Category: Azer News

The Azerbaijan State Song Theatre in Azerbaijan has presented a striking performance, “One Sea Story”, in a neon aesthetic, Azernews reports.

Designed to appeal to a broad audience, the production aims to offer a fresh, innovative perspective on the evolving practices of theatrical art.

“One Sea Story” is distinguished by its visually poetic approach, blending rhythm, dance, and narrative into a cohesive experience.

The musical production seamlessly merges neon lighting, dynamic stage imagery, and a vivid maritime atmosphere.

The stage came alive with vibrant colours that intertwined to create a unique visual effect, enhancing the overall sensory experience.

The project was led by Ulviya Babirli, with Tahmina Humbatova as the director.

The creative team included artists Elmira Fariz and Ryavan Karimi, while the musical editing was overseen by Ali Jafarzadeh.

The cast featured prominent performers such as Zaur Aliyev, Diana Khozino, Samira Alakbarova, and Ilaha Alizade.

The audience was immersed in the rhythm of the waves, the fluidity of the water, and the palpable energy of the actors’ movements, evoking an enthusiastic and positive response from those in attendance.

Starting from the next academic year, state universities in Georgia will be banned from admitting foreign students, Azernews reports.

However, according to Education Minister Givi Mikanadze, the ban does not apply to private universities, which will retain the ability to accept international students at their discretion.

‘State universities should prioritize national interests. Private universities will continue to operate as usual and can admit international students. Starting next academic year, state universities will no longer have the option to enroll foreign students,’ Mikanadze said.

In the 2024/25 academic year, the total number of students enrolled in Georgian universities reached a record high of 187,800, of which 37,100 were international students-an increase of 21% compared to the previous year.

Observers note that the move could have significant implications for Georgia’s higher education sector. While private universities may benefit from attracting international students, state institutions could face challenges in maintaining diversity and global collaboration. Experts also suggest that the decision may reflect a broader trend of prioritizing domestic education and aligning higher education with national strategic goals.

President of the Republic of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev received Minister of State for Defence of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland Lord Vernon Coaker, Azernews reports.

Expressing his satisfaction with the meeting with the President of Azerbaijan, Lord Vernon Coaker first conveyed the greetings of Prime Minister of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland Keir Starmer to the head of state.

Noting the friendly and trust-based relations between Azerbaijan and the United Kingdom, Lord Vernon Coaker stressed their interest in developing relations between the two countries at the level of strategic partnership.

President Ilham Aliyev expressed his gratitude for the greetings and asked that his own greetings be conveyed to the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. President Ilham Aliyev fondly recalled Keir Starmer’s participation in COP29 and his meeting with him.

Saying that bilateral relations between Azerbaijan and the United Kingdom have a rich history, the head of state underscored that cooperation between the two countries began with the energy sector and later covered many areas. President Ilham Aliyev noted that there are ample opportunities for further expanding cooperation in trade, investment and other areas. Touching upon the opening of a new chapter in cooperation between the two countries in the field of defense industry, the President of Azerbaijan assessed this as a sign of mutual trust.

Lord Vernon Coaker congratulated President Ilham Aliyev on the results achieved in Washington in August of this year regarding the normalization of relations between Azerