Carry-on-sized supercomputer presented

ODINN, an American startup from California, has introduced a compact supercomputer for working with artificial intelligence, which is the size of a suitcase for hand luggage, Azernews reports.

The presentation took place on the eve of CES 2026. The development was named OMNIA. According to the company, the system provides power comparable to a full-fledged data center, but does not require lengthy and expensive on-site server infrastructure construction.

In recent years, artificial intelligence has been actively used in various fields, from finance and media to aerospace and pharmaceuticals. Many companies seek to create their own AI models in order to work with their data and gain competitive advantages. At the same time, the transfer of sensitive information to cloud data centers, which may be located in other cities or countries, is not suitable for everyone.

In particular, this applies to the defense sector, government agencies, as well as data on financial transactions or medical records, which must be kept privately and not transmitted through public networks. Previously, such organizations had to build local data centers from scratch.

OMNIA aims to change this approach. The supercomputer has the same processors, graphics accelerators, memory and storage as conventional data centers, but is made in a compact package. The system is completely autonomous and can be deployed in minutes, not months.

ODINN was founded in 2023. Its goal is to reduce dependence on large data centers. To do this, the developers have taken a new approach to the issues of power supply, cooling and reliability, combining everything in one device. OMNIA uses its own closed-circuit cooling system, which allows it to work quietly even when processing large amounts of data and complex AI tasks.

The system is connected to a standard power grid and network infrastructure. It can be installed in an office, hospital laboratory, or secure facility without setting up a separate server room.

For scaling, ODINN has developed the Infinity Cube solution, a modular AI cluster that combines several OMNIA systems in one package. Each module has its own cooling and computing resources, so it does not require additional external systems such as cooling units or raised floors. This allows organizations to quickly create their own AI cluster and maintain full control over the data.

Managing such an infrastructure simplifies the NeuroEdge software layer. It is compatible with the NVIDIA software ecosystem and other AI frameworks and is responsible for task allocation and optimal cluster operation. Thanks to this, institutions can focus on using artificial intelligence rather than setting up equipment.

At CES 2026, ODINN is positioning itself not as a provider of data centers or cloud services, but as an AI infrastructure company focused on institutions with high requirements for security, privacy and minimal system delays.

Applications for intergovernmental scholarships to China and Hungary draw strong interest

A total of 616 applications were submitted from Azerbaijan to study under the Intergovernmental Scholarship Program (ISP), with China and Hungary remaining the main destinations. The information was published by the State Agency for Science and Higher Education, Azernews reports.

The application period for the 2026-2027 academic year concluded in December, ending on December 19 for China and December 22 for Hungary. Of the total applications, 162 were submitted for studies in China and 454 for Hungary, reflecting sustained interest in both academic systems.

In terms of academic levels, most applicants sought admission to master’s degree programs, accounting for 457 applications. This was followed by 86 applications for bachelor’s programs and 73 for doctoral studies, indicating a strong focus on advanced education and research-oriented training.

The Agency noted that a particularly high number of applications were registered at the initial stage. However, officials emphasised that selection will not be influenced by volume alone. All applications will be assessed strictly in line with the eligibility requirements and evaluation criteria outlined in the official announcements for each country.

At the next stage, interviews will be conducted only with candidates who successfully pass the preliminary screening. These interviews will involve experts appointed by the Ministry of Science and Education, the State Agency for Science and Higher Education, other relevant state bodies, and higher education institutions. The process aims to ensure transparency, merit-based selection, and alignment with the academic and strategic priorities of the scholarship program.

Capitol Hill’s selective morality: How Congress uses Section 907 as political leverage

History does not always take the side of those who are right, nor does it consistently stand with the oppressed. At times, the victim is recast as the villain, while the aggressor cloaks itself in the language of grievance. This distortion is especially pronounced in regions where the geopolitical ambitions of great powers collide, and where conflicts are endlessly reshaped to suit shifting strategic narratives. The South Caucasus is one such arena, and the case of Azerbaijan, more precisely, the injustice it endured in the context of the Garabagh conflict, offers a stark illustration.

