Category: Auto Guid

Two Christian governors in Region 12 and the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) have pledged their support for the community-empowerment programs of the Bangsamoro government’s chief minister, who will continue serving under an extended tenure as a presidential appointee.

Cotabato Gov. Emmylou Taliño-Mendoza and her counterpart in South Cotabato, Reynaldo Tamayo Jr. separately told reporters on Monday, November 10, that they will remain supportive of the public service thrusts of Abdulrauf Macacua, who shall still function as chief minister of the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao following the postponement of the supposed Oct.13, 2024, first-ever BARMM parliamentary elections due to legal impediments.

Macacua is chief of the Bangsamoro Islamic Armed Forces of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front, whose 2014 peace compact with the national government led to the creation in 2019 of the MILF-led BARMM, replacing the then 27-year-old, less empowered Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao.

BARMM Labor and Employment Minister Muslimin Sema, chairman of the Moro National Liberation Front that forged on Sept. 2, 1996 a truce with the national government, said MNLF members and leaders in all five provinces and three cities in the autonomous region are glad with Macacua’s stay as an appointed figurehead of the 80-member Bangsamoro parliament and all ministries and support agencies of the autonomous regional government.

‘Chief Minister Macacua has our solid vote of confidence. We will support his leadership of the Bangsamoro region, under an appointive authority, until the Commission on Elections sets the final schedule of the first-ever parliamentary polls in the region,’ Sema said.

Both the MILF and MNLF have representatives in the Bangsamoro parliament and are cooperating in managing certain agencies of the regional government.

Macacua was appointed as chief minister of BARMM just last March 2025 by President Ferdinand Marcos Jr., replacing Ahod Ebrahim, chairman of the MILF’s central committee, who was appointed to the same post in 2019 by then President Rodrigo Duterte.

There are 63 predominantly Moro barangays in Cotabato, Region 12, now organized into eight towns established by the Bangsamoro Parliament last year. The area falls under the jurisdiction of Taliño-Mendoza, who also serves as chairperson of the multi-sector Regional Development Council 12, which oversees development initiatives across four provinces and three cities in Central Mindanao.

‘These barangays, grouped as the Bangsamoro Special Geographic Area, are no longer under my jurisdiction but me and all my constituent mayors will continue cooperating with the development initiatives of the Bangsamoro government for the Moro communities there because they remain connected geographically to our province. They remain as our constituents still because their ancestral domains are inside our province,’ Taliño-Mendoza said.

Tamayo, now in his third term as governor of South Cotabato and was recently reappointed by Marcos as presiding chairperson of the multi-sector Regional Peace and Order Council 12, said his office will help the Macacua-led BARMM government push forward its humanitarian programs for the Moro communities in all of the 10 municipalities in their province and in its capital, Koronadal City.

‘Different Bangsamoro ministries are extending services to Moro residents of South Cotabato, which is outside of the Bangsamoro region. We shall reciprocate by supporting the peace and security programs of the Bangsamoro government, complementing the peace overtures of President Marcos with the MILF and the MNLF that have members residing in South Cotabato,” Tamayo said.

A former member of the Maguindanao del Sur Sangguniang Panlalawigan survived an ambush along a busy highway in Tacurong City, Sultan Kudarat, at noon on Monday, November 10, an incident that caused bystanders to flee the area.

Officials from the Tacurong City Police Station told reporters that 51-year-old Taharudin Nul Mlok had just gotten into his bulletproof black Toyota Fortuner with license plate NDB 4964 outside a roadside store. As he was about to cross to the opposite lane of the highway in Purok Ayat, Barangay New Carmen, Tacurong City, men on separate motorcycles approached, drew pistols, and opened fire.

Mlok’s attackers immediately fled on their motorcycles when he returned fire with his pistol. According to witnesses, one of them was wounded in the brief shootout.

Brig. Gen. Arnold Ardiente, director of the Police Regional Office-12, said his subordinate officers in Tacurong City and intelligence agents from the Sultan Kudarat Provincial Police Office are cooperating in identifying the assailants of Mlok.

While Typhoon Uwan is on the way out, state meteorologists reiterated that flooding and storm surges are still likely, even if the eye of the storm is far from an area.

While flooding is starting to recede across several water basins, PAGASA warned that flooding is still possible in areas connected to the Bicol River, Agno River Basin, Cagayan River Basin, Apayao-Abulug River Basin and Laguna De Bay River Basin.

