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Two Nigerians charged with illegal voting in US

Two Nigerian nationals alongside 61 foreign nationals have been charged with alleged illegal voting and fraudulent claims of the American citizenship by the United States Department of Justice.

The two Nigerians identified as Mohammed Omar Hassan, 61 and Michael Agah, 74, both lawful permanent residents, allegedly participated in federal elections despite not being American citizens.

According to the Department of Justice, Hassan had allegedly participated in the 2022 and 2024 elections despite the prohibition of non-US citizens involvement in federal elections.

Agah on the other hand, was said to have falsely claimed American citizenship in order to participate in the election.

The 74-year-old had allegedly declared himself an American citizen on an Authorization to Vote form and had voted in the November 5, 2024 federal election.

This comes amid the campaign against alleged election related offences in the US with 195 non-citizens charged in nine weeks.

The alleged offences include voting by non-US citizens in federal elections, falsely claiming American citizenship to register or vote and using fraudulent voter registration applications.

APC’s court cases won’t affect 2027 election – Reps member

A House of Representatives member from Kogi State, Leke Abejide, has dismissed concerns that court cases arising from the All Progressives Congress (APC) primaries could weaken the party’s chances in the 2027 general election.

Speaking on TVC News’ Beyond The Headlines on Monday, Abejide said only two cases were pending in court and expressed confidence that the disputes would not undermine the APC’s electoral prospects.

‘So, to me, only two cases are in court and cannot affect the election of APC. This I know,’ he said.

The lawmaker urged aspirants dissatisfied with the outcome of the primaries to embrace dialogue and consider future opportunities within the party.

‘I believe, you know, this party is larger than anything. So anybody that is in court now as a result of not making its candidate, I believe tomorrow is there for him or her,’ he said.

Abejide cautioned aggrieved members against allowing their grievances to damage their relationship with the party, warning that doing so could jeopardise future political opportunities.

He also defended his defection from the African Democratic Congress to the APC, saying the decision enjoyed the backing of his constituents.

According to him, supporters had urged him to join the ruling party because they wanted him in the political mainstream rather than the opposition.

‘Very, very happy. In fact, even before I came, there was so much clamour that I should please join the mainstream,’ he said when asked about his constituents’ reaction to the move.

Are Sri Lanka’s corporates ready to meet rising shareholder activism?

In 2023, cloud software giant Salesforce became the target of a historic, multi-front campaign led by a swarm of high-profile activist investors, including Elliott Investment Management, ValueAct Capital, Starboard Value, Third Point, and Inclusive Capital. They cited Salesforce’s slowing revenue growth, bloated cost structure, and history of expensive, dilutive acquisitions like Slack and Tableau as the raison d’être for their actions. They demanded an immediate pivot from aggressive expansion to operational efficiency, margin expansion, and disciplined capital allocation.

Faced with escalating pressure and the threat of costly public proxy contests, CEO Marc Benioff and Salesforce’s leadership responded with swift corporate transformations. Salesforce initiated sweeping workforce reductions, cutting 10% of its staff and downsizing its real estate footprint to dramatically curb operating expenses. To demonstrate stronger corporate governance, the company refreshed its Board of directors, appointed ValueAct CEO Mason Morfit to the Board, and disbanded its dedicated strategic M and A committee to restrict further buyout sprees. Furthermore, Salesforce launched aggressive share buyback programs and eventually paid out its first-ever quarterly dividend, funneling billions of dollars directly back to shareholders. The collaborative restructuring paid off rapidly as Salesforce reported surging operating margins and robust free cash flow, driving a sharp rally in its share price. Satisfied with the swift operational pivot and improved financial performance, firms like Elliott withdrew their proposed Board slates. For me, this event stands as a textbook example of how concentrated activist pressure can rapidly force a tech giant to transition from a growth-at-all-cost mindset into a high-margin, disciplined profit engine.

Now a mainstream

Shareholder activism is now a mainstream, year-round force reshaping global corporate governance. Activist campaigns are surging, targeting companies across all sectors and size categories. No brand or market cap is too large to remain insulated from aggressive investor scrutiny. Driven by a desire to unlock shareholder value, institutional funds and boutique activist investors are increasingly using strategic leverage to demand immediate operational, governance, and financial transformation.

At its core, shareholder activism exists on a delicate balance of risks and rewards. On the positive side, proponents argue that activist investors function as vital external catalysts for underperforming companies. By targeting bloated cost structures, stagnant management, or poor capital allocation, activists have succeeded in revitalising stagnant operations. These campaigns often force long-overdue corporate restructurings, accelerate beneficial M and A deals, improve Board diversity, and demand stricter executive accountability, generating substantial short-to-medium-term returns for shareholders. Conversely, critics contend that activism often prioritises short-term stock performance over sustainable, long-term strategic growth. They argue that pushing for immediate cash payouts, aggressive cost cuts, dividend hikes, or rapid asset breakups guts essential R and D budgets and erodes long-term institutional stability. Furthermore, public proxy fights divert tremendous time, capital, and leadership energy away from core business operations.