For more than three decades, this injustice was etched onto Azerbaijan’s political identity like a scar, reinforced by selective narratives and institutionalised bias. Yet through the assertion of its sovereign will and the full mobilisation of its national capacity, Azerbaijan ultimately broke free from this circle of injustice and made its rightful voice heard on the international stage. Even so, there remain actors who either resist the restoration of justice or lack the political will to acknowledge it.

This reality was underscored only days ago when President Ilham Aliyev, speaking in an interview with local television channels, addressed a range of pressing issues, including a particularly sensitive and long-standing one: Section 907 of the United States Freedom Support Act, adopted by the US Congress in 1992 and widely regarded in Baku as a punitive and discriminatory measure against Azerbaijan.

In his remarks, President Aliyev referred to Azerbaijan-US relations and noted that constructive discussions had taken place with Donald Trump, the 47th President of the United States, resulting in positive momentum towards the repeal of Section 907. At the same time, he drew attention to the conspicuous inertia of the US Congress, criticising its sluggishness and apparent indifference towards abolishing a provision that has long outlived both its political rationale and moral legitimacy.

The picture that emerges is one of institutional dissonance: a Congress seemingly unwilling to align itself with the stated position of the sitting President, or perhaps constrained by the lingering influence of Armenian lobby groups with which many lawmakers have cultivated close ties over decades. By preserving this amendment, such actors appear reluctant to disappoint old allies, even at the expense of fairness, credibility, and strategic coherence.

Commenting on the issue, Hungarian political analyst László Vasa highlighted the paradox at the heart of the US political system, namely, the growing disconnect between the White House and Capitol Hill. He characterised Congress’s silence as a move that undermines diplomatic engagement and erodes trust, warning that such contradictions do not merely stall progress but actively weaken the foundations of effective diplomacy.

“For more than thirty years, Section 907 of the Freedom Support Act has lingered in US policy toward Azerbaijan like a relic from another era. It was born in the emotional and chaotic aftermath of the early 1990s, when the South Caucasus was poorly understood in Washington, and moral shortcuts were politically convenient. Today, however, its continued existence has little to do with realities on the ground – and a great deal to do with how Congress actually works.

However, in recent years, Azerbaijan-US relations have entered a more pragmatic phase. The tone has improved. Dialogue has deepened. The tripartite meeting in Washington last year sent a clear signal that diplomacy, not punitive symbolism, is now the preferred path. President Donald Trump even went so far as to express openness to repealing Section 907 altogether: an acknowledgement, at the highest level, that the amendment no longer makes strategic sense. Yet Congress has done what it does best in such situations: nothing,” he added.

The expert further described Congress’s indifference to the issue as an attempt to evade additional responsibility and political complications. He noted that divisions within Congress during the voting process can carry personal consequences for lawmakers, at times even damaging individual political careers. According to him, certain members of Congress with closer ties to the Armenian lobby have, on occasion, intensified their hostility towards colleagues who advocate for the repeal of this provision.

“Keeping Section 907 costs nothing. The choice, for many members of the United States Congress, is obvious. Armenian-American advocacy groups have also played a decisive role in freezing the issue in place. Over time, Section 907 has been transformed from a situational response into a moral symbol. Challenging it, even quietly, can invite criticism that few lawmakers are eager to face. Supporting repeal does not win elections. Opposing it does not either. But inaction avoids controversy, and in Congress, avoiding controversy is often the primary objective,” he said.

Vasa László also observed that Section 907 functions as a strategic reserve lever in the hands of Congress. According to him, the provision is kept in abeyance as a tool that can be activated or restrained depending on changing presidential administrations, as well as the shifting diplomatic climate between Baku and Washington. In this sense, Section 907 serves less as a relic of past conflicts and more as a flexible instrument of political pressure, deployed in line with evolving geopolitical calculations rather than principled policy.

“There is also a certain convenience in keeping Section 907 on the books. Even though its practical impact has been largely neutralised through presidential waivers, it remains a ready-made talking point. Whenever tensions rise, or whenever Azerbaijan falls out of favour in Washington debates, the amendment can be dusted off and cited as evidence of congressional ‘concern.’ It requires no new votes, no new bills, and no real engagement with the region. Symbolic leverage, in this context, is easier than real policy.

