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There is something significant about seeing locally assembled buses operating at the Murtala Muhammed International Airport (MMIA), Lagos. Such activity is more than the movement of passengers from one point to another; it also demonstrates that local automotive manufacturing can intersect directly with aviation infrastructure.

At Nigeria’s principal international gateway, the combination of locally made buses and imported ones has become a rolling statement about what the country’s automotive industry can produce when local capacity is matched with institutional demand.

Looking inwards, what the Federal Airports Authority of Nigeria (FAAN), led by its efficient administrator, Mrs Olubunmi Kuku, has done in managing the ground transportation at the international airport is a right step in the right direction. The choice of locally assembled buses, therefore, deserves to be viewed beyond the ordinary procurement of airport vehicles.

For an industry that has spent years battling foreign-exchange constraints, high production costs, limited local content and uncertainty over policy direction, putting Made-in-Nigeria buses to work at an international airport is both commercially and symbolically important.

Some of these buses were assembled locally by Lanre Shittu Motors Limited (LSM), a Nigerian automotive company whose Managing Director, Mr Taiwo Shittu, recently used the opportunity of an oversight visit by the Governing Board of the National Automotive Design and Development Council (NADDC) to highlight the significance of the project.

His message was clear as he pleaded that local manufacturers need institutional customers willing to demonstrate confidence in what they produce. This is exactly what FAAN had done to one of the oldest car manufacturing company in the country.

Speaking on some of their buses at the airport, Mr Shittu proudly said: ‘If you go to the airport, the buses are there now,’ emphasising that the buses operating at MMIA were assembled locally by his company.

That matters because airports are not ordinary operating environments. Vehicles deployed there are subjected to intensive utilisation, operational demands and public visibility. Consequently, a locally assembled bus working at an international airport provides a practical test of domestic manufacturing capability.

It also gives passengers, foreign visitors and aviation stakeholders arriving in Nigeria an immediate encounter with a Nigerian-made product. This is where FAAN’s procurement decision acquires a broader industrial-policy dimension.

The airport Authority is not merely putting buses on the tarmac. It is, whether by design or through procurement requirements, creating a market for domestic automotive production. Such institutional demand can help manufacturers plan production, sustain employment, develop supply chains and justify further investment in assembly capacity.

That is an important consideration for public institutions such as FAAN. Procurement should not end when a vehicle is delivered. Availability of spare parts, trained technicians, maintenance infrastructure and lifecycle support ultimately determine whether an investment delivers value over time.

This is where the ‘Nigeria First policy’ must go beyond the ceremonial purchase of locally assembled vehicles. If government agencies are encouraged to patronise Nigerian-made vehicles, manufacturers must equally be required to demonstrate measurable standards in quality, reliability, maintenance and after-sales support.

The relationship should therefore, be reciprocal: government creates predictable demand and policy stability, while manufacturers deepen local content, improve quality and maintain robust support networks.

Be that as it may, every time one of those buses moves through the airport, it carries more than passengers. It carries a question about Nigeria’s industrial priorities: whether government institutions will continue to provide a dependable market for domestic manufacturers, and whether manufacturers will respond by steadily increasing local content and technological capability.

FAAN’s choice of locally made buses at Lagos Airport should therefore be seen not merely as a transport decision, but as a small yet practical test of Nigeria’s resolve to build an automotive industry around local production.

The real success of that choice will ultimately be measured not by the fact that the buses are Made in Nigeria, but by how well they perform, how long they remain operational, how much of their value chain is Nigerian and whether their success encourages more institutional demand for locally produced vehicles.

In the case of LSM specifically, some of the above challenges seem to have been addressed as assured by the MD, Mr Taiwo.

According to him, beyond assembly, the auto firm sources some components locally, including seals, lubricants and rubber products from Kano and Ogun.

The company also maintains spare parts warehouses in Lagos, Port Harcourt and Kano, supported by trained engineers to strengthen after-sales service and vehicle availability.