At its core, shareholder activism exists on a delicate balance of risks and rewards. Shareholder activism is now a mainstream, year-round force reshaping global corporate governance. Activist campaigns are surging, targeting companies across all sectors and size categories. Shareholder activism in Sri Lanka remains in a nascent, evolving stage compared to western markets

To survive and thrive in this climate, corporate Boards must stop being reactive. Modern executives must perform rigorous ‘activist’ audits on their own operational portfolios, proactively engage in open, ongoing dialogue with top shareholders, and articulate clear, long-term value-creation narratives.

Shareholder activism in Sri Lanka remains in a nascent, evolving stage compared to western markets. While aggressive institutional proxy battles and activist hedge fund campaigns are rare on the Colombo Stock Exchange (CSE), investor activism is increasingly manifesting through legal protections, regulatory interventions, and organised minority shareholder pressure. Historically, corporate ownership in Sri Lanka has been concentrated within family-owned conglomerates and tightly controlled voting blocs, which have often limited the power of retail and institutional minority investors to influence executive decisions or Board compositions. However, statutory frameworks, primarily the Companies Act No. 7 of 2007 and Securities and Exchange Commission governance directives, have empowered shareholders with mechanisms such as derivative actions, minority buyout rights, and legal remedies against oppression or unfair practices.

Activism in Sri Lanka

Activism in Sri Lanka currently centres on minority protections during mergers, capital restructurings, and transparency issues. Recently, minority shareholders of Associated Motor Finance PLC (AMF) pushed for minority safeguards during the company’s mandatory amalgamation into L B Finance PLC. After the company offered Rs. 55 per share to buy out minority investors and delist from the Colombo Stock Exchange, dissenting shareholders rejected the cash consideration as inadequate. Exercising statutory rights under Section 93 of the Companies Act No. 7 of 2007, minority investors formally demanded that the Board purchase their shares at a fair and reasonable value. Despite these objections, LB Finance finalised the merger, resulting in AMF’s share cancellation and license revocation.

In early 2024, Japan’s SG Holdings Global announced plans to delist its Sri Lankan logistics subsidiary, Expolanka Holdings PLC, offering a voluntary buyout to minority shareholders at Rs. 185 per share. Minority shareholders mounted strong opposition, alleging that the exit price significantly undervalued Expolanka given its substantial global asset base, past earnings performance, and long-term potential. Activist retail investors characterised the transaction as an opportunistic buyout that disadvantaged local minority owners. The grievance led minority investors to file legal actions in court seeking to halt or reassess the offer terms. Following Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) approval and the conclusion of the voluntary exit offer, SG Holdings increased its shareholding to over 99.6%. Expolanka officially completed its delisting from the Colombo Stock Exchange in September 2024.

The above events underscore how Sri Lankan minority investors are leveraging statutory buyout mechanics and regulatory appeals to demand price fairness and transparency during corporate restructurings.

A common misconception about shareholder activism is that it targets broken or fundamentally bad businesses

Additionally, minority investors in Sri Lankan corporates frequently utilise judicial remedies under minority protection statutes to challenge majority decisions perceived as prejudicial. Courts have routinely seen applications for derivative actions and injunctions blocking major transactions or related-party transfers executed without proper shareholder consent or independent valuations. Retail investor activism also regularly flares during Annual General Meetings or through formal petitions to the Securities and Exchange Commission. Shareholders actively challenge Board decisions regarding delayed dividend distributions, executive remuneration, and inadequate disclosures on related-party transactions. As CSE listing rules evolve and institutional standards rise, shareholder activism in Sri Lanka is steadily shifting from passive resistance toward structured corporate governance accountability.

A quiet reckoning

A quiet reckoning approaches Sri Lankan Boardrooms. The days of treating capital as a passive commodity and Board seats as comfortable sanctuaries are coming to an end. For decades, legacy conglomerates and entrenched management teams have shielded underperforming asset bases behind voting blocs and historical prestige. But as economic pressures intensify and institutional oversight sharpens, corporate Sri Lanka must look inward and confront a hard truth: complacency is no longer an option.