PAGASA has also hoisted a storm surge warning over several areas, saying that residents in low-lying areas must stay away from the coast and move to higher grounds.

The following storm surge warning has been issued, effective within the next few hours:

Storm Surge Height (2.1 meters to 3.0 meters)

Ilocos Norte

Bacarra

Burgos

Pasuquin

Bangui

Pagudpud

Badoc

Currimao

Laoag City

Paoay

Ilocos Sur

Cabugao

Caoayan

Candon

Vigan

Magsingal

Narvacan

San Esteban

San Juan

San Vicente

Santa Catalina

Santa Cruz

Santa Lucia

Santa Maria

Santiago

Santo Domingo

Sinait

Tagudin

La Union

Agoo

Aringay

Bacnotan

Balaoan

Bangar

Bauang

Caba

San Fernando

Luna

Rosario

San Juan

Santo Tomas

Pangasinan

Agno

Anda

Bani

Bolinao

Burgos

Dasol

Infanta

Zambales

Candelaria

Masinloc

Palauig

Santa Cruz

Storm Surge Height (1.0 Meter To 2.0 Meters)

Aurora

Dinalungan

Dipaculao

Casiguran

Dilasag

Bataan

Mariveles

Bagac

Morong

Batangas

Nasugbu

Calatagan

Lian

Cagayan

Peñablanca

Baggao

Abulug

Aparri

Calayan

Ballesteros

Buguey

Claveria

Gattaran

Gonzaga

Lal-Lo

Pamplona

Sanchez-Mira

Santa Ana

Santa Praxedes

Santa Teresita

Peñablanca

Cavite

Maragondon

Ternate

Isabela

Dinapigue

Divilacan

Palanan

Maconacon

Occidental Mindoro

Lubang

Looc

Calintaan

Sablayan

Santa Cruz

Mamburao

Paluan

Palawan

Busuanga

Coron

Culion

Linapacan

Pangasinan

Binmaley

Alaminos

Dagupan City

Labrador

Lingayen

San Fabian

Sual

Zambales

Botolan

Cabangan

Iba

San Antonio

San Felipe

San Narciso

Subic

Olongapo

The International Criminal Court (ICC) said it cannot confirm reports that it has issued a warrant of arrest against Sen. Ronald ‘Bato’ dela Rosa in connection with the Duterte administration’s war on drugs.

In a message to reporters on Monday, November 11, ICC spokesperson Fadi El Abdallah said official updates from the court can be verified only through its communications channels and press releases.

‘No, the ICC can’t confirm such news,’ El Abdallah said, responding to multiple queries over Ombudsman Boying Remulla’s statement.

‘ICC news can be found only on ICC official communications channels and press releases, where you could see that only one case to date has been opened, against Mr Duterte,’ he added.

On November 8, Remulla said in a DZRH interview that a warrant of arrest has already been issued against Dela Rosa by the ICC in connection with the war on drugs during the administration of detained former President Rodrigo Duterte.

What Remulla said. In a DZRH interview on November 8, Remulla claimed that the ICC had already issued a warrant of arrest against Dela Rosa.

‘I have it in good authority [to disclose] because this is a public interest program, that the ICC has issued a warrant against Senator Bato Dela Rosa, a warrant of arrest,’ Remulla said.

Following his statement, the Department of Foreign Affairs and the Department of Justice both said they have yet to receive any notice from Interpol regarding such a warrant.

What came before

On March 11, former president Rodrigo Duterte – who appointed Dela Rosa as Philippine National Police (PNP) chief – was handed over to the ICC following his return from Hong Kong. He was arrested for alleged crimes against humanity, including murder, over thousands of deaths linked to his administration’s anti-drug campaign.

In response, Duterte’s lawyers filed a petition before the Supreme Court questioning the Philippine government’s cooperation with the ICC. Dela Rosa is among the respondents to the petition.

As PNP chief, Dela Rosa was the architect of Oplan Tokhang, the flagship operation under Duterte’s war on drugs. Human rights groups say the toll from the operations could be as high as 30,000, most of them male, poor and did not go through due process before execution.

Over 40 Continuous Voters Registration (CVR) candidates heading home in a bus after their registration exercise were abducted at gunpoint along Dekina – Ajiyoko – Anyigba road at about 6 pm on Friday , 7th November 2025.

The victims were mostly from Abocho community and environs who chattered a bus to convey them to Dekina the local government area headquarters to enable them participate in the ongoing CVR exercise.