It is therefore expected that other vehicle assemblers will increasingly adopt similar strategies

For aviation, the LSM buses at MMIA can therefore represent more than passenger transport. They offer a visible example of how local procurement, automotive manufacturing and private investment can support Nigeria’s aviation infrastructure.

The Action Peoples Party (APP), Imo State Chapter, on Thursday condemned in strong terms the reported attempt to relocate electoral collation centres in some parts of Imo State, particularly the Ideato North/South Federal Constituency, and expressed serious concern over any similar development affecting the Nkwerre/Isu/Njaba/Nwangele (NINN) Federal Constituency and other electoral units in Imo State.

The APP State Chairman, Hon. Ernest Njesi, expressed the concern in a statement made available to journalists, maintaining that ‘any unilateral or poorly explained alteration to established electoral arrangements is a matter requiring urgent public clarification, transparency and strict adherence to due process.

‘Decisions affecting the electoral process of an entire constituency cannot and must not become the private affair of a few individuals. Such decisions have consequences for political parties, candidates, voters, traditional institutions, forum of Presidents-General, community leaders and ordinary citizens. They must therefore be handled openly, lawfully and with adequate consultation.

‘Of particular concern is the reported justification of insecurity for the proposed movement of the Ideato collation centre. The people of Ideato North have lived and conducted their social, economic and civic activities in their communities for generations. If insecurity is being relied upon as the basis for such a significant administrative decision, then the relevant authorities owe the public a clear explanation and verifiable evidence supporting that position.

‘We cannot allow vague claims or unexplained administrative decisions to become instruments for creating unnecessary tension among our people. Ideato North and Ideato South are communities whose people have shared relationships, traditions, markets, families and institutions long before the emergence of the present political administration. Likewise, the people of NINN have their own longstanding bonds that must not be subjected to unnecessary political tension,’ he noted.

Hon. Njesi particularly expressed the party’s concern that an ill-considered approach to electoral administration could create suspicion, mistrust and divisions among people who have historically lived as brothers and sisters.

He maintained that: ‘Imo State does not need electoral arrangements that divide its people. Imo State needs electoral institutions that unite confidence around a transparent process.’

The party therefore called on INEC and security authorities to publicly clarify the circumstances surrounding any proposed relocation of collation centres; make clear the legal and administrative basis for such decisions; provide verifiable information concerning any security assessment being relied upon; and consult relevant stakeholders before implementing changes that substantially affect an electoral constituency.

He also harped on the need to ensure that ‘no political party, candidate or individual is given an undue advantage through administrative decisions; respect INEC and the integrity of the electoral process; and avoid actions capable of creating unnecessary tension or division among neighbouring communities.’

While assuring that the APP would continue to stand for transparency, fairness, accountability and peaceful democratic participation, he called on the people of Ideato North, Ideato South, Nkwerre, Isu, Nwangele and Njaba to remain calm, vigilant and law-abiding, adding that differences concerning electoral administration should be resolved through lawful institutions and established democratic processes, not through confrontation or division.

Immediate past Vice-Chancellor (VC) of Lagos State University (LASU), Prof. Ibiyemi Olatunji-Bello, has clarified remarks attributed to her on university fees and financial sustainability.

Olatunji-Bello was recently quoted as saying that public universities in Nigeria might need to charge a minimum of one million naira as tuition per student annually.

She was quoted as saying the aim was to achieve financial self-sustainability and independence from government funding.

However, her media aide, Mr Emmanuel Adeyemi, made the clarification in a statement made available to the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) on Wednesday in Lagos.

Adeyemi quoted Olatunji-Bello as saying her comments were made in the context of the cost of delivering quality university education comparable with international standards.

The media aide said the former VC did not advocate that students or parents should bear the entire cost of university education.

According to Adeyemi, Olatunji-Bello’s central argument was that providing the quality of undergraduate education Nigerians desire costs about one million naira per student annually.