When a company consistently fails to sweat its real estate, optimise its Balance Sheet, or unlock the true potential of its operations, it invites corporate predators and the sharp scrutiny of shareholder activism. Investors are waking up, recognising that persistent value gaps are not inevitable market conditions, but the direct result of operational inertia and unexamined strategy. Boards can no longer hide behind vague promises of long-term vision while current capital lies stagnant. To survive this impending shift, Sri Lankan Boards must undergo a soul-searching transformation. They must perform ruthless self-audits, adopt the mindset of an activist against their own inefficiencies, and prioritise genuine value creation over comfortable precedent. The market is opening, and accountability is demanding its seat at the table.

A common misconception about shareholder activism is that it targets broken or fundamentally bad businesses. Activist investors rarely seek out failing enterprises with structurally flawed business models or terminal decline. Instead, they hunt for high-quality, fundamentally sound companies that are severely underperforming their underlying asset base. Activists target the ‘value gap’, i.e., the discrepancy between a company’s current equity valuation and its full potential value if its operations and balance sheet are optimised. A firm possessing iconic brands, valuable intellectual property, prime real estate, or market-leading cash flows becomes an ideal target when hindered by bloated corporate overhead, inefficient capital allocation, or risk-averse management. Bad companies offer little margin of safety. Their deficient performance reflects terminal industry tailwinds or weak competitive moats. Conversely, an asset-rich but operationally sluggish company presents a lucrative canvas.

The days of treating capital as a passive commodity and board seats as comfortable sanctuaries are coming to an end. Sri Lankan boards must undergo a soul-searching transformation. They must perform ruthless self-audits, adopt the mindset of an activist against their own inefficiencies, and prioritise genuine value creation over comfortable precedent. The market is opening, and accountability is demanding its seat at the table

By acquiring a targeted stake, activists leverage structural balance sheet inefficiencies to demand divestitures, margin expansion, share buybacks, or strategic realignments. Activists do not arrive to perform medical resuscitation on dying corporations. They step in to unlock latent potential, serving as aggressive catalysts that force ‘lazy’ management to divest noncore assets, pursue carve-outs, and separate businesses they believe would be worth more on their own. As observed by McKinsey, the image of activism is not just about Board seats, buybacks, and proxy fights. Those issues remain relevant, but the activist agenda increasingly addresses operational and portfolio choices that influence performance and company value. Activists are signaling investor preferences for more-focused companies. They are pushing for CEO performance, Board composition, and management accountability,

Be proactive

In this light, there is a need for Sri Lanka’s corporates to be proactive in preparing for and managing the increasing involvement of activist shareholders. I suggest that Boards have a bi-annual agenda item to discuss governance, strategy, and operating issues which are likely to attract the attention of activists. Independent directors can be asked to think like activists and prepare a note for Board discussion. As observed by Peter Drucker; ‘The best way to predict the future is to create it.’ Rather than treating activism as an unexpected crisis, forward-thinking directors can identify, up front, the key issues which are likely to create shareholder disappointment. By incorporating this review into the regular Board calendar, Boards can transform a reactive defense into a disciplined mechanism for continuous self-improvement and shareholder value creation.

Operationalising this bi-annual Board agenda requires a structured, three-step approach. The review begins with a comprehensive vulnerability assessment, where management and independent advisors evaluate the company strictly through an activist’s lens to identify weak points in performance, governance, or capital deployment. Next, the Board evaluates investor perception by reviewing feedback gathered from top institutional and major individual shareholders over the preceding six months. This step highlights any emerging gap between internal management expectations and external investor market views. Finally, the Board refreshes its activist response playbook, ensuring that communication protocols, media messaging, and advisory retainer agreements remain fully updated and ready for rapid execution.

During this bi-annual exercise, the Board must direct its focus toward five critical areas tailored to the Sri Lankan corporate landscape. The primary area of scrutiny is capital allocation. Activists frequently target companies holding excessive cash reserves or underutilised real estate earning sub-par yields. Boards must proactively justify these retained earnings against clear hurdle rates or return capital to shareholders through dividends and share buybacks. A second critical focus is the conglomerate discount that often impacts Sri Lankan diversified entities. Complex crossholdings and non-core business segments can obscure underlying asset value, making it necessary for directors to conduct regular sum-of-the-parts valuation analyses and evaluate potential divestment or unbundling strategies.

Governance and Board composition represent a third key area of focus. Long director tenures, smacking of comfort zones, or a perceived lack of true Board independence invite significant activist pressure. Sri Lankan listed entities must continuously align their Board structures with updated regulatory frameworks, enforcing director refresh cycles and establishing strong independent oversight. Fourth, executive compensation must be scrutinised to ensure executive incentives are explicitly tied to long-term return on equity and total shareholder return rather than simple volume growth. Lastly, strategic communication and disclosure require attention. Opacity in corporate strategy and lagging reporting standards create information vacuums that activists exploit, making transparent communication essential.