Eye witnesses report that on their way back to Abocho after the successful exercise, they were ambushed and forcefully abducted by kidnappers numbering over 20 and fully armed.

The news of the mass abduction sent panic waves to the communities there by generating tension and anxieties.

However, relief came later on as troops of 12 Brigade Lokoja in collaboration with the local security network gave a hot chase to the criminals. This forced the kidnappers to abandoned some of the victims and escaped with few others.

Eye witness said, ‘The kidnappers played a fast one on us, they released about 31 of their victims, and we thought that was all and we relaxed not knowing that they simply used those ones for us to calm down. But before we realized their tricks, they has gone far with about 10 victims’

‘When the profile of the victims were taken, it was realized that there are about 10 members of the community still missing including the driver of the bus’

It was learnt that the bus was recovered and taken to Abocho police station while security agencies continued their search for the remaining 10 victims in custody of the kidnappers.

The security agencies has vowed to track the kidnappers until the remaining ten captives are freed.

Efforts to confirm the incidence from the police public relations officer ASP William Ovye was not successful as call made to him could not get through at the time of filling this report.

Kenya has broken ground on what it says will be the world’s first geothermal-powered fertiliser project in a bid to lower the cost of key farm input and boost food security plans.

State-run Kenya Electricity Generating Company (KenGen) and China’s Kaishan Group on Monday entered into a joint venture to build a plant with a capacity to produce between 200,000 and 300,000 tonnes of ammonia-based fertiliser every year.

Kaishan’s local unit, Kaishan Terra Green Ammonia Ltd, will construct and operate the facility, while KenGen will supply 165 megawatts of geothermal energy to power the production of green ammonia and fertiliser for the project for 30 years.

The facility is expected to stabilise local fertiliser prices by reducing dollar-denominated import exposure, KenGen said in a statement, projecting to generate an estimated $13 million (about Sh1.68 billion) in annual net profit from the plant on completion.

‘[This is] a milestone in clean industrialisation,’ KenGen managing director Peter Njenga said in a statement, adding that geothermal power is the ‘bridge between Africa’s green energy potential and its manufacturing future’.

Kenya largely depends on fertiliser for farming, and its pricing remains the single biggest variable driving output of staple maize.

The country spends tens of billions of shillings to ship between 800,000 and 900,000 metric tonnes of fertiliser every year from countries such as Russia and Saudi Arabia, according to official figures.

President William Ruto’s administration has been subsidising fertiliser prices since taking power in September 2022 through the National Cereals and Produce Board to reduce the cost burden for farmers and bolster production.

Speaking at the groundbreaking ceremony, Dr Ruto said the plant would help boost food security, lower import bills, and create jobs.

‘This project shows that Kenya is not just a leading producer and consumer of clean energy; we are now going further to add value and generate prosperity from it,’ he said.

‘By harnessing our geothermal wealth, we are lowering fertiliser costs, supporting our farmers, and contributing to global climate goals.’

The launch of the project has come at a time when the latest official numbers have shown that Kenya has cut fertiliser imports for the second straight year, signalling a cooling of the government’s subsidy programme that drove record shipments in 2023 and stood at the heart of President Dr Ruto’s food security agenda.

Fertiliser imports between January and June 2025 stood at 443,701 tonnes, valued at nearly Sh25.63 billion, down from 445,857 tonnes worth Sh27.71 billion in the same period of 2024, data collated by the Kenya National Bureau of Statistics indicate.

The latest half-year numbers extend the decline from the 2023 peak of 629,566 tonnes worth Sh44.8 billion, representing a 29.52 percent fall in volume and 42.83 percent decline in value over two years.

‘Our agriculture is highly dependent on fertiliser prices, with high prices leading to a decline in maize output nationally. As we know, maize is the staple crop that feeds millions of Kenyans. That is why domestic, competitively priced fertiliser matters not just for commerce, but for food security for our people.’

The facility is forecast to create more than 2,000 direct and indirect jobs across construction, operations, maintenance, logistics and supply chains.

Job openings from the project include those for plant operators, process engineers, laboratory technicians, electricians and small businesses plugged into the value chain.

Kenya currently imports nearly all fertiliser consumed domestically, exposing farmers to currency swings, Red Sea freight volatility and commodity price shocks linked to global gas markets – because about 98 percent of world ammonia is made using natural gas.

A green-ammonia plant will help Kenya realise import substitution and climate competitiveness. The project is forecast to avoid more than 600,000 tonnes of carbon dioxide emissions each year.

Recently, the announcement of the “Women in Film Entrepreneurship Hub” residency by KFC (Kenya Film Commission) and GIZ (The Deutsche Gesellschaft fr Internationale Zusammenarbeit ), stirred a debate in my head.

On one hand, the residency is a great, much-needed opportunity that promises vital funding and mentorship to dynamic female filmmakers, a goal we can widely applaud and one that I fully support.

On the other hand, the programme’s sole criterion, exclusively based on gender, raises serious questions about creative segregation, meritocracy, and the core mandate of national institutions in an already struggling creative sector.

The fundamental flaw is that it puts identity over competence and skill. Let’s put ourselves in the shoes of a young, passionate filmmaker.

He puts his head down, aggressively pursues the necessary education, and networks tirelessly to the point of offering his services for free to hone his craft. He has the drive, the skills, and great ideas, and is prepared to join an industry he knows is unstable.

Now imagine that person systematically locked out of critical lifeline opportunities, not because his portfolio is weak, but purely because of his gender.

In a discipline as creatively intensive as filmmaking, where the final work is ultimately judged on talent and vision, prioritising an external, immutable factor like gender over skill is negative. It sends a message that a national commission is willing to overlook potential and ignore those whose work could genuinely elevate the industry simply because they happen to be men.

This leads directly to the core institutional contradiction. KFC is explicitly mandated to be an inclusive public entity, meant to serve and support and stabilise the entirety of the national film industry, not just one demographic.

By approving and championing a programme that deliberately segregates opportunity based on gender, the KFC seems to embrace a form of identity politics that undermines its universal charter.

To highlight the injustice, imagine the outrage if this residency were exclusively for men. The silence regarding the exclusion of male filmmakers, rationalised by the perceived nobility of the cause, exposes a profound double standard regarding equal access to resources.

While the intent to uplift female voices is noble, the mechanism chosen is shortsighted. Sustainable growth for the African creative space will not come from deliberate segregation.

The better, more equitable approach would be for KFC to use its energy and resources to invest in system stabilisation, universal funding of essential infrastructure, creating lucrative distribution channels, and ensuring stability and transparency within the industry.

It is in strengthening this overall economic foundation of filmmaking that the industry will organically attract and retain talent from all demographics and make the mechanics of selling filmmaking as a viable career path from the grassroots up, irrespective of gender, that much easier.

The emphasis needs to shift from creating niche, gender-specific pipelines to fostering universal support and demonstrable excellence for all.

I walked away from my favourite burger joint over two paid squirts of ketchup. In most eateries, whether standing in a chips-and-chicken shop in the middle of the night, or seated at a fancy restaurant, tomato sauce comes with fries, by the bottle! Their small savings turned a loyal customer into an ex-customer. It is a trivial example, but businesses often make penny-wise choices that erode their treasured customers’ experience, loyalty and quietly drain revenue.

Even though the statistics on the impact of Customer Experience (CX) on competitiveness are eye-catching, it is hard for most leaders to articulate what needs to be done to make their companies more customer-centric. Companies that are leaders in CX achieve growth rates 3.4 times those of CX laggards, and leaders in CX can charge more than 16 percent more than their competitors. This is news that should make every leader sit up. Here is a simple four-step framework that teams can use to evaluate whether they are being customer-centric.

The HELO framework is an approach based on service design and design thinking. These methods give tools and guidance on deeply understanding your customer using empathy and isolating the challenges that the customer has to align the solution offering to solve the real problem.

The first step, H, for Human, is to assess whether your company is using qualitative tools to uncover its customers’ needs, challenges and aspirations.

Having your executives walking the floors and meeting customers is an absolute first step, but an intentional user research exercise will uncover the “why” behind customer preferences and choices. What you end up with is personas that explain motivation, context, and emotions. Having a practice of preparing well-defined personas is an essential part of a customer-centric organisation.

Now that personas are defined, map the Experience (the ‘E’) to find the key moments to enhance. It is important to distinguish between the user journey or the customer steps in a digital application, and the customer’s actions, thoughts and feelings throughout their journey, which is the customer experience journey.

The latter is viewed through the customer’s eyes, charting the complete path to and through your product, mapping every touchpoint from awareness to usage and retention. Some of the most cost-effective interventions and opportunities occur before and after the usage of the product.

