New Zealand set to bring a ‘best experience’ in Manila

EXPERIENCE NEW ZEALAND returns to the heart of Manila this September, bringing the sights, sounds, and tastes of the Oceanic country in a premier two-day celebration, which is open and free for the public.

Hosted by the New Zealand Embassy, alongside Education New Zealand (ENZ) and New Zealand Trade and Enterprise (NZTE), the immersive showcase takes over The Concourse at One Ayala, Makati City on September 26 and 27, 2026.

Marking a milestone in diplomatic relations, the event celebrates six decades of partnership by showcasing New Zealand as a world-class destination for education, sustainable trade, and premium food and beverage.

A breathtaking musical collaboration between acclaimed New Zealand artist Bic Runga, known for the global hit song Sway, and the Philippine Philharmonic Orchestra will headline the opening ceremony on the 26th, alongside powerful cultural performances by the Maori performing arts group Nga Hau E Wha from Tokyo. Hosted by Kiwi-Filipino entertainer and host Eric ‘Eruption’ Tai, the program will also feature official remarks from Ambassador Dr. Catherine McIntosh.

Across both days, guests can expect the following:

World-class education: Representatives from Education New Zealand and 12 tertiary institutions will be on-site, offering free consultations for students and parents. Attendees can explore innovative study pathways and learn why more Filipinos are choosing New Zealand for their international education.

Premium food and beverage: Attendees can sample and purchase a diverse range of Kiwi favorites from trusted NZTE partners. The showcase will feature premium dairy products, world-renowned wines, grass-fed meats, and authentic Manuka honey-all celebrated globally for being safe, sustainably-produced, and of the highest quality.

Family-friendly activities and games: The public can visit the face-painting booth, try their hand at passing a rugby ball to win prizes, and take a photo with a larger-than-life kiwi bird.

Tourism and cultural exchange: Alongside the live entertainment, the event features inspiring travel showcases, offering attendees inspiration for planning their next big adventure to New Zealand’s breathtaking landscapes.

The event is open to the public from 10 a.m. on Saturday, September 26, and runs through to 10 p.m. on Sunday, September 27. For updates, performance schedules, and more information, follow the New Zealand Embassy in Manila on its official Facebook and Instagram pages.

From bailout to Bond market: Choosing Sri Lanka’s next IMF engagement?

Sri Lanka needs to raise $ 1.5 billion from international capital markets in the final year of the current IMF program. This is not a rough estimate; it is built into External Financing Gap and Program Financing, 2022-27, agreed under the Extended Fund Facility (EFF) in the last review. In addition to the IMF’s own $ 3 billion facility, the multilateral budget support from the World Bank and the ADB, and the 2024 debt restructuring, this is the balance funding that the program design assumes will come from the capital market, through a issuance of international sovereign bond.

The EFF, a four-year arrangement approved in March 2023, is now moving through its Seventh Review and is due to conclude in April 2027. Sri Lanka should invite international bond investors to lend it money again in 2027, at scale, just five years after the country’s first sovereign default in history. Sri Lanka will reach international capital market while its long-term foreign currency rating from Standard and Poor’s and Fitch Ratings remains at CCC+, only a few notches removed from default itself. That is the practical test in front of the country. Before we understand what options are available to Sri Lanka, it is important to understand the current situation.

Current position

Since the default in April 2022, Sri Lanka has restructured its international sovereign bonds, a process completed in December 2024. The combined Fifth and Sixth Reviews of the EFF were completed in May 2026, and the Seventh Review is currently under assessment, IMF team just left the country. This is a genuine progress from both Sri Lanka’s and international capital market perspective.

But the rating itself has hardly progressively moved up. CCC+ from S and P and Fitch, and the equivalent Caa1 from Moody’s, still sit well inside deep speculative grade, well below the BBB-/Baa3 line that separates investment grade from speculative grades, and several notches below even a single B rating; the category Lanka used in be prior to the default. Nevertheless, Sri Lanka has sufficient breathing space since there are no foreign currency bond maturities until 2029. That buys time. However, it doesn’t make the $ 1.5 billion the program expects to raise from the capital market in 2027 any cheaper.

Economic growth was reasonably good for past 2 years, but the picture has softened somewhat in 2026. Growth in 1Q2026 was 5.1%, it slowed down in 2Q2026 to 4.2%, lowest rate in the recent past. Projected economic growth for 2026 is at around 3-4.0%, down from 5.0% in 2025, largely due to the external shock emanated from ongoing middle East conflict. Inflation has moved the other way – from 1.6% in February to 8.0% by August, mainly on higher energy prices. The Central Bank pre-emptively raised the policy interest rates by 100 basis points to control the inflationary impact, though monetary policy has limited ability to fight against cost-push inflation.

None of this points to instability. It is also far from standard profile of a sovereign that markets will automatically treat as low risk when the existing IMF program ends. Markets are not really concerned about how good a program succeeded, rather they assess what happens once it is over.

International Sovereign Ratings

It is worth understanding what a CCC+ rating means for the pricing of that bond. The CCC band is generally understood by the rating agencies to indicate a credit that is currently vulnerable, and dependent on favourable business, financial and economic conditions continuing in order to meet its obligations. It stands well below B and BB rated credits, which are themselves still speculative grade but are seen as facing materially less near-term risk.

In practice, this means a bond priced at CCC+ would need a substantial spread over US Treasuries to attract investors – plausibly in the high single digits or more, depending on tenor and market conditions at the time of issuance. That is an expensive way to raise $ 1.5 billion. Moving even one or two notches up the scale, to a B rating, would make a meaningful difference to that cost. The rating is not just a scorecard; it directly determines cost and efforts of market re-entry by Sri lank after the default.

Two pathways

This is where the decision about what follows the current EFF becomes a market question. Sri Lanka has two broad options once the current program concludes in April 2027. The first is to exit the IMF relationship altogether and try to raise the $ 1.5 billion purely on its own post-program record, with no external, independently verified check should fiscal discipline weaken under a future government. The second is to negotiate some form of successor engagement with the IMF, not necessarily more borrowing, but an arrangement that keeps a credible, ongoing review process in place when the country is asking bond investors to reassess its risk.

The second option is undoubtedly the stronger one. Next question is which instrument should Sri Lanka select to continue the IMF engagement.

Five optional instruments

The IMF has five broad instruments that could plausibly apply once a facility such as the EFF ends, and they differ mainly along three lines: whether they provide financing, how strict the conditionality is, and whether they carry the formal endorsement of the Executive Board. The most important factor is the formal endorsement of the Executive Board of the IMF.

The Flexible Credit Line and the Precautionary and Liquidity Line are contingent financing instruments with fairly light conditionality, but they are reserved for members with very strong policy track records and buffers, assessed at the time of approval. A CCC+ rated country, a little over a year removed from default, simply does not meet that bar yet, regardless of how well the current program has progressed.

A second EFF, or a Stand-By Arrangement, would provide continued or fresh financing under the usual conditionality. The problem here is less about eligibility and more about signalling. Repeated request of monetary assistance from the IMF so soon after exiting default risks reinforcing the idea that Sri Lanka is a serial IMF borrower. It is not the message the country wants to send to the international bond investors while persuading them to invest in $1.5 billion bond issuance.

A Staff-Monitored Program is at the other end of the scale, mostly informal, staff-level only, with no financing and, importantly, no Executive Board endorsement. It is the lightest option, but that is also its weakness. It does not carry the institutional weight that bond investors would consider as a credible, independently verified signal.

That leaves the Policy Coordination Instrument, or PCI – a non-financing instrument the IMF introduced in 2017 for members that no longer need Fund resources but still want a close, monitored relationship with the Fund. It applies the same upper credit tranche standard of conditionality as a lending arrangement, with formal reviews roughly every six months, each endorsed by the Executive Board of the IMF, but without any actual disbursement.

The argument for Policy Coordination Instrument

There are four reasons this instrument fits Sri Lanka’s position better than the alternatives.

The IMF monetary assistance is not involved. That removes the optics of renewed borrowing at a moment when the whole point is to demonstrate that the country has moved past crisis-era financing.

The discipline itself is unchanged. Policy commitments are still measured against the Fund’s strictest conditionality standard, and reviewed formally, with Executive Board endorsement, at regular intervals. The substance remains unchanged though no monetary assistance is extended.

This is probably the most important point for the investors when Sri Lanka ask them to fund $1.5 billion, the Fund continues to act as an independent observer of government policy. That is close to exactly the kind of reassurance a post-default sovereign needs to offer – someone credible and independent, reporting regularly on whether commitments are actually being kept.

It does not close off other options. A country on a well-performing PCI can still access emergency IMF resources reasonably quickly – through a Rapid Financing Instrument, for instance, similar to what Sri Lanka used following Cyclone Ditwah if a genuine balance of payments shock were to occur. Choosing a PCI is not giving up a safety net. It simply avoids carrying the stigma of an active loan when one is not actually needed.

This is not a hypothetical. Ghana is going through almost exactly this sequence in 2026, completing the final review of its own Extended Credit Facility and requesting a 36-month PCI, explicitly described by the IMF as a bridge to Ghana’s own decision on when to return to international bond markets. It is a reasonably close parallel to where Sri Lanka will be in April 2027, including the added pressure of external debt repayments resuming from 2028, a period a PCI negotiated around the Seventh and Eighth Reviews could help bridge.

A point about governance, not just instruments

There is a broader point here that goes beyond which instrument is technically the best fit.

The discipline Sri Lanka has operated under since 2022, the fiscal targets, the structural benchmarks, the quarterly reviews, all were imposed on the country. It came with the default; it was not something the country chose for itself.

A PCI would change that relationship. It would mean Sri Lanka choosing to keep a credible, independently monitored reform framework in place after the point at which it is no longer legally or financially required to. That is a different signal to markets than simply meeting program targets because the program requires it. A government that voluntarily submits itself to continued, Board endorsed scrutiny is telling investors something a purely domestic commitment cannot – that the discipline is expected to hold even once the external requirement to maintain it has been removed. It is a credible distinction and a signal to bond investor who would require to price a CCC+ credit five years after default.

Conclusion

The choice facing Sri Lanka after the EFF is not really about whether to keep borrowing from the IMF. The strongest option no further IMF borrowing at all. It is about how the country maintains a credible, independently monitored anchor for reform in place at the moment it needs bond investors to accept a CCC+ credit, five years after default, at a price the country can reasonably afford.

The Policy Coordination Instrument appears to be the one that fits Sri Lanka’s current position. It avoids the eligibility problem that rules out the liquidity lines, the signalling problem that comes with another financing program, and the credibility problem of a staff-level-only arrangement, while still preserving quick access to Fund resources if genuinely needed. With final set of Reviews now under way, and a $1.5 billion market financing at the end of the program, this is a decision should be considered well before April 2027 deadline arrives.

2027 Will Be APC Vs. Nigerians – Makinde

Oyo State Governor and presidential candidate of the Allied Peoples’ Movement (APM), Seyi Makinde, has said the 2027 presidential election will be a contest between the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) and ordinary Nigerians, rather than between political parties.

Speaking in Katsina on Tuesday during a Northwest town hall meeting organized by his campaign team to present the party’s ‘Reset Nigeria’ agenda, Makinde declared:

‘It would not be APC versus APM, or APM versus APC, or APC versus ADC-it will be APC versus Nigerians.’

Urging citizens to obtain their Permanent Voter Cards (PVCs) and participate actively, Makinde outlined that the ‘Reset Nigeria’ initiative focuses on the economy, education, insecurity, and institutional reforms to build a country that works for all citizens regardless of tribe, religion, or region.

Makinde also used the event to refute claims made by the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Nyesom Wike, that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu granted Oyo State N50 billion to upgrade the Ibadan Airport.

Wike had claimed during a television interview on Monday that the Federal Government provided the funds to support the upgrade of the Ladoke Akintola Airport in Ibadan to international standards.

Describing the assertion as false, Makinde clarified that the project is funded 100 percent by the Oyo State Government.

‘My attention was called to an interview granted by the FCT Minister, Mr. Nyesom Wike, where he said the President gave ?50 billion to Oyo State or to me to upgrade the airport in Ibadan to international standards. I want to say that claim is false,’ Makinde stated.

‘The President didn’t give ?50 billion to me or to Oyo State to upgrade the Ibadan Airport. The project is being undertaken 100 percent with the state’s resources.’

The APM presidential candidate expressed deep concern over the country’s worsening security situation, citing the recent killing of 37 young Nigerians in Niger State.

He also criticized President Tinubu for failing to formally transmit executive power to Vice President Kashim Shettima during extended foreign trips, citing Section 145 of the Nigerian Constitution.

Makinde emphasized that he consistently hands over power to his deputy whenever he travels abroad for more than 21 days, promising to uphold this constitutional requirement if elected.

Also speaking at the event, the party’s vice-presidential candidate and former DSS Director-General, Lawal Musa Daura, identified insecurity and poverty as the twin challenges crippling the Northwest region.

Daura emphasized that the Makinde-led APM ticket offers Nigerians a viable alternative, committing to systematic national restoration. He called on citizens to exercise their civic duty within lawful bounds and support the APM campaign in restoring peace and economic stability across the nation.

JAMAICA-REPARATORY-Jamaica awaiting word from Privy Council on petition

The Jamaica government says it is awaiting the ‘next steps’ from the London-based Privy Council after Kingston announced that Britain’s King Charles had referred its landmark slavery reparation petition to the country’s highest and final court.

‘We are awaiting directions from the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council as to the next steps to be taken in the case. We will keep the Cabinet and the Parliament updated on the developments,’ Minister of Culture, Gender, Entertainment and Sport, Olivia Grange told the Parliament on Tuesday.

She told legislators that the British had confirmed that Jamaica’s legal questions have been passed on to the Privy Council.

‘The King could have ignored us. The King could have delayed responding to us. The King could have made a decision not to refer the questions to the privy council, or he could make a decision to refer the questions,’ she said, adding ‘King Charles has referred the petition filed on the 7th of September, 2026, on behalf of the people of Jamaica to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council.

‘Indeed we went fearless and boldly into this chapter when we petitioned the King on Monday, September 7, 2026 – one day after the 245th anniversary of the commemoration of the Zong massacre, an event that captures the barbarity of chattel enslavement,’ Grange told legislators.

The petition seeks guidance on three questions: whether the forced transport of Africans to Jamaica was lawful; whether it constituted a crime against humanity; and whether Britain is under an obligation to provide restitution for slavery and its enduring consequences.

United Kingdom-based lawyer, Edward Fitzgerald, who helped to formulate the petition as part of a team of eminent Jamaican and UK lawyers, said ‘the petition simply asks the King to refer certain points of real importance to the Privy Council for their determination.

‘There’s a special jurisdiction under section four of the Judicial Committee Act for the King to refer an issue of legal or constitutional importance to the Privy Council, for their determination…Any matter of legal or constitutional nature can be referred that cannot be determined through the ordinary judicial process. And this is obviously one of those issues,’ Fitzgerald added.

Jamaica had activated a rarely used mechanism in the Judicial Committee Act 1833, which allows the King to refer questions of ‘legal or constitutional nature’ to the privy council when they cannot be resolved through ordinary courts.

Grange said that Jamaica had decided on this route given that it did not regard going to the International Court of Justice (ICJ) as an option.

‘The United Kingdom has placed specific reservations on the compulsory jurisdiction of the ICJ which prevent the Court from adjudicating on disputes between the United Kingdom and the government of any other country which is or has been a Member of the Commonwealth’.

Legal observers say that a Privy Council opinion would not compel the United Kingdom to pay reparations, but that it could shape negotiations and legal options and set a precedent for other Commonwealth countries seeking reparations.

Grange reminded legislators that the filing of the petition was in keeping with the instructions of the House that ‘Jamaica should pursue reparations in the name of our African ancestors who endured hundreds of years of enslavement on this island, and in the name of the people of Jamaica.

‘We have chosen to pursue a legal pathway. A matter such as this might have been considered by the International Court of Justice. However, our advice is that Jamaica is prevented from commencing inter-state litigation against the United Kingdom before the International Court of Justice’.

Grange said that London has placed specific reservations on the compulsory jurisdiction of the ICJ which prevent the Court from adjudicating on disputes between the United Kingdom and the government of any other country which is or has been a Member of the Commonwealth.

Grange said that she had also noted some of the criticism that followed the petition.

‘We see that commentators have taken issue with the term petition, suggesting that we are going to the King on our knees. It’s simply the name of the process which is really a right to ask the King, the Head of State, to take some action on behalf of the people of Jamaica,’ she said.

Lord Jonathan Sumption, a former judge of the Privy Council, had also dismissed the strategy as ‘nonsense’.

Lord Sumption said that Jamaica is actively taking advantage of a Britain that is ‘riven by self-doubt and guilt’ and ‘no longer confident in itself’ in order to extract a massive financial payout.

But the Deputy Chairman of the National Council on Reparations, Bert Samuels, said Jamaica has an ‘enormously strong’ case and dismissed Sumption’s arguments as ‘grossly inappropriate for any lawyer or judge who has not read the petition to comment on the petition.

‘Why didn’t he check with us to hear our view and distill our view and give his informed opinion? I think his bias has outweighed his common sense,’ said Samuels, who describes himself as a Pan-Africanist lawyer.

Grange said that the ancestors who survived the Middle Passage and were taken to Jamaica endured the most horrific experience.

‘Their status as human beings was denied. They were categorised as chattel, which means property that was bought, sold, and branded with hot irons to signify them as belonging to specific enslavers.

‘They were abused with impunity – men, women, girls, and boys. They were raped. They were made to breed. They were forced to work for free. This went on everyday for hundreds of years. It was the gravest crime against humanity.’

Grange said it was not enough for the leaders of countries that enslaved our ancestors to regret the suffering that slavery inflicted and to say to us let’s build a new future.

‘They credit themselves with ending slavery without consideration of the successful struggle for freedom by the ancestors themselves including great heroes such as the Right Excellent Nanny of the Maroons, the Right Excellent Sam Sharpe, Tacky, Kojo, Accompong, and many others. Must we congratulate the arsonist for putting out the fire?’

SC holds 22A does not need referendum

Speaker Dr. Jagath Wickramaratne yesterday informed Parliament that the Supreme Court has determined the Twenty Second Amendment to the Constitution Bill does not require approval by the People at a Referendum

This clears the way for the Government to enact the contested judicial reforms with a two-thirds parliamentary majority alone.

Announcing the Special Determination in the House, the Speaker said the Bill, together with the companion Judicature (Amendment) Bill, had been examined under Article 121(1) of the Constitution by a five-judge Bench.

The Bench was headed by Chief Justice P. Padman Surasena, sitting with Justices Achala Wengappuli, Arjuna Obeyesekere, Sampath B. Abayakoon and K.M. Gihan H. Kulatunga.

The Determination, filed within the constitutionally-prescribed period, held that the provisions of the 22nd Amendment Bill, which raises the retirement age of Supreme Court judges to 67 years and of Court of Appeal judges to 65 years, do not require Referendum approval under Article 83 of the Constitution.

The Judicature (Amendment) Bill, which raises the retirement age of High Court, District Court and Magistrates’ Court judges to 62 years and expands the High Court Bench from 110 to 120 judges, was found not inconsistent with the Constitution and may proceed by simple majority.

The Bench heard the petitions over two days, on 1 and 2 September, after the Bills were Gazetted on 7 August and placed on the Order Paper of Parliament on 18 August.

A record 72 Special Determination petitions were filed, 64 against the 22nd Amendment Bill and eight against the Judicature (Amendment) Bill, with 11 parties permitted to intervene.

At the outset of the hearing, counsel for several petitioners, including the Bar Association of Sri Lanka, applied for the case to be heard by a ‘Full Court’ of all 17 sitting judges, and separately sought Chief Justice Surasena’s recusal on the basis that he would be the first Supreme Court judge to benefit from the extended retirement age.

The Bench rejected both applications, holding that only the Chief Justice has the constitutional discretion under Article 132(3) to constitute a larger Bench, and that acceding to the request would have amounted to an abdication by the Chief Justice of his constitutional role.

The Court stated that had it acceded to the application, ‘that would have amounted to an abdication by the Chief Justice of the Constitutional role vested in him and a usurpation of the discretion of the Chief Justice by the other Judges of this Court.’

The Bench also rejected the argument that judges hearing the case faced a disqualifying conflict of interest, finding the Petitioners’ position, that only the Chief Justice stood to benefit while other judges should hear the case, to be without basis.

The Determination stated: ‘If the Chief Justice is disqualified on that basis, such disqualification should apply to all other Judges since the ‘benefit’ is one and the same. This in our view is a subtle attempt to fix benches according to one’s whims and fancies.’

The central submission advanced by the Petitioners was that extending the retirement age of sitting judges amounted to a ‘legislative bribe’ or inducement that would compromise judicial independence protected under Article 3 of the Constitution.

The Court rejected this, distinguishing between a reduction in judicial tenure, which it said would threaten independence, and a non-discriminatory, non-discretionary increase applying uniformly to all sitting judges across the country.

‘We conclude that any increase in the age of retirement of Judges cannot amount to conferring an inducement and/or favour to the incumbent Judges,’ the Determination held.

The Court also dismissed submissions that the Bills amounted to ‘Court Capture’ or ‘Court Packing,’ noting that the judges who stood to benefit had served under successive prior governments of differing political composition.

‘We strongly reject that the Government seeks to fill the Court with Judges who may be ideologically aligned with the Government,’ the Bench ruled.

On comparative practice, the Bench noted that Sri Lanka’s judicial retirement ages remain low by international standards, observing that the retirement age for apex court judges is 75 in the United Kingdom, Canada and Brazil, 70 in Australia, New Zealand, South Africa, Japan and the Philippines, and that there is no mandatory retirement age for United States Supreme Court judges.

‘We observe that the age of retirement of Judges in other jurisdictions are comparatively higher than in Sri Lanka,’ the Determination noted.

The Court ordered two changes to the proviso in Clause 2 of the 22nd Amendment Bill, which caps any Chief Justice’s tenure at six years in office. It directed that the Sinhala text be amended to replace the phrase denoting ‘the date on which the Chief Justice turns 67’ with a phrase denoting ‘the date on which the Chief Justice completes 67 years,’ for clarity.

It further ordered that a second proviso be added at the Committee stage, stating that the six-year term limit will not apply to any person holding the office of Chief Justice as at the date of coming into operation of this Act, a safeguard intended to place the clause ‘on a solid constitutional foundation’ and confirm that it will not reduce the tenure of the sitting Chief Justice.

The Court also observed that petitions in five cases, SC/SD/72/2026, SC/SD/74/2026, SC/SD/82/2026, SC/SD/99/2026 and SC/SD/101/2026, had not been delivered to the Speaker at the same time they were filed in Court, as required under Article 121(1), and noted that such non-compliance should ordinarily result in a petition being rejected.

The two Bills are scheduled for their second reading debate in Parliament on 24 and 25 September, 2026.

Ogogo’s aide reveals what happened five days before actor’s death

Azeez Ayinde Onifade, popularly known as Olu Ogogo and a close aide to late Nollywood actor Taiwo Hassan, has revealed that the actor’s condition worsened about five days before his death, leading his family to move him between hospitals for further tests and treatment.

Olu made this known in an interview with City People, where he spoke about Ogogo’s health battle and the events leading to his death.

According to him, Ogogo had initially shown signs of improvement while receiving treatment and was able to eat small portions of food.