More broadly, Section 907 is a classic example of legislative inertia. Congress is very good at creating laws and remarkably bad at revisiting them. Outdated provisions accumulate over time, especially when removing them might be framed – fairly or not – as a retreat from principles. Few politicians are eager to spend political capital explaining why an old law no longer serves its purpose. It is far simpler to let it sit, untouched and unquestioned.

Some lawmakers also worry about precedent. If Section 907 is repealed, why not revisit other long-standing restrictions elsewhere? Why open the door to debates that could weaken Congress’s broader system of conditionality and sanctions? These concerns may be overstated, but they reinforce a deeply conservative instinct within the institution: better to preserve an imperfect tool than to risk losing leverage altogether.”

Taken together, these considerations make it clear that the United States’ long-standing posture as a diplomatic partner sits uneasily with the pursuit of full justice. Rather than reinforcing fairness, this approach has generated contradictions that undermine credibility. As the Hungarian expert László aptly put it, ‘all of this shatters the United States’ standing as a reliable partner.’

“The result is a familiar Washington paradox. Everyone knows Section 907 is outdated. Many acknowledge it is unfair. Some even admit it undermines US credibility as an honest broker in the region. Yet it survives – not because it works, but because it fits neatly into congressional logic. It allows lawmakers to appear principled without acting, engaged without investing, and influential without responsibility.

Until repeal becomes politically safer than inaction, or until Azerbaijan moves higher on Congress’s list of priorities, Section 907 will likely remain where it is: a symbolic leftover from the past, quietly shaping perceptions while doing little to advance peace, stability, or genuine partnership in the South Caucasus.”

Oil products to be shipped from Azerbaijan to Armenia on January 8

On January 8, 2026, another shipment of oil products from Azerbaijan to Armenia will be carried out from the Guzdek railway station and the Baku Freight Station.

According to Azernews, the cargo scheduled for transportation includes 1,000 tons of AI-92 gasoline, 1,000 tons of diesel fuel, and 1,800 tons of AI-95 gasoline.

It should be recalled that on December 18, the State Oil Company of Azerbaijan (SOCAR) delivered a locally produced oil cargo to Armenia for the first time. As part of that shipment, 1,220 tons of AI-95 motor gasoline, loaded into 22 tank wagons, were dispatched from the Baku Freight Station toward the Boyuk Kesik station by an Azerbaijan Railways (ADY) freight train.

Bulbul Memorial Museum honors Rashid Behbudov’s musical legacy [PHOTOS]

Rashid Behbudov, one of Azerbaijan’s most celebrated singers and a People’s Artist of the USSR, left an indelible mark on the country’s musical and cultural heritage.

In honor of his outstanding contributions, the Bulbul Memorial Museum held a special event commemorating his life and achievements, Azernews reports.

The musical evening timed to the 110th anniversary of the prominent singer was organised as part of the “Guests of Bulbul” project.

The museum director, Fargana Jabbarova, welcomed the guests of the event. In her speech, she stressed Rashid Behbudov’s significant contribution to the development of Azerbaijani culture, as well as his close friendship with Bulbul.

In turn, director of the Rashid Behbudov Foundation, Kamil Shahverdiyev, emphasised that such cultural initiatives play an important role in preserving and popularising the rich creative legacy of the legendary singer.

During the evening, songs from Rashid Behbudov’s repertoire were performed by Honoured Artists Farid Aliyev and Saida Sharafaliyeva, soloists of the Azerbaijan State Academic Musical Theatre, Eleonora Mustafayeva, Emil Zeynalov, and Subhan Rustamov, soloist of the Azerbaijan State Academic Opera and Ballet Theatre, Fahmin Ahmadli, and student of the Azerbaijan National Conservatory, Leman Mustafayeva.

The performers were accompanied on the piano by Fidan Mammadova, Roza Salimova, and Tamara Nakhmadova.

Each music piece once again demonstrated the enduring vitality of Rashid Behbudov’s repertoire.

Rashid Behbudov carried the pride and glory of his native Azerbaijan to audiences around the world.

He always began and ended his concerts with the song “Azerbaijan”. He performed songs in more than nine languages, including Urdu and Bengali, forging a deep connection with audiences wherever he went.

The legendary singer toured extensively, performing in countries such as Bulgaria, Hungary, Italy, India, China, Syria, Turkiye, Egypt, Jordan, Iran, Iraq, Finland, Poland, and throughout Latin America.