The next step is to zoom into the point of the journey that needs improvement, which we refer to as Links (the L), or the touchpoint. These touchpoints connect to form the overall experience, like links in a chain. At this point, you have a clear view of where, along the customer journey, the biggest opportunities to make a difference lie.

Often, companies want to jump directly to fixing touchpoints, but without the insights of the previous stages, it is often based on blindly copying competitors and ending up with an undifferentiated offering that lacks any inspiration from your customers. It is no wonder we are surrounded by me-too products.

The O in our framework is for Organisation and is often the most difficult. However, it gets to the heart of the changes that the organisation needs to make to become more customer-centric.

A powerful tool to use here is the Service Blueprint. The blueprint is a map of the backstage processes that helps to break down both operational silos and siloed thinking.

For example, shouldn’t it be an easy win for my bank, where I have personal accounts and business accounts, to offer me a prequalified credit card or a car loan? It isn’t today because each product is run as its own business. This is often where innovators leap ahead; by creating efficiencies and agility that is aligned directly to customer needs and value, and this may be why your company is struggling to execute on a customer-centric strategy.

The HELO framework is a CX field guide with unmistakable guideposts to customer obsession. Run it as an assessment: how would your company fare? If the answer stings, it may be time to meet your customer again, and this time say “HELO”

Kenya’s $223 billion infrastructure dream is slipping away. With rising debt, fuel levy securitisation, and weak project execution, the country must rethink how it funds and manages development.

According to the Global Infrastructure Outlook developed by the Global Infrastructure Hub and Oxford Economics, Kenya will need about $223 billion in infrastructure investment between 2016 and 2040 to sustain economic growth, urbanisation, and social transformation (Global Infrastructure Hub, 2023).

Spread over 25 years, this amounts to roughly $8.9 billion annually, covering transport, energy, water, and communications. Nearly a decade into this timeline, Kenya’s investment path reveals the country is significantly behind target.

Government expenditure records since 2016 show that development spending has remained far below what the economy requires.

Treasury’s 2024 data show annual development budgets have averaged between Sh600 billion and Sh740 billion, equivalent to $4.4 billion to $5.5 billion.

Yet, only around 60 percent of this typically goes into physical infrastructure such as roads, energy, and water works, according to the Parliamentary Budget Office (in 2023). This translates to about Sh350-Sh450 billion or $2.6 billion to 3.3 billion a year dedicated to infrastructure.

The problem is compounded by low absorption rates. Treasury data show that ministries and agencies frequently spend less than what is allocated, largely due to delayed procurement, financing bottlenecks, and weak project management, according to the Treasury Quarterly Budget Review of 2024.

In the 2023-24 fiscal year, only Sh434 billion of the Sh587 billion allocated for development was spent-an absorption rate of just 74 percent. As a result, even the modest allocations are underutilised, undermining project delivery.

On aggregate, infrastructure investment between 2016 and 2024 is estimated at $23 billion to $25 billion, or roughly 11 percent of the projected requirement (Oxford Economics, 2023).

Even after factoring in donor and private participation, the cumulative figure likely does not exceed $28 billion, leaving a $195 billion gap over the remaining 16 years. To meet the 2040 target, Kenya must therefore invest around $12.4 billion annually from 2025 to 2040-almost four times the current rate.

Achieving this would require infrastructure investment to grow by eight percent annually, or by 13 percent to close the gap within a decade.

This ambition faces a stiff fiscal headwind. Kenya’s public debt has ballooned from 42 percent of gross domestic product in 2013 to over 70 percent in 2024, according to the Central Bank of Kenya. Debt service obligations are projected to hit Sh1.9 trillion in the 2025-26 fiscal year, consuming more than half of total government revenue (National Treasury Budget Policy Statement, 2025).

This leaves little fiscal space for new capital spending and forces the government to rely heavily on off-balance-sheet financing mechanisms.

One such mechanism is the securitisation of the fuel levy, through which the Kenya Roads Board (KRB) has pledged future road maintenance revenues to raise infrastructure capital.

The government has already securitised Sh175 billion by diverting Sh7 out of every Sh25 per litre from the Road Maintenance Levy Fund to a special purpose vehicle.

As of mid-2025, about Sh60 billion has been raised and disbursed to contractors, helping to revive over 580 stalled road projects. Financial institutions, including the United Bank for Africa, have collectively invested over Sh16.38 billion in the scheme.

While the programme is structured to avoid direct government guarantees, it effectively shifts borrowing off the national balance sheet by mortgaging future fuel revenues.