However, about five days before his death, his condition deteriorated, forcing his family to seek further medical attention as doctors tried to determine what was wrong and manage his pain.

Olu said it was during the series of medical examinations that the family was informed that Ogogo had cancer.

He said the diagnosis came as a shock to those close to the actor because his condition had worsened within a short period.

Ogogo had earlier complained of chest pain during a trip to Ilaro, Ogun State, after which he was taken to a hospital and advised to rest.

Olu said the actor later wanted to travel to India for further treatment, but the process of obtaining a visa delayed the trip.

By the time the visa was secured, according to him, Ogogo had become too weak to travel by air.

Olu explained that a doctor was subsequently brought in from India to attend to the actor. The doctor later recommended that Ogogo be moved to another hospital in Lagos, where specialists continued his treatment.

Ogogo died on August 23, 2026, at the age of 66 after battling stage-four cancer. His daughters had publicly disclosed his cancer diagnosis days before his death.

Reflecting on the actor’s final days, Olu said he believed Ogogo was spared a prolonged period of suffering.

He also described the late actor as a kind-hearted man and prayed for the peaceful repose of his soul.

Tinubu rallies African nations to end raw mineral exports, forge processing alliance

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has called for an aggressive alliance among African countries to end the export of the continent’s critical minerals in raw form and build a common industrial strategy anchored on local processing, manufacturing and value addition.

Tinubu said Africa could no longer afford a system in which its mineral resources fuel prosperity elsewhere while communities sitting on the deposits remain trapped in poverty, unemployment and infrastructure deficits.

The President spoke at the Third Africa Minerals Strategy Group (AMSG) High-Level Roundtable on Critical Minerals Development in Africa in New York, United States, held on the sidelines of the 81st Session of the United Nations General Assembly.

A statement issued on Tuesday by Senior Special Assistant to the President on Media and Communications, Office of the Vice President, Stanley Nkwocha, said the meeting took place on Monday.

Tinubu, who convened and chaired the roundtable, was represented by Vice President Kashim Shettima.

Nigeria’s Minister of Solid Minerals Development and Chairman of the AMSG Ministerial Committee, Dr Dele Alake, also participated in the meeting.

The roundtable, themed: ‘From Resources to Wealth: Continental Cooperation for Mineral Value Addition, Data Sovereignty, Innovative Financing and Critical Minerals Security’, brought together African leaders and other stakeholders to fashion a coordinated approach to converting the continent’s vast mineral deposits into sustainable economic and industrial wealth.

The President said the rapidly growing global demand for minerals required for clean energy, artificial intelligence and advanced manufacturing had made Africa’s deposits of cobalt, copper, lithium and rare earth elements increasingly central to global supply chains and economic security.

He, however, warned that Africa would remain on the margins of the emerging global economy unless its countries abandoned the traditional extract-and-export model and developed industries around their resources.

‘For generations, Africa has furnished the materials of prosperity elsewhere. Our duty is to ensure that the future being fashioned from African minerals has room for African ambition’, Tinubu said.

According to him, it was unacceptable for a continent endowed with enormous mineral resources to continue witnessing poverty and deprivation in communities whose resources enrich industries elsewhere.

‘The answer must be processing, refining, batteries, components, African technologies and competitive skills.

‘The worth of a mine must be counted in the lives it improves.

‘Jobs, industries, infrastructure, technology transfer, African enterprise participation and prosperity retained across generations must measure our progress from resources to wealth’, he said.

Tinubu cautioned African countries against competing against one another through lower royalties, weaker local-content requirements and excessive concessions to investors, saying such practices would only erode the continent’s collective bargaining power.

‘Fragmentation leaves us exporting raw materials and buying finished goods at a premium. Cooperation gives our markets scale, our industries integration, our financing reach and our negotiations authority’, he said.

The President said no African country could independently develop the scale required to exercise sufficient influence in the global critical-minerals market, stressing that continental cooperation had become an economic necessity.

He cited Nigeria’s reforms in the solid minerals sector as an example of how African countries could insist on domestic benefits from mining investments while still attracting serious capital.

According to him, Nigeria is requiring local value addition for new mining licences, strengthening geological data and investor access, organising artisanal miners into cooperatives, combating illegal mining and improving regulatory accountability.

Tinubu said the reforms had contributed to a sharp increase in government revenue from the sector, from approximately ?6 billion in 2023 to more than ?38 billion in 2024 and between ?68.1 billion and ?70 billion in 2025.

He also pointed to major foreign investment commitments and large-scale lithium processing capacity developed and commissioned in Nasarawa State as evidence of the possibilities offered by a value-addition policy.

The President said his administration’s policy was that minerals extracted from Nigeria must contribute directly to Nigerian industries, employment, skills development and the prosperity of host communities.

He added that the experience had demonstrated that ‘firm terms can attract serious capital’.

Tinubu urged other African countries to adapt lessons from Nigeria’s experience while developing partnerships based on mutual benefit, sovereign equality and respect for national priorities.

He called for ‘reliable partnerships grounded in mutual benefit, shared responsibility, sovereign equality and respect for our priorities, with fair market access, industrial investment and technology partnerships that build African capabilities’.

The President also urged AMSG member countries to speak with one voice in negotiations with international investors and partners, insisting that ‘reliability must never mean dependency, and partnership must never demand inequality’.

At the meeting, African leaders adopted and signed the Continental Integration and Economic Assurance Declaration (CIEAD), conceived as a framework for coordinating critical-minerals policies, investment mobilisation, value addition and supply-chain security across the continent.

The initiative had been billed ahead of the meeting as a major step towards a common continental architecture for mineral development.

Tinubu said the declaration should create a predictable and investment-ready environment for Africa’s Strategic Mineral Corridors through harmonised policies, responsible investment and shared infrastructure.

He, however, warned against allowing the agreement to end with ceremonial signatures, demanding a binding implementation programme backed by timelines, financing and public accountability.

The President urged African governments to specify their national and regional contributions to the initiative, while development finance institutions and sovereign investors should put forward financing platforms to support implementation.

Declaring the roundtable open, Tinubu said Africans must take responsibility for organising their resources and markets in their own interests rather than expecting external powers to prioritise the continent’s industrial aspirations.

‘Africa’s power resides in its people, markets and ingenuity. No outsider will organise our continent or place our industrial interests above their own. We must integrate our markets, mobilise African capital and negotiate with one voice wherever our interests converge.

‘Our industrial growth can strengthen global prosperity, the energy transition and secure supply chains. Minerals confer no automatic prosperity; vision, investment and industry must earn it. Political will must turn mineral promise into enduring African wealth’, he said.

Earlier, Alake said the proposed Continental Integration and Economic Assurance Declaration was designed as a landmark framework for creating a unified architecture for Africa’s critical and solid-minerals value chains.

He said the growth of the AMSG reflected increasing recognition by African countries of the need to coordinate their policies and resources to maximise the benefits of the continent’s mineral endowment.

Alake urged African countries that had yet to join the group to do so, saying greater membership would strengthen the synergy of ideas, resources and policies required to advance Africa’s interests.

He said the continent’s mineral ambitions could not be achieved through policy implementation alone, stressing the need for fully integrated partnerships covering financing, infrastructure and industrial development.

Kenya’s Minister of Blue Economy and Maritime Affairs, Hassan Ali Joho, also stressed the importance of domestic resource mobilisation as a catalyst for solid-minerals development.

Joho said AMSG members must remain transparent and competitive and work towards greater alignment of licensing procedures while respecting the sovereignty of individual member states.

Representatives of Liberia, Chad and Tanzania, among other stakeholders, also contributed to the roundtable.

Mutual Benefits okays dividend for shareholders

Shareholders of Mutual Benefits Assurance Plc has approved the declaration of a dividend of 4 kobo per ordinary share of 50 kobo each, amounting to a total dividend payout of N802,464,895.88, payable to shareholders.

The unanimous decision was taken at the company’s 30th Annual General Meeting (AGM), with the shareholders approving all resolutions presented at the meeting, reaffirming their confidence in the company’s strategic direction, governance framework and long-term growth agenda.

The meeting, which was convened virtually was chaired by Mr. Adesoye Olatunji, a member of the Board of Directors, who stood in for the Chairman of the Board, Dr. Akin Ogunbiyi.

In attendance were the Managing Director/CEO, Mr. Femi Asenuga; the Managing Director/CEO, Mutual Benefits Life Assurance Ltd, Mr. Biyi Ashiru-Mobolaji; Executive Director (Technical), Mr. Joseph Oladokun; Company Secretary, Mr. Jide Ibitayo; members of the Board; representatives of the National Insurance Commission (NAICOM), the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC), Nigerian Exchange Limited (NGX), the Corporate Affairs Commission (CAC), the Company’s external auditors, KPMG Professional Services and the Registrars, Apel Capital Registrars Limited.

In approving the proposed dividends, the shareholders commended the Board for the dividend payout, which represented a 100% increase over what they received in the prior year.

Addressing shareholders, the Chairman expressed appreciation for their continued trust, loyalty and active participation in the affairs of the company.

He noted that the successful conclusion of the AGM reflects Mutual Benefits’ enduring commitment to sound corporate governance, regulatory compliance and sustainable value creation.

He commended the Board, Management and employees for their dedication and contributions to the company’s continued growth and assured shareholders that Mutual Benefits remains focused on delivering long-term value, while strengthening its market position in an evolving insurance landscape.

The AGM comes at a defining moment for Mutual Benefits following its successful completion of NAICOM’s recapitalisation exercise.