‘Crucially, however, she did not suggest that this cost must necessarily be transferred wholesale onto students or their parents,’ he said.

He quoted Olatunji-Bello as saying, ‘Universities can achieve financial self-sustainability.

”If they can innovate and ensure improvements in the institution, money will come in.’

Adeyemi said the former VC also encouraged parents to prioritise their children’s education, noting that quality education required adequate funding.

‘I enjoin parents to ensure their children are well-educated by prioritising their fees. Good quality education needs money,’ he quoted her as saying.

The media aide said the remarks reflected a broader call for universities to pursue innovation and diversified revenue streams to achieve financial sustainability.

He said the former VC also acknowledged the cost implications of quality education, while encouraging shared responsibility among universities, parents and other stakeholders.

Adeyemi urged the public, media and education stakeholders to consider Olatunji-Bello’s complete remarks, rather than relying on isolated statements for a more accurate understanding of her position.

OPay is expanding its investment in Nigerians through programmes focused on education, youth development, children’s learning and women’s economic empowerment, positioning its corporate social responsibility efforts around creating opportunities that can deliver lasting impact.

At the centre of the initiative is the OPay Scholars Programme, which in 2026 expanded the company’s N1.2 billion, 10-year scholarship commitment to include the National Innovation Challenge, delivered in partnership with Google and 3 Million Technical Talent (3MTT), as well as OPay Futures. The programme now has more than 1,200 direct beneficiaries.

The scholarship initiative is designed to reduce financial barriers to education while providing young Nigerians with opportunities to develop skills and prepare for future careers. OPay’s broader scholarship programme has previously supported students across more than 20 tertiary institutions.

The company is also using technology and partnerships to broaden opportunities for young Nigerians. Through the National Innovation Challenge, participants are encouraged to develop technology-driven ideas and explore ways of applying digital skills to real-world problems.

OPay’s CSR efforts extend to children through Play4aChild, which has supported more than 14,000 direct beneficiaries with educational materials and other interventions aimed at improving their learning experience. The initiative has also involved partnerships supporting children, including pupils with disabilities.

Women’s economic empowerment is another component of the company’s social investment strategy. Through its Women Empowerment Programme, more than 100 women have received skills development, capacity building and startup assistance. OPay describes the programme as an effort to provide skills, resources and opportunities that can promote financial independence and sustainable livelihoods.

For OPay, the programmes represent an approach to CSR that focuses not only on financial commitments but also on measurable beneficiaries and opportunities created.

From a student receiving educational support to a young person developing an innovative idea or a woman acquiring skills and startup assistance, the company’s stated objective is to use its resources and partnerships to contribute to human capital development.

In a country where education, employability and access to economic opportunities remain important development priorities, OPay’s initiatives illustrate how private-sector resources can complement broader efforts to equip Nigerians with the knowledge, skills and opportunities needed to build sustainable futures.

Justice James Omotosho of a Federal High Court sitting in Abuja on Thursday recused himself from the ongoing N10 billion money laundering case preferred against Ali Bello, the Chief of Staff (CoS) to Gov. Usman Ododo of Kogi State, by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).

Justice Omotosho, in a ruling, held that he considered the decision reasonable, fair and in the interest of the parties, the administration of justice and society at large.

The development followed the confession by the court registrar, Mr Nasir Zubairu Onimisi, that he tampered with one of the exhibits tendered by the EFCC, which was prosecuting the matter.

The anti-graft agency had filed the charges in 2022, accusing Bello, also a nephew of former Gov. Yahaya Bello of Kogi, and Dauda Sulaiman of fraud involving the alleged diversion of funds from the Kogi State Government’s coffers.

While Bello was listed as the first defendant, Sulaiman was the second defendant in the 10-count charge marked: FHC/ABJ/CR/550/2022.