To survive and thrive in this climate, corporate boards must stop being reactive. Modern executives must perform rigorous ‘activist’ audits on their own operational portfolios, proactively engage in open, ongoing dialogue with top shareholders, and articulate clear, long-term value-creation narratives

Concrete outcomes

To translate these focus areas into concrete outcomes, each bi-annual meeting must generate specific action items. The Board should mandate benchmarking of total shareholder return and price-to-book performance against domestic and regional peers over multi-year horizons. Independent perception audits must be conducted prior to these meetings to catch early signs of shareholder discontent. Additionally, directors should periodically conduct brief tabletop simulation exercises to assess response readiness across legal, regulatory, and public relations channels. By rigorously examining these core areas twice a year, Sri Lankan Boards can effectively eliminate the vulnerabilities that attract activist attention while building enduring trust with their shareholder base.

Companies spend way too much time trying to win fights against activist shareholders and not enough time asking a simpler question: What if the activists are right? Investors do not back companies to protect existing management structures or legacy strategies. They invest to earn a return that exceeds ‘risk free’ plus ‘risk premium.’ When activists appear, the response should not be to circle the wagons. Companies must objectively assess the thesis, adopt the ideas that make economic sense, and address the real underlying issues. When activist proposals fall short, i.e., quick payouts at the expense of long-term health, leadership should not just push back defensively. They must present a better, more compelling path to sustainable growth. When external critiques reveal legitimate operational weaknesses or financial drag, Boards must respond with swift corrective action. Preemption and preparedness are key. Open minds and a willingness to review are musts.

Activism is expanding everywhere. It is on the rise. The best strategic move any Board or CEO can make today is simple. Conduct ruthless critiques of your own business regularly and fix the flaws before someone else points them out for you. Confronting investor pressure is not an exercise in defending the status quo. It is an opportunity to prove that leadership possesses a sharper, more effective roadmap for growth. Corporate leaders in Sri Lanka can no longer afford passive governance. Survival and success depend on preemptive self-evaluation: uncovering internal vulnerabilities, fixing systemic inefficiencies early, and clearly communicating why the current strategy remains the absolute best vehicle for sustained economic returns. Be braver in describing the future. Spend less time describing the past through boring annual reports. Start thinking like activists before they think about you.

Armenia under Pashinyan: growing concerns over democracy

Political history has a habit of repeating itself, sometimes with striking similarities between leaders who emerge from revolutionary movements promising democratic renewal and those who eventually find themselves accused of undermining the very principles that brought them to power.

Nikol Pashinyan’s rise during Armenia’s 2018 Velvet Revolution was presented as a turning point in the country’s post-Soviet political development. His promises of democratic transformation, accountability and a break with entrenched political interests helped mobilise a society frustrated by corruption and the concentration of power. Yet, several years later, the image of Armenia as a democratic success story has become considerably more complicated. International monitoring organisations are increasingly drawing attention to weaknesses in its institutions, raising questions about the distance between Pashinyan’s original promises and the realities of his government.

There is an uncomfortable historical parallel with Maximilien Robespierre, one of the central figures of the French Revolution. The comparison is not intended to equate the two men or their political circumstances. Rather, it illustrates a recurring historical dilemma: movements that promise liberation and democratic renewal can find themselves accused of concentrating power and restricting political freedoms once they assume office.

In Armenia’s case, however, the debate requires a closer examination of the circumstances in which the government has come under criticism. The question is not simply whether Pashinyan has consolidated political authority or whether opposition figures and religious leaders have faced criminal proceedings. It is also necessary to establish why particular individuals have been arrested, what allegations have been brought against them, and whether the authorities have respected judicial independence and due process.

The distinction matters because Armenia is undergoing a difficult political transformation at a particularly sensitive moment in its regional history. Its government is attempting to normalise relations with Azerbaijan and Trkiye, advance a peace settlement, open regional communications and move towards a different security and economic architecture in the South Caucasus. These objectives have encountered resistance from political and other influential circles that oppose the direction of the peace process.

This does not mean that every government action against its opponents should be regarded as justified. Nor does the pursuit of regional peace give the authorities a licence to disregard fundamental rights. But neither should every prosecution involving a political or religious figure automatically be interpreted as evidence of authoritarianism without examining the allegations, evidence and judicial procedures involved.

International assessments nevertheless present a worrying picture of Armenia’s democratic institutions. The Bertelsmann Transformation Index 2026 identifies weaknesses in the country’s system of checks and balances, pointing to the dominance of Pashinyan’s Civil Contract party in parliament, the limited capacity of opposition forces to scrutinise the executive and continuing concerns about judicial independence. The broader implication is that formal democratic institutions do not necessarily guarantee effective political accountability.