Rashid Behbudov’s musical talent was evident from an early age. While still in school, he sang in the choir, and during his studies at the railway technical school, he formed a student orchestra. Later, he became a soloist in the army ensemble. During the Great Patriotic War, he performed at the front, bringing music to soldiers in challenging times.

His remarkable voice allowed him to master a wide range of genres, including popular songs, folk music, and classical repertoire. With his warm, velvet tone, Behbudov had already achieved fame by the age of 30.

Although he was already known as a soloist with various orchestras, his career took a decisive turn after starring in the film “The Cloth Peddler.”

His performance in the musical comedy “The Cloth Peddler”, based on Uzeyir Hajibeyli’s operetta, brought him widespread acclaim. The touching love story and unforgettable music captivated audiences everywhere.

Interestingly, Behbudov was not initially on the list of performers for the film. By chance, one of the directors attended a concert where Behbudov sang an aria intended for the lead role and immediately offered him the part. This was the fulfilment of a lifelong dream:

“The Cloth Peddler” had been one of his favourite works since childhood, and its songs and arias remained staples of his concerts.

Critics praised Behbudov as a high lyrical tenor with a warm, gentle timbre, a wide vocal range, and a unique ability to blend European vocal technique with the free, guttural nuances of mugham improvisation.

In the 1940s, he began a significant creative collaboration with the prominent Azerbaijani composer Tofig Guliyev. Their partnership led to numerous successful concert tours, which were met with great acclaim.

Yet Behbudov was not only a pop singer. He mastered highly demanding opera roles, including the role of Balash in Fikrat Amirov’s opera “Sevil” (1953), which features vibrant national melodies. His brilliant performances earned him the prestigious title of People’s Artist of the USSR.

He also established an ensemble at the Azerbaijan Philharmonic, fusing jazz with Azerbaijani folk instruments, and later founded the Azerbaijan Song Theatre, which continues to bear his name.

Rashid Behbudov passed away on June 9, 1989, leaving an enduring legacy.

In 2015, Rashid Behbudov’s centenary was celebrated at the state level by decree of the President of Azerbaijan, honouring his monumental contributions and highlighting his lasting impact on the preservation and advancement of the country’s artistic heritage.

Moscow’s evasive answers leave AZAL crash investigation grounded in doubt

There are moments when documents speak louder than statements, and moments when they speak instead of them. The recently surfaced letter attributed to Russia’s Investigative Committee regarding the crash of an AZAL aircraft belongs firmly to the second category. Its tone is restrained, almost clinical. Clouds, failed landing attempts, and an unfortunate impact with the ground. A tragedy without an author. A case without responsibility.

At first glance, everything appears orderly. Time stamps are precise, the sequence of events neatly arranged, the language deliberately neutral. The disaster is reduced to a chain of impersonal circumstances, where nature intervenes, and institutions merely observe. Yet the real problem with such narratives is never what they contain, but what they carefully avoid naming.

Because memory, inconveniently, has not been grounded.

A year ago, the airspace near Grozny was not simply overcast; it was militarised. The airport was operating amid what Russian officials later described as a drone threat. Airspace was not closed. Civilian crews were not warned. Communications were disrupted. Shortly afterwards, a civilian aircraft fell from the sky. These are not speculative interpretations or emotional accusations; they are elements acknowledged in different forms during the first days after the tragedy, supported by physical evidence and expert assessments.

This is where the newly published explanation begins to resemble less an investigation and more a curtain. Weather, after all, is an ideal witness: it cannot testify, it cannot contradict, and it cannot demand accountability. Clouds do not ask why air defence systems were active near civilian flight paths, nor why standard aviation safety protocols were quietly set aside.

Recently, photos of an official document sent to Azerbaijan by the Russian authorities regarding the termination of the criminal case into the AZAL plane crash have been made public. According to the document, the Azerbaijani airliner was unable to land in Russia due to unfavourable weather conditions, and the aircraft ultimately crashed during its attempted landing. Based on this explanation, the Russian Investigative Committee declared the criminal case closed.