Onimisi had, on February 5, admitted in open court to confessing to the judge that he tampered with Exhibit ‘N’ after the defendants allegedly promised to give him a house in Abuja.

The development occurred while an EFCC investigation officer, Muhammed Abubakar, was giving his evidence in the trial as the 17th prosecution witness.

This prompted Justice Omotosho to order Onimisi’s arrest and to direct the police and the Department of State Services (DSS) to investigate the registrar and the defendants, and to submit their report to the court.

When the anti-graft agency closed its case after calling 17 witnesses, Bello and Sulaiman opted for a no-case submission on the grounds that the commission had been unable to adduce sufficient evidence in support of the charges to enable them to enter their defence.

However, when the case was called on Thursday for the defence lawyers, E. A. Oshayomi and Olusegun Jolaawo, SAN, to adopt their written addresses in the no-case submission, Justice Omotosho asked Abbas Muhammed, who appeared for the EFCC, about the outcome of the investigation seven months after.

Responding, Muhammed said he had learnt that the DSS had concluded its investigation and that the report had been submitted to the office of the Director of Public Prosecutions of the Federation (DPPF), Federal Ministry of Justice.

The lawyer, who said he was yet to know the outcome of the investigation, promised to get back to the court on its details.

In his ruling, Justice Omotosho said he recalled that his registrar opened up to him about tampering with an exhibit in relation to the case.

‘On the 5th of February, 2026, my Registrar, Nasir Onimisi, called and came to my house at about 6:30 a.m., where he confessed to tampering with one of the exhibits, namely, a phone containing WhatsApp messages relating to transactions connected with the case.

‘He stated that he had been promised a house in Abuja by the defendants and that this was the reason he tampered with the phone,’ the judge said.

According to the judge, ‘Onimisi appealed to me to assist him, but I bluntly refused, stating that I could not assist him in such circumstances. Fortunately, the matter was coming up for hearing that same morning.

‘When the matter was called at about 10:00am, I played in open court the recording of the conversation that had taken place in my sitting room when Nasir came to disclose these facts to me.

‘The recording was played in the presence of all the parties and their counsel. I thereafter, gave the microphone to Nasir and asked him to confirm whether the contents of the recording were true.

‘He confirmed the contents and repeated the substance of the recording in open court. The phone, being Exhibit ‘N’ was then powered on to enable the court access its contents and the WhatsApp platform, in order to ascertain whether the messages and transactions had indeed been tampered with,’ he said.

The judge said that upon examination in open court, and in the presence of all the parties, it was discovered that the contents had indeed been tampered with.

‘Consequently, I made an order for the arrest of Nasir and the defendants for investigation, including forensic analysis of their calls and phones, to enable me determine the appropriate way forward and ascertain scientifically whether the exhibit had been tampered with.

‘The investigation is still ongoing as of today, and the prosecution has not informed me whether it has been concluded,’ Justice Omotosho said.

The judge further said that while going through the case file early in the morning in preparation for the proceedings for the adoption of addresses in respect of the no-case submission, he realised that ‘the exhibit in question constitutes one of the material pieces of evidence and is, in effect, one of the backbones of the prosecution’s case.

‘I must state that some of the contents of the exhibit have been downloaded onto a flash drive, which has been tendered before this court.

‘However, I observed that, if I were to continue with the matter to its conclusion, it might become necessary for the court to ascribe probative value to the said exhibit.

‘In my ruling in no-case submission to enable the court to determine if a prima facie case has been established or not, I have considered what an average person on the street might reasonably think, in the circumstances of this case, if I were to ascribe no probative value, or only very low probative value, to the exhibit.

‘Such a person may conclude that I was attempting to minimise or conceal the significance of the alleged tampering of the exhibit.

‘On the other hand, if I were to attach substantial probative value to the exhibit, the same perception of the circumstances may lead a layman to conclude that I was reacting in annoyance to the events surrounding the alleged tampering.

