company, according to knowledgeable sources, was introduced to the President, who in turn directed that it work with officials in the ministries of Works and Security. Rather, officials went about frustrating the company on the deal.

The President, according to correspondence, selected a team to conduct due diligence on the company. Consequently, on November 18, 2019, President Museveni wrote to the then Prime Minister Ruhakana Rugunda introducing JSCGS.

‘A Russian company came up with such a solution. They are ready to implement it at their own cost and will recover their money from a fee put on each platform that will be agreed with the government. Some time ago, they seemed to have finished their assessment and they are ready. However, they are being tossed around,’ President Museveni wrote.

He added: ‘Besides, I hear that the Ministry of Works and Transport is trying to get another system. This is a duplication. One system is enough for the country.’

From digital chips to AutoEPS

The President further spelt out four directives: that JSCGS be immediately allowed to start on the project; recover their money from a fee agreed with government-he said if criminals migrate to bicycles, we may add them in future; the project should be implemented as a classified one; and no other government agency be allowed to acquire a parallel system.

‘No more delays. The only alteration to this order will be if the technology doesn’t work. What do you want the technology to do? It should the following: track, electronically, all the vehicles and piki-pikis; and, if anybody tries to tamper with the electronic devices or tries to remove the number plates, the central brain of the system should be alerted, and security should go for him/her,’ Mr Museveni wrote.

Accordingly, a multi-sectoral project management team was established to handhold JSCGS on the project.

While intelligent transport solutions and systems, to improve efficiency and safety, have been applied in nearly all major cities around the world, there is no readily available information on which country has successfully mounted digital tracking chips functioning in real time.

Even with Uganda as a pioneer, some [IT] pundits have variously questioned how the system will work in the absence of extensive and robust internet infrastructure, including a wireless system, on the streets and across highways to enable the trackers sync with the command center/database to track and monitor all automobiles in real time.

Some European Union countries, with such infrastructure, require digital chips mounted on only specific vehicles, such as those transporting hazardous materials, commercial trucks, and public transport.

As for Uganda, to this day, JSCGS’ technology is not properly explained. The company once defended the decision in order not to tip off criminals, including car-jerkers.

There is also no readily available information on where the Russian company has employed the coveted technology before, not even in its home country. A trove of government documents relating to the ITMS is silent on the same.

In June last year, JSCGS and the Ministry of Works were thrust into a storm of rolling out the Automated Express Penalty System (AutoEPS), a novel idea to curb indiscipline on the country’s roads and a modern concept for traffic enforcement.

Days after piloting the system a number of concerns emerged: the unrealistic speed limits, lowered from 50km/hr to 30km/hr in urban areas, against which extortionate fines were enforced; poor signage of where the video surveillance has been installed, and revelations by a parliamentary committee that the Ministry of Works had entered into a dubious revenue-sharing arrangement with the company.

Sources indicated that the company had banked on the hefty fines to bankroll its number plate printing venture, which, since the signing of a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) in July 2021 with the government, had been set back by liquidity challenges.