Human Rights Watch’s World Report 2026 also highlights problems with surveillance, media freedom, police accountability and pre-trial detention. Its account of developments in 2025 records four incidents of physical violence by law-enforcement officers against media representatives and 61 other incidents of pressure on media outlets during the first six months of that year. It also documents 29 defamation cases against media organisations, 15 of which were initiated by state bodies or serving and former officials. These figures raise legitimate questions about the environment in which independent journalism operates.

Minority rights present another challenge. A September 2025 assessment by the Council of Europe’s Committee of Experts acknowledged Armenia’s efforts to promote cultural and linguistic diversity but called for stronger legal safeguards and wider opportunities to teach minority languages. It also warned that administrative territorial reforms could weaken access to minority-language education. The European Commission against Racism and Intolerance has separately highlighted concerns affecting vulnerable ethnic communities, including Yezidi and Molokan children.

Taken together, these assessments suggest that Armenia’s democratic transformation remains incomplete. They also demonstrate why the government’s performance should be judged not only by constitutional guarantees and legislative reforms but by whether citizens can exercise their rights in practice. Another dimension of this debate concerns the relationship between domestic political developments and the peace process with Azerbaijan.

For years, the Armenian political landscape has contained influential currents that have maintained territorial claims against Azerbaijan and opposed compromises necessary for a lasting settlement. The legacy of the conflict over Karabakh has shaped political discourse, institutional priorities and public attitudes. Consequently, the process of normalising relations with Baku is not simply a diplomatic undertaking; it also challenges political narratives and structures that have developed over decades.

Pashinyan has taken steps towards accepting a new regional reality, including engagement in border delimitation and demarcation and negotiations over the opening of transport links. His government’s willingness to discuss constitutional changes in connection with the peace agreement has also become a central issue. Azerbaijan has argued that provisions and references in Armenia’s constitutional framework associated with territorial claims must be addressed to remove obstacles to a comprehensive settlement.

The domestic resistance to such changes illustrates the political difficulties facing the Armenian leadership. Those opposed to concessions have sought to portray the government’s approach as a surrender of national interests, while supporters of normalisation argue that the continuation of historical claims risks keeping Armenia isolated and prolonging regional instability.

Western institutions have a legitimate interest in monitoring how the Armenian government handles these tensions. However, the wider debate would benefit from a clearer distinction between the suppression of peaceful political opposition and the prosecution of individuals accused of specific criminal conduct, including alleged attempts to overthrow the government or interfere with constitutional order.

The cases involving senior figures in the Armenian Apostolic Church illustrate the complexity. Authorities have brought criminal proceedings against prominent clergymen, including Archbishop Bagrat Galstanyan and Archbishop Mikael Ajapahyan. In the former case, investigators alleged involvement in a conspiracy to seize power; in the latter, the prosecution concerned public statements about the violent overthrow of the government. Church representatives and supporters have disputed the government’s approach and argued that the proceedings are politically motivated.

These competing accounts cannot be resolved simply by invoking either religious freedom or national security. The allegations must be tested in independent courts, defendants must have access to effective legal representation, and the authorities must demonstrate that criminal proceedings are based on evidence rather than political considerations. At the same time, religious status cannot place individuals above the law if credible evidence of criminal conduct exists.

This is precisely where the distinction between democratic principles and regional political realities becomes important. A government seeking to dismantle the influence of entrenched political networks, prevent violence and advance a peace agreement may face resistance from actors with an interest in preserving the previous regional order. But the legitimacy of its response depends on the methods it employs, not merely on the political objectives it pursues.

The same standard should apply to Western assessments. Human-rights organisations are right to examine restrictions on media freedom, judicial shortcomings and allegations of politically motivated prosecutions. Their independence and critical scrutiny are essential to democratic accountability. Yet, an assessment of Armenia’s political environment should also consider the country’s post-conflict circumstances, the pressure surrounding the peace negotiations and the influence of actors who oppose normalisation with neighbouring states.

There is also a broader question of consistency. Western governments and institutions have repeatedly supported the principle that territorial integrity, peaceful settlement of disputes and regional connectivity are essential to stability. Those principles should inform their assessment of political developments in Armenia as well. The removal of obstacles to peace and the protection of democratic freedoms need not be competing objectives. Indeed, sustainable peace requires both.

Armenia’s democratic future will therefore depend on more than the political survival of Pashinyan or the success of his negotiations with Azerbaijan and Trkiye. Parliament must be able to scrutinise the executive, courts must operate independently, journalists must work without intimidation, and ethnic and religious communities must enjoy equal protection under the law. Equally, political and religious leaders must be held accountable through transparent legal procedures when credible allegations of criminal conduct arise.