‘It is important to state that, during the pendency of this matter and after the incident involving the alleged tampering, I forfeited a property known as No. 12, 5th Avenue, 59 Crescent, Gwarimpa, Abuja to the Federal Government of Nigeria, which was allegedly acquired for an Islamic Cleric who prayed for Senator Oseni Yakubu.

‘This case of forfeiture is very much related to this instant case and the defendants.

‘I therefore consider this circumstance relevant to the question of how my continued participation in the proceedings might reasonably be perceived by the parties and by the public, because this court needs to consider and look at Exhibit ‘N’ jointly with other evidence to determine if prima facie case has been established against the defendants or not.’

According to the judge, the overriding consideration is that justice must not only be done but must also be seen to be done by a reasonable person on the street.

‘In the peculiar circumstances of this case, I consider it prudent to take a preventive approach.

‘If I were to continue with the proceedings and any further incident were to occur in relation to the case file or the exhibits, it could give rise to various perceptions and conclusions, whether justified or otherwise, which may adversely affect public confidence in the judiciary and the administration of justice.

‘I therefore consider it reasonable, fair and in the interest of the parties, the administration of justice and society at large that I recuse myself from further proceedings in this matter.

‘Accordingly, and for the reasons stated above, I hereby recuse myself from further proceedings in this suit,’ the judge ruled, and subsequently directed that the case file be returned to the chief judge for reassignment to another judge.

Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Barr. Nyesom Wike, has assured residents that the long-awaited Apo-Karshi and Bwari-Kubwa roads will be completed and opened by December this year.

Wike gave the assurance in Abuja on Thursday while addressing journalists after inspecting ongoing infrastructure projects across satellite towns in the FCT.

He recalled that the Apo-Karshi road contract was originally awarded in 2010 but stalled under the previous administration, prompting the current administration to revoke and re-award it.

‘I am so happy that we have been able to conquer the Apo-Karshi road. You know the importance of that road. That road was awarded in 2010. To the glory of God, today we were there and we can see that by November they would have handed over that very important road,’ he said.

The Minister, who was also in Bwari, where excited residents turned out in large numbers, said the contractor handling the Bwari-Kubwa road, SCC, has promised to hand over the project by the end of the year, despite delays caused by heavy rainfall.

He commended the Federal Government for expanding development beyond the city centre to satellite towns, noting that more than 10 projects would be commissioned in the FCT before the next elections.

‘Just like I said yesterday, the Tinubu administration has redefined infrastructure delivery as far as FCT is concerned, not just within the city but also within the satellite towns,’ Wike said.

Responding to questions on the political outlook for the FCT ahead of the 2027 general elections, Wike expressed confidence in the ruling party’s prospects, citing the administration’s infrastructure record as evidence of good governance.

‘If good governance is a barometer to measure whether a government has succeeded or not, then we have nothing to fear. We want a government that listens to us, cares for us, and solves our problems. Now the Tinubu administration has come; it is not only listening to you, but it is also not only caring for you; it is solving your problems.

‘So why will the people who said this is what they want now change their mind to try people we do not know what will happen? Nobody does that.

‘I can beat my chest, close my eyes and sleep with my two eyes closed that Bola Ahmed Tinubu will emerge and other candidates such as Philip Aduda and John Gabaya will win this election. I have no fear at all,’ he said.

Asked about criticism from the incumbent FCT senator, who said she will not be intimidated, Wike said his comments were not intimidation but a call for accountability.

‘How many times has she gone to satellite towns to discuss with them, even traditional rulers? How many times has she spoken on the floor of the Senate to say these are the problems the FCT is facing? How many times has she come up with bills to tell her colleagues to support her so that certain problems facing Abuja will be taken care of?

‘It is not about intimidation. Nobody is intimidating her, rather she has intimidated herself by not performing. It is the non-performance that is causing her intimidation,’ he said.