Other off-balance-sheet strategies include public-private partnerships (PPPs).

Since Kenya adopted the PPP framework in 2013, about Sh140.7 billion in private capital has been mobilised into infrastructure, including flagship projects such as the Sh88 billion Nairobi Expressway and the Kenyatta University Teaching, Referral and Research Hospital.

However, PPP inflows have sharply declined: private investment plunged from Sh80.6 billion in 2022 to Sh4.3 billion in 2024. The Treasury reports that 39 PPP projects worth a combined $13 billion (Sh1.69 trillion) have been approved, but progress has been slow due to regulatory delays, financing uncertainty, and risk allocation concerns.

For fiscal 2025-26, the Treasury targets Sh70 billion worth of PPP projects in the energy, housing, health, and transport sectors.

The most promising financing frontier lies in mobilising domestic long-term capital.

Kenya’s pension funds now hold more than Sh1.6 trillion in assets, yet less than two percent is invested in infrastructure (Retirement Benefits Authority, 2024). Channelling even 10 percent of these funds could significantly close the investment gap. Additionally, implementing the Kenya Sovereign Infrastructure Fund would provide patient capital for strategic projects while easing reliance on commercial borrowing.

Still, Kenya’s challenge is not merely one of financing-it is also about efficiency. The Office of the Auditor-General has repeatedly flagged inflated project costs, delays, and incomplete works. Without addressing governance weaknesses, even increased funding will yield poor outcomes.

Transparent project appraisal, stronger monitoring frameworks, and prioritisation of high-return investments are critical for value creation. The focus must move from the volume of spending to the quality and sustainability of investment.

Infrastructure is the backbone of Kenya’s economic future. Roads, ports, water systems, and energy networks shape productivity, lower logistics costs, and attract investment. Yet, with less than one-eighth of the 2040 target achieved in nine years, the gap threatens to undermine Vision 2030’s goals.

To meet the $223 billion target, Kenya needs fiscal discipline and innovation. Securitisation, PPPs, pension mobilisation, and sovereign funds all have roles-but they must be guided by clear governance and risk frameworks. Otherwise, off-balance-sheet financing will simply shift debt burdens into the future without improving real infrastructure outcomes.

Kenya’s infrastructure journey is at a crossroads. Unless the country realigns its priorities and expands domestic financing while tightening governance, the 2040 horizon will arrive with unfulfilled promises, congested highways, and the same power and water deficits that have constrained growth for decades.

Edmands not only more money but smarter management of what is already in hand.

Sanlam General Insurance Limited has completed the transfer of its general insurance business to Jubilee Allianz General Insurance Kenya Limited, marking the final step in a restructuring plan designed to consolidate operations of the two insurers under a single brand.

The transfer, approved by the Insurance Regulatory Authority (IRA), was completed on November 1, 2025, following the fulfilment of all corporate and regulatory conditions.

In a joint statement, the two companies said the transfer covers all general insurance policies previously issued by Sanlam General Insurance, which have now been assumed by Jubilee Allianz.

The merged entity will continue to manage and honour all existing policy obligations, claims and customer relationships.

‘All policyholders who previously held policies with Sanlam General Insurance Limited and all other persons whose personal data was held with Sanlam General Insurance Limited are hereby notified that their personal data has been transferred to Jubilee Allianz General Insurance Kenya Limited in order for the transferee to be able to continue performing the underlying contracts and conducting the business,’ reads the joint notice.

The transfer is part of a wider integration strategy following the 2021 partnership between Sanlam Group and Allianz SE, which has one of Africa’s largest non-bank financial services groups.

The development leaves Jubilee Allianz as the successor firm in the general insurance segment while Sanlam continues to operate in other financial services lines in Kenya, including the life insurance subsidiary.

Jubilee Allianz Kenya is pursuing a name change to Sanlam Allianz General. Sanlam Kenya, which had Sanlam General as one of its subsidiaries, will become Sanlam Allianz Holdings.

Allianz SE and Sanlam Limited in 2023 said their joint venture, called Sanlam Allianz, will have a combined group equity value of about R35 billion (Sh254.2 billion), giving customers a broader offering of insurance products tailored to their needs.

The two firms are aiming at becoming among the top three players in both market share and profitability, in the markets where the venture will operate.

Allianz SE early in the year increased its indirect stake in Sanlam Kenya to 28 percent from 23.09 percent after paying R4.5 billion (Sh31.3 billion) to acquire an additional stake in Sanlam Allianz.