With the appearance of a letter on the Telegram channel BT News, reportedly signed by Alexander Bastrykin, head of the Russian Investigative Committee, and addressed to Azerbaijan’s Prosecutor General Kamran Aliyev. How the document reached the channel remains unclear, but such leaks rarely happen by chance; there is likely a calculated political motive behind its disclosure. In the letter, Bastrykin presents an account that seems to exist in its own detached reality: the AZAL flight left Baku for Grozny, encountered ‘adverse weather,’ failed to land twice, and eventually crashed near Aktau while diverting. What makes this version particularly fragile is not only what it claims, but how sharply it contradicts what was previously said, publicly, directly, and at the highest political level. At the CIS summit in Dushanbe, Vladimir Putin did not hide behind meteorology. He acknowledged that Russian air defence systems were involved and expressed readiness to take responsibility, including compensation and further steps. These words were not whispered; they were delivered openly and received as a rare moment of clarity in an otherwise evasive process.

Yet clarity, it seems, has a short lifespan once it encounters institutional paperwork.

The investigative conclusion now suggests that no one is to blame. No chain of command requires scrutiny. No decisions demand review. Responsibility quietly shifts to circumstances, and, by extension, to pilots who can no longer speak for themselves. It is a familiar mechanism: when accountability becomes politically inconvenient, gravity is invited to take the stand.

This logic does not emerge in isolation. The figure behind the letter represents an institution known for its ability to close sensitive cases with procedural efficiency. Files disappear into formal conclusions; contradictions are resolved through silence rather than explanation. In that context, the revival of alternative theories feels less like a discovery of truth and more like a reflex.

But there is a broader question hovering over this entire episode, one that extends beyond the AZAL tragedy itself. If Russia, and Vladimir Putin personally, are convinced of the correctness of their position, why the persistent avoidance? Why the selective presence on international platforms? Why the noticeable absence from key meetings, discussions, and formats where difficult questions might require direct answers rather than written explanations?

Confidence, after all, usually seeks the spotlight. Avoidance suggests something else.

This pattern is not unfamiliar to the international community. The same logic of denial, reframing, and procedural deflection has long accompanied Russia’s actions in Ukraine. Civilian infrastructure destroyed becomes a ‘military necessity.’ Documented atrocities turn into ‘provocations.’ Independent investigations are dismissed, while alternative narratives are produced at speed and scale. In that sense, the AZAL case does not stand apart; it fits. The tools are the same, only the context differs.

Here, too, responsibility is diluted. Facts are reclassified. Timelines are reshaped. And when contradictions become too visible, the solution is not engagement, but withdrawal, from meetings, from dialogue, from accountability itself.

Meanwhile, the political consequences ripple outward. After the crash, instead of transparent cooperation, bilateral relations deteriorated. Explanations multiplied, each weaker than the last. Pressure on the Azerbaijani community in Russia intensified, as if unresolved responsibility needed a social outlet. These developments did not occur by accident; they followed the familiar arc of evasion turning into resentment.

For a brief moment last autumn, it seemed that a different path was possible. Presidential dialogue reopened space for resolution. Apologies were issued. Compensation was mentioned. Expectations were raised, not excessively, but reasonably. What followed, however, was not progress, but procedural closure.

Now the issue is no longer confined to a single investigation. It touches on credibility itself. If presidential assurances can be quietly neutralised by institutional letters, then where exactly does decision-making power reside? In public commitments made before international partners, or in internal conclusions that never face independent scrutiny?

Azerbaijan’s position has been consistent from the outset: acknowledgement, accountability, compensation, and justice. These are not political demands; they are the standard language of international aviation responsibility. Attempts to reduce the tragedy to unfavourable weather do not merely fail to satisfy these demands; they implicitly deny that they were ever warranted.

At this stage, official clarification is not a diplomatic courtesy but an obligation. The authenticity and legal status of the published document must be confirmed or denied. More importantly, the reasoning behind the termination of the case must be explained, not through abstractions, but through facts that withstand scrutiny.

And beneath all technicalities, one question continues to surface, quietly but persistently: if Russia is right, as it so often insists, why does it keep stepping away when it is time to defend that rightness in the open?

Between clouds, silence, and selective absence, responsibility has a habit of disappearing. But silence, unlike weather, does not absolve.