On the recent demolition exercise in parts of Abuja, the minister said affected occupants were illegal occupants and had been given more than six months’ notice.

He said government could not continue to delay enforcement after repeated notice periods.

The gubernatorial ambition of Prof. Isa Ali Pantami has suffered a temporary setback as a Federal High Court No. 1 sitting in Gombe has nullified his emergence as the governorship candidate of the Wike-backed main opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in Gombe State and ordered the party to conduct a fresh primary election.

The judgment was delivered by Justice Amina Aliyu Mohammed on Thursday in a suit filed by Usman Aliyu Garry, who challenged the process through which Isa Ali Pantami emerged as the party’s candidate.

Usman Aliyu Garry had argued that the PDP failed to conduct a valid governorship primary before announcing Pantami as its candidate on June 26, 2026.

Isa Ali Pantami had emerged as the party’s candidate in a contest involving other aspirants, including Abdulladir Hamma Sale, Khamisu Ahmed Mailantarki and Monica Kaltho.

The plaintiff challenged the process, contending that the party’s decision to adopt Pantami without conducting the required primary election was contrary to its guidelines and relevant electoral laws.

In her judgment, Justice Amina Aliyu Mohammed ordered the PDP to conduct a fresh governorship primary in accordance with the party’s guidelines and applicable electoral laws.

The ruling effectively nullified Isa Ali Pantami’s emergence through the earlier process and requires the PDP to commence a fresh process for selecting its governorship candidate for the 2027 election.

The judgment is the latest development in the legal battle over the PDP governorship ticket in Gombe State.

The Federal Government has said Nigeria’s global standing depends largely on effective grassroots governance and development, stressing that the country’s domestic policies have direct implications for its foreign policy and international image.

The Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, Ambassador Sola Enikanolaiye, stated this in Abuja at the 2026 maiden National Conference of the 774 Local Government Chairmen and Chairmen of Traditional Rulers’ Councils, held at the State House Banquet Hall.

The conference, convened by the Federal Ministry of Special Duties and Inter-Governmental Affairs, was themed, ‘Cascading President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda to the Grassroots.’

Enikanolaiye, who delivered a goodwill message at the conference, said the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was interested in developments at the local level because of their implications for Nigeria’s international relations.

‘For us in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, we believe that every aspect of our government policy at home has implications for foreign policy and Nigeria’s international relations.

‘Which is why we are interested in everything that goes on domestically because foreign policy is also a projection of domestic policy. And in this context, grassroots mobilisation and development is critical to what we do abroad,’ he said.

The minister said inclusive governance must be bottom-up rather than top-down, describing traditional rulers as a critical component of Nigeria’s governance architecture.

He commended President Bola Tinubu for approving the conference and for anchoring the roles of local governments and traditional rulers in the ongoing constitutional amendment process.

Enikanolaiye said the success of the Renewed Hope Agenda would ultimately be determined at the grassroots, linking local government development to the administration’s four-D foreign policy doctrine of demography, development, democracy and diaspora.

On demography, he described Nigeria’s youth population across the 774 local government areas as a major global asset, saying empowering local governments would help translate the country’s population into economic strength.

He said the administration’s ambition of building a $1 trillion economy could not be achieved without productive local governments, citing agriculture, mineral resources and major infrastructure projects as areas with the potential to attract foreign direct investment.

On democracy, Enikanolaiye said empowering local governments and traditional rulers would demonstrate Nigeria’s commitment to bottom-up governance.

He added that when communities were secure and economically productive, members of the Nigerian diaspora would be more encouraged to invest in the country and promote its image abroad.

The minister said the Ministry of Foreign Affairs would drive the foreign policy component of grassroots development through investment matchmaking via Nigeria’s 110 diplomatic missions, partnerships with friends of Nigeria, and the use of traditional rulers’ community intelligence to support national security.

Also speaking, the Head of the Civil Service of the Federation, Mr Olumuyiwa Enitan Abel, represented by Dr Vitalis Obi, said local governments were closest to the people and central to effective service delivery.

He also described traditional rulers as important partners in peacebuilding and reaffirmed the commitment of the civil service to accountability and measurable results.

Earlier, the Permanent Secretary, Special Duties and Inter-Governmental Affairs, Dr Onwusoro Maduka Ihemelandu, said the government had faced challenges obtaining timely and verifiable data on interventions at the local government level.

He said the ministry had therefore developed an E-Tracking Framework to monitor projects based on their locations, value, timelines and verification status.

Last week, writing about Niprisan, I argued that knowledge is not power until you own it. It was deliberately provocative, but the point was not that knowledge possesses no intrinsic value unless somebody puts a price tag on it. Knowledge can liberate, heal, illuminate and transform society long before it generates a penny. My concern was narrower: when knowledge produces economic and technological value, who possesses the institutions capable of protecting, financing, scaling and capturing that value?

A conversation I had earlier this month made that question even more uncomfortable.

The Academy for Transformative Leadership held its annual conference on 5 and 6 September. During the conference, I spoke with Professor Amos Fatokun, Professor of Pharmacology and Neuroscience at Liverpool John Moores University. Our conversation turned to patents, research commercialisation and the practical difficulties confronting academics who produce potentially valuable knowledge.

Professor Fatokun recounted his experience of collaborative research involving a colleague at a prominent Nigerian university. The work generated an invention worthy of patent protection. That should have been the beginning of an exciting institutional journey.

Instead, an elementary problem arose.

Who would pay for the patent?

According to Professor Fatokun, the Nigerian university involved was not prepared at the time to meet the cost. Liverpool John Moores University was. Because the research involved Nigerian collaborators and significant intellectual contribution from Nigeria, he pressed for the Nigerian university to be recognised alongside the British institution in the ownership arrangements.

Think about what that episode represents.

The problem was not the absence of Nigerian brains.

It was not the absence of research.

It was not even the absence of something sufficiently original to warrant intellectual property protection.

The weakness appeared at the point where knowledge needed an institution to stand behind it.

This is where last week’s argument about Niprisan needs a sequel. Telling African researchers to own what they know is not enough. Ownership itself requires infrastructure.

A patent is not obtained through patriotic enthusiasm. Someone must assess whether an invention is patentable, determine where protection should be sought, prepare the application, pay filing and legal costs, manage the process across jurisdictions and decide whether continued protection remains commercially worthwhile. Then comes the harder journey of finding investors, licensees, manufacturers or customers.

How many Nigerian academics are trained to navigate that process?

More importantly, why should they have to navigate it alone?

Universities in advanced innovation systems do not generally expect the scientist who discovers something to become, overnight, a patent lawyer, technology-transfer specialist, venture capitalist, licensing negotiator and marketing executive. They build institutions around the researcher.

That institutional architecture is what Nigeria still needs to deepen.

It would be inaccurate to say that nothing exists. The National Office for Technology Acquisition and Promotion, NOTAP, has for years promoted Intellectual Property and Technology Transfer Offices in universities and research institutions. A number of Nigerian universities now publicly describe structures for intellectual property development and commercialisation, including support for patents, licensing and spin-outs.

This is progress.

But an office is not an ecosystem.

Putting ‘technology transfer’ on a door is the easy part. The real test is whether the office has the competence, industry relationships and resources to move discoveries from laboratory benches into productive use.

Can it pay for promising patents?

Can it assess commercial potential?

Can it fund proof-of-concept work?

Can it connect a researcher with a pharmaceutical manufacturer, software company or engineering firm?

Can it negotiate licensing terms?

Can it help establish a spin-out?

Can it introduce researchers to investors?

Can it remain involved during the difficult years between invention and revenue?

Those questions matter because research commercialisation is not an event. It is a chain. And a chain is only as useful as its weakest link.

Nigeria has become reasonably adept at celebrating the beginning of that chain. Universities announce grants. Academics publish papers. Researchers receive awards. Government officials commission laboratories. Conferences produce communiqués.

Then comes the dangerous middle.

This is the space innovation scholars often call the valley of death: the ravine between a promising idea and a viable product, where many inventions disappear because no bridge has been built across. The research may work. The prototype may exist. The patent may even have been filed. But without patient capital, regulatory support, product development, market testing and industrial partners, the idea dies within sight of the marketplace.

It is encouraging that Nigerian policymakers increasingly recognise the problem. NOTAP’s mandate explicitly includes commercialisation of research and development results and promotion of locally generated technologies. Recent initiatives have also focused on strengthening links between universities, research institutions and industry.

But recognition is only the beginning.

Universities need properly funded commercialisation structures with professional staff whose careers are built around moving research towards impact. There should be dedicated budgets for patent applications and proof-of-concept development. Researchers should know exactly where to go when they believe they have created something commercially valuable.

And government must go beyond funding research.

It must become a strategic customer of Nigerian innovation.

This is where public procurement enters the conversation.

Nigeria is a huge market. Federal and state governments collectively spend enormous sums purchasing medicines, educational materials, agricultural inputs, software, vehicles, energy systems, construction materials and countless other goods and services.

Yet too often, public procurement simply transfers Nigerian purchasing power into demand for products designed and manufactured elsewhere.

What if some of that purchasing power were deliberately used to create first markets for credible Nigerian innovations?

Suppose a Nigerian university develops a diagnostic technology that meets rigorous standards. Why should government procurement systems not help provide the first significant market?

Suppose researchers develop an agricultural technology demonstrably capable of improving yields. Why should public agricultural programmes not become potential early adopters?

Suppose Nigerian engineers create a technology suitable for public infrastructure. Why should procurement rules not contain carefully designed pathways through which indigenous innovation can compete?

This is not an argument for buying inferior products because they carry a Nigerian label.

Patriotism is not quality control.

Products must satisfy safety, performance and value-for-money standards. Competition matters. Independent testing matters. Transparency matters, particularly in a procurement environment where political patronage can easily masquerade as industrial policy.

But there is nothing economically neutral about a government spending billions importing technologies while laboratories within its own country struggle to find their first customer.

Public procurement can be more than administrative purchasing. Used intelligently, it becomes industrial policy.

Nigeria already possesses the beginnings of such a framework. Executive Order 5, introduced in 2018, explicitly sought to promote Nigerian content in contracts and the use of science, engineering and technology to deepen domestic capability. The challenge, as so often happens in Nigeria, is converting policy aspiration into disciplined institutional practice.

The same applies to private capital.

Banks, pension funds, wealthy individuals and large corporations must begin to see knowledge-based enterprise as worthy of patient investment. Not every invention will succeed. Most will not. Innovation is inherently risky. But countries do not build technological capability by eliminating risk. They build institutions capable of carrying it.

Universities must change too.

For too long, the academic reward system has treated publication as the natural finishing line of research. Publish the paper. Add it to the promotion file. Count the citations. Move to the next project.

But for some forms of research, publication should be the beginning of another journey.

What can this knowledge do?

Who can use it?

Should it be protected?

Can it become a product?

Can it become a company?

Can it solve a public problem?

Can it create employment?

Can Nigeria build an industry around it?

These are not vulgar questions contaminating the purity of scholarship. They are questions about impact.

Professor Fatokun’s story is therefore not really a story about the price of filing a patent. It is about something much larger: whether the Nigerian university system has built enough institutional muscle to stand behind the knowledge produced by its own scholars.

Last week, I argued that knowledge is not power until you own it.

There is now an important addition. You cannot meaningfully own knowledge if you have not built institutions prepared to protect it, finance it, connect it to industry and create markets in which it can live.

The laboratory produces the idea.

But only an ecosystem turns the idea into power.