The real test of the Velvet Revolution is whether it can produce institutions stronger than the political movement that brought it to power. Pashinyan came to office promising to break with Armenia’s authoritarian past. His legacy will ultimately be determined by whether he can deliver democratic accountability while leading the country towards a peaceful and more cooperative South Caucasus. Neither objective can credibly be achieved at the expense of the other.

Court orders Khalif Kairo to refund Sh3.4 million for undelivered car

The High Court has ordered a Nairobi-based car dealer and his company to refund Sh3.4 million to a buyer after failing to deliver an Audi Q7 vehicle, turning an arbitral award into an enforceable court decree.

The court ordered Kai and Karo Limited and its director, Joseph Kairu, to pay Fawn Wood Crest Limited the amount, with commercial interest and costs.

The dispute began with an October 8, 2024 agreement for a 2017 model of the Audi Q7 2.0 TFSI Quattro priced at Sh5.8 million. Fawn Wood Crest paid a Sh2.2 million deposit.

The parties later agreed that the dealership would sell the buyer’s Subaru Outback and retain the Sh1.7 million proceeds towards the Audi purchase.

That brought the amount held by Kai and Karo to Sh3.9 million. On October 28, the company said the 2017 model was unavailable and proposed a 2019 Audi Q7 at a revised price of Sh5.9 million.

The parties later signed a deed acknowledging the Sh3.9 million and agreeing it would be applied to the replacement vehicle.

The deed required a refund if procurement failed. A fresh purchase agreement followed on November 21.

The vehicle was never delivered, according to Fawn Wood Crest’s Muigai Githu.

The respondents refunded Sh500,000 on May 2, 2025, leaving Sh3.4 million unpaid. Fawn Wood Crest invoked the arbitration clause.

Sole arbitrator Job Weloba issued procedural directions and a peremptory order after the respondents failed to appear or file a response. The proceedings continued in their absence, and he published a final award on February 16, 2026.

The arbitrator ordered Mr Kairu and the car importation company to pay the Sh3.4 million balance, commercial interest, and Sh175,000 in arbitration costs. The buyer then sought High Court recognition under the Arbitration Act.

The judge said the buyer had supplied certified copies of the agreements containing the arbitration clause and the final award.

‘The respondents were given effective notice of the arbitral proceedings via their designated contractual email address,’ the judge said. He added that the arbitrator had issued ‘appropriate procedural directions and a peremptory order’.

The judge said no ground for refusing recognition under the Arbitration Act had been advanced or identified. ‘I am satisfied that the applicant has complied with the requirements of section 36,’ he said.

The decree allows the buyer to pursue payment; it does not establish that the money has been recovered.

The court directed the respondents to pay the amount with commercial interest from February 28, 2025, until full payment.

Journalists’ Killings: Six in seven murderers escape justice, UN warns

United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres has condemned the persistent killing of journalists worldwide, warning that six out of every seven such murders go unpunished.

Guterres made the call on Monday to mark the International Day to End Impunity for Crimes against Journalists, observed annually on November 2.

He urged governments to investigate attacks on journalists, prosecute offenders and tackle online harassment, stressing that media freedom was essential to democracy, human rights and the rule of law.

‘Across the world, journalists continue to pay an outrageous price for telling the truth. We demand justice. When journalists are targeted and their reporting is extinguished, it makes victims of us all. This scandal must end,’ he said.

The UN chief disclosed that at least 34 journalists had been killed in the past year, while impunity for such crimes remained particularly high in conflict zones, where the rate was nearly 100 per cent.

He noted, however, that the situation had improved in countries not experiencing armed conflict, with the impunity rate dropping from 94 per cent to 77 per cent since the launch of the UN Plan of Action on the Safety of Journalists in 2012.

Guterres said journalists continued to face intimidation, surveillance, lawsuits, imprisonment, torture and physical attacks simply for doing their jobs.

He described the failure to punish perpetrators as an affront to victims, their families and society, noting that journalists played a critical role in informing the public and holding those in power accountable.

Opposition attacks won’t change North’s position on Tinubu – Kwankwaso

A chieftain of the All Progressives Congress (APC) and member of the party’s Presidential Campaign Council (PCC), Dr Musa Illiyasu Kwankwaso, has declared that supporters of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu in the North remain resolute in their determination to secure his re-election in 2027.

Kwankwaso, who made the declaration while speaking with journalists during an APC duty visit to Dutse, the Jigawa State capital, dismissed concerns over the strength of Tinubu’s political support in the region, insisting that there was ‘no panic and no retreat’ among the President’s supporters.