With a stronger capital base, renewed regulatory standing and a clear strategic direction, Mutual Benefits said it is well positioned to deepen insurance penetration, drive innovation, enhance customer experience and create sustainable value for shareholders and other stakeholders.

Ex-Guardian’s foreign editor’s 70th birthday, biography launch for Sunday

The 70th birthday and retirement ceremony of former Foreign Editor of The Guardian, Femi Solomon Omowumi, have been scheduled for Sunday, at White Hall Event Place, Ipakodo, Ikorodu, Lagos.

Omowumi, who is retiring as the General Secretary of Gospel Faith Mission International (GOFAMINT), also served as Media Officer at the United States Information Service, in Lagos.

The celebration will feature the launch of his biography, ‘Lifted By Favour.’

Some notable dignitaries expected at the event include the Chief Executive Officer, Supra Capital Limited, a financial and investment company, Dr. J. J. Udofa; Vice President/Deputy Editor-in-Chief, TELL Magazine, Dele Omotunde; and incoming General Secretary of the GOFAMINT, Pastor Dr. Femi Odeyemi.

Diplomats, members of the clergy, and media professionals are also expected to grace the occasion.

Liberia to host African parliamentary leaders at 4th CoSPAL Assembly

Liberia will host Speakers and Presidents of national legislatures from across Africa at the 4th General Assembly of the Conference of Speakers and Presidents of African Legislatures (CoSPAL), scheduled for 9 to 11 December 2026 in Monrovia.

CoSPAL disclosed this in a statement made available to journalists in Abuja on Tuesday.

The assembly, which will focus on strengthening Africa’s economic integration, will be held under the theme ‘Enhancing Intra-African Trade and Investment Through Legislative Leadership and Parliamentary Cooperation.’

The confirmation followed a high-level assessment visit to Monrovia by a delegation from the CoSPAL Secretariat, led by its Secretary-General, Amb. ‘Dapo Oyewole, from 16 to 20 September.

During the visit, the delegation inspected the hotel and other facilities, reviewed logistical arrangements, and held discussions with the Local Organising Committee, led by its Chairperson, Hon. Nehker E. Gaye, as well as relevant Liberian authorities and stakeholders.

The visit culminated in a meeting with the Speaker of the Liberian House of Representatives, Rt. Hon. Richard Nagbe Koon, on Saturday, where the CoSPAL delegation presented its assessment and the parties formally signed the 4th CoSPAL General Assembly Country Host Agreement.

Speaking on the assessment visit, Koon said Liberia was honoured to host the continental gathering.

‘We are delighted to welcome the assessment team from the CoSPAL Secretariat, led by the Secretary-General, Amb. ‘Dapo Oyewole, to Liberia,’ he said.

According to him, the visit gave both sides an opportunity to assess facilities, review processes, and ensure the necessary institutional arrangements were in place for the successful hosting of the assembly.

‘Liberia is honoured to host an Assembly focused on strengthening the legislative foundations for intra-African trade and investment, and we look forward to welcoming Speakers and Presidents of African legislatures to Monrovia,’ Koon said.

The three-day assembly is expected to examine how African parliaments can use legislation and parliamentary cooperation to remove barriers to intra-African trade and investment.

Discussions will focus on developing and harmonising laws and regulatory frameworks to facilitate greater movement, expand trade and investment opportunities, and make cross-border trade faster and more profitable.

Oyewole said legislative harmonisation was critical to translating Africa’s economic integration commitments into practical outcomes.

‘Africa’s economic integration requires legislative systems that enable those commitments to work in practice,’ he said.

According to him, harmonising laws and establishing enabling legislative and regulatory frameworks across the continent would help Africans ‘move, trade and invest more easily across the continent.’

Oyewole said the General Assembly would offer Africa’s legislative leaders an opportunity to work collectively on these priorities and translate them into concrete action.

He also commended Koon, the Liberian government and the Local Organising Committee for their preparations for the event.

The Chairperson of the Local Organising Committee and of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs, Hon. Nehker E. Gaye, said the committee had worked with the CoSPAL Secretariat to ensure the necessary systems and structures were in place.

She thanked Koon, the CoSPAL Secretariat, members of the organising committee and government agencies involved in the preparations for the assembly.

The organisers said the December gathering would also provide a platform for parliamentary leaders to examine the legislative and institutional measures needed to translate continental economic integration commitments into tangible benefits for businesses, citizens and African economies.

CoSPAL was established in 2022 as a pan-African institution that brings together Speakers and Presidents of national legislatures to strengthen legislative leadership, advance parliamentary diplomacy and promote collective legislative action on issues of continental interest.

It was established under the leadership of Rt. Hon. Femi Gbajabiamila, then Speaker of Nigeria’s 9th House of Representatives, alongside other African legislative leaders.