Leyla Aliyeva features in latest episode of Country Life Vlog [PHOTOS]

Leyla Aliyeva, Vice-President of the Heydar Aliyev Foundation and founder and head of the IDEA Public Union, visited the Gusar district during the first days of the New Year.

As part of the visit, Leyla Aliyeva was a guest of the Ramikhanovs’ family living in the village of Hil in Gusar and took part in the filming of the latest episode of the Country Life Vlog.

During the shoot, Leyla Aliyeva, together with the Ramikhanovs family, participated in the preparation of Tskan, a traditional dish unique to the district. She familiarized herself with the rural way of life and the national culinary traditions of northern Azerbaijan.

Leyla Aliyeva expressed her gratitude to the Ramikhanovs family for their contribution to promoting Azerbaijan’s rich culinary heritage and wished them continued success in this important project.

The Country Life Vlog has more than 8 million subscribers and has garnered up to 3 billion views on YouTube. Its episodes, which showcase rural life and the culinary traditions of Azerbaijani national cuisine, enjoy wide popularity both in Azerbaijan and internationally.

Demining worker injured by anti-personnel mine in Jabrayil

The Azerbaijan National Agency for Mine Action (ANAMA) reported that a landmine incident occurred on January 7, 2026, in the village of Mehdili in the liberated Jabrayil district, Azernews reports.

The incident involved Rashad Nariman oglu Mammadov, born in 1985, an employee of a private company engaged in humanitarian demining operations. While performing his official duties, he triggered an anti-personnel mine, sustaining minor injuries to his leg.

The injured worker was immediately evacuated to the district central hospital, where his condition was described as satisfactory, and his life is not in danger.

ANAMA continues to emphasize the risks associated with landmines in liberated territories and calls for strict adherence to safety protocols during demining operations.

It is worth noting that Azerbaijan faces one of the most severe landmine contamination problems in the world as a result of the decades-long Garabagh conflict. Vast areas of the country’s liberated territories remain polluted with landmines and unexploded ordnance, posing serious risks to civilians and delaying large-scale reconstruction. According to official data, thousands of mines are detected and neutralized each year during humanitarian demining operations. The mine threat continues to hinder infrastructure development, agricultural activity, and the safe return of internally displaced persons. Azerbaijan’s National Agency for Mine Action (ANAMA) leads clearance efforts, working with both local and international partners.

Azerbaijan, Saudi Arabia review bilateral ties in Riyadh talks

Azerbaijan’s Ambassador to Saudi Arabia, Mutallim Mirzayev, has discussed bilateral relations between Baku and Riyadh at the Kingdom’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

Azernews reports that Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy body said that the ambassador was received by Deputy Foreign Minister for Political Affairs Saud Al-Sati and Deputy Foreign Minister for International Multilateral Affairs Abdulrahman Al-Rassi.

The deputy ministers welcomed the ambassador and wished him success in his new post. The parties also exchanged views on issues of mutual interest.

It is worth noting that Azerbaijan and Saudi Arabia have maintained diplomatic relations since 1993, with bilateral trade reaching $310 million in 2024, according to the Azerbaijani Ministry of Economy. The two countries cooperate in energy, investment, and cultural sectors, with Saudi firms participating in infrastructure and construction projects in Azerbaijan.

Moreover, in recent years, Baku and Riyadh have strengthened ties through high-level visits, including meetings between foreign ministers and heads of state. The countries also collaborate in international organisations such as the UN and OIC, promoting regional stability and economic development. Trade and investment initiatives remain a priority for both sides.

Further to the cooperation between the two countries, both sides are strengthening cooperation in the field of green energy as part of their broader efforts to diversify energy portfolios and support the global transition to clean power. Both countries, traditionally known as major hydrocarbon producers, are increasingly investing in renewable energy sources such as solar and wind to ensure long-term energy security and sustainable economic growth.

The partnership focuses on exchanging expertise, exploring joint investment opportunities, and developing renewable energy projects in Azerbaijan, particularly in solar and wind power generation. This cooperation aligns with Azerbaijan’s goal of expanding renewable capacity and Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030, which prioritises clean energy development and reduced reliance on oil revenues. By deepening collaboration in green energy, Baku and Riyadh aim to position themselves as proactive players in the regional and global energy transition.