He described Tinubu as the best candidate for the 2027 presidential election, expressing confidence that the North would sustain its support for the President despite criticism from opposition parties.

According to him, the administration’s policies and programmes since assuming office in May 2023 have recorded achievements in human and infrastructural development, which he said would strengthen its appeal among northern voters.

‘There is neither panic nor retreat in our support for Tinubu. The criticisms coming from the opposition will not stop us from voting for him in the North,’ he said.

The APC chieftain dismissed persistent opposition attacks on the Tinubu administration, describing them as political manoeuvres ahead of the 2027 general elections.

He argued that political criticism would not diminish the commitment of the President’s supporters, insisting that voters should assess the administration based on its performance rather than opposition narratives.

Kwankwaso identified economic recovery, security, infrastructure, employment and national stability as critical issues shaping political choices among voters in the North.

He said Tinubu’s supporters would intensify grassroots mobilisation and engagement across the region to educate voters on the administration’s policies and achievements.

The APC stalwart also urged party members and supporters not to be distracted by opposition criticism but to concentrate on strengthening party structures and maintaining close contact with the electorate ahead of the elections.

He expressed confidence in the unity of political groups supporting Tinubu, saying they were prepared to defend the administration’s record and seek a fresh mandate based on its performance.

Kwankwaso called on Tinubu’s supporters across the North to remain steadfast, describing the 2027 presidential election as an opportunity for the administration to consolidate its policies and programmes.

Thousands of children with disabilities risk missing out on inclusive education in Tanzania

Dar es Salaam. Across Tanzania, gaining a place in a mainstream school is only the first hurdle for a child living with a disability, The Citizen has observed.

Inside the classroom, the difference between mere attendance and meaningful learning rests on early identification, specialised teaching and accessible infrastructure.

At the centre of this national mandate are Educational Support, Resource and Assessment Centres (ESRACs)- specialised hubs designed to screen, assess and guide children with special educational needs towards appropriate learning pathways.

However, acute financial constraints and resource shortages are severely hindering the creation of supportive learning environments.

This comes when the national policies reflect a strong formal commitment to inclusive learning, enshrined in the Persons with Disabilities Act of 2010 and the National Strategy for Inclusive Education (2021/22-2025/26).

Ministry of education statistics recorded 7,323 pre-primary pupils with disabilities nationwide, yet the institutional infrastructure required to assess and support these learners remains critically inadequate.

According to findings from a 2024 SAUTI ZETU survey, only 36 of Tanzania’s 184 municipal councils possess an operational ESRAC. Across five surveyed regions, researchers discovered just one fully equipped and functional assessment centre. In many districts, like Mkuranga, local councils have resorted to designating ordinary classrooms as assessment units, though these rooms routinely lack soundproofing, diagnostic tools and qualified personnel.

Parental awareness and community stigma

Financial constraints at the institutional level are compounded by a widespread lack of public awareness among parents and communities.

Experts note that without early screening, developmental difficulties are frequently misinterpreted as laziness or unwillingness to learn. In a recent field survey conducted in Dar es Salaam and Coast region by The Citizen, many parents admitted complete ignorance regarding assessment services. A parent from Dar es Salaam, Ms Agnes Mihambo, shared her experience.

‘I had never heard about ESRAC before. I did not know that there were centres or services specifically designed to help identify children with special needs at an early stage,’ she said.

Education analysts note that when families lack accurate information, children often reach school age without receiving professional evaluation, allowing manageable learning impediments to entrench.

In the Kinondoni District of Dar es Salaam, Josephian Schools provides a compelling case study of how institutions survive amid these systemic pressures. Established in 1998 as a standard private school, its journey towards inclusion began when it admitted its first pupil with special educational needs.

The school gradually adapted its teaching practices, securing formal registration for its special education services in 2022. Today, it caters to 78 learners with diverse educational needs.

To survive the heavy financial demands of special education- including hiring specialized staff and adapting physical spaces, Josephian Schools established an internal self-sustaining initiative titled ‘Tuwape Nafasi’ (‘Give Them a Chance’) to help cover operational costs.

Reflecting on the delicate balance required to maintain standards, the Director of Josephian Schools, Mrs Christa Rweyemamu, noted:

“The decision to accommodate these children was not simply about increasing enrolment. It was about recognising that a child’s educational opportunities should not automatically be limited by their disability.’

She added: ‘However, increasing enrolment without sufficient teachers, appropriate expertise, and the necessary resources could place pressure on the very system designed to help children.”

Head of ESRAC at Josephian Schools, Atubariki Mfingwa, noted that early assessment allows teachers to tailor individualised learning plans rather than leaving children misunderstood in crowded classrooms.

The Tanzanian government has highlighted ongoing efforts to bridge these gaps through targeted infrastructure investments and partner collaborations.

In Bagamoyo District, for example, the government constructed seven primary schools incorporating inclusive systems under the BOOST programme, alongside a Sh528 million dormitory at Nianjema Primary School.

Speaking on these developments, Bagamoyo’s Pre-Primary and Primary Education Officer, Ms Wema Kajigili, stated, “We are witnessing major transformation in the education sector in our district. More efforts are now directed toward improving the education sector, particularly by establishing infrastructure that is friendly to children with special education needs.”

While government investments and community-level initiatives demonstrate genuine progress, education advocates stress that sustainable inclusion requires systemic reform.

Expanding ESRAC facilities across all 184 councils and accelerating specialized teacher training remain imperative if Tanzania is to ensure that no child is left behind.

Colombo Dockyard sustains turnaround with second consecutive profitable quarter

Colombo Dockyard PLC yestertday said that it continued its return to profitability during the second quarter of its 2026/27 financial year, recording its second consecutive profitable quarter and further strengthening the turnaround seen since the beginning of the current financial year.

For the three months ended 30 September 2026, profit attributable to shareholders reached Rs. 164.9 million, compared with a loss of Rs. 563.6 million during the corresponding quarter of the previous year. Earnings per share improved to Rs. 0.42 from a restated loss per share of Rs. 2.44.

The latest performance builds on the profit recorded during the first quarter ended 30 June 2026 and takes profit attributable to shareholders for the first six months of the financial year to Rs. 251.2 million. This compares with a loss of Rs. 1.37 billion during the corresponding six-month period last year.

The improvement reflects continued progress across several areas of the business, led by a strong performance from ship repairing, reduced losses from shipbuilding and a substantial reduction in finance costs following the Rights Issue and subsequent debt restructuring.

Group revenue for the quarter stood at Rs. 7.49 billion, marginally lower than the corresponding period last year. However, improved margins and better cost performance lifted gross profit by 53.4% to Rs. 1.56 billion, with the gross profit margin improving to 20.8% from 13.2%.

Ship repairing remained the strongest contributor to the Group’s performance. During the first six months, ship repair revenue increased by 32.4% to Rs. 8.85 billion, while gross profit from the segment increased to Rs. 3.28 billion from Rs. 1.87 billion in the corresponding period.

The shipbuilding business also showed encouraging progress despite lower revenue during the period. Shipbuilding revenue stood at Rs. 2.81 billion as recently contracted projects remain at early stages of execution. Importantly, the segment’s gross loss narrowed to Rs. 838.4 million from Rs. 1.31 billion a year earlier, following the completion of several legacy loss-making projects and the commencement of new projects secured more recently.

Net finance expenses for the September quarter declined by 40.7% to Rs. 294.5 million. The reduction reflects the impact of the Rights Issue and the restructuring of the company’s debt profile, which has helped ease the financing burden and establish a more sustainable capital structure.

Managing Director/CEO Thimira S. Godakumbura said: ‘The results for the second quarter are another important step in Colombo Dockyard’s recovery. We have now delivered two consecutive profitable quarters, supported by the strong performance of ship repair business, improved margins and a significant reduction in financing costs. The completion of legacy loss-making shipbuilding projects is also allowing us to move forward with a stronger portfolio of newly contracted work. These projects are still at an early stage of execution and therefore have not yet translated into significant shipbuilding revenue, but we believe they provide a stronger foundation for the periods ahead.’

The Group’s balance sheet also reflects the impact of the financial restructuring undertaken over the past year. Current assets stood at approximately Rs. 33.09 billion against current liabilities of Rs. 23.58 billion as at 30 September 2026, placing the Group’s current ratio at approximately 1.4 times.

Cash and cash equivalents increased to Rs. 17.27 billion. A substantial portion of this balance, approximately Rs. 15.46 billion, comprises interest-earning deposits held under lien as security for bank guarantees and other credit facilities supporting the company’s projects.

Debt restructuring has also changed the maturity profile of the Group’s borrowings, with a greater proportion moved from short-term to longer-term facilities. This has helped strengthen the Group’s liquidity position and provide greater financial flexibility for ongoing operations and new projects.

Administrative expenses increased during the period, reflecting the broader inflationary environment and its impact on operating costs. However, improved operational margins and lower financing expenses enabled the Group to maintain its positive earnings trajectory.

With two consecutive profitable quarters now recorded, Colombo Dockyard remains focused on maintaining the momentum of its ship repair operations, improving the performance of shipbuilding projects and strengthening financial discipline as it works towards sustained long-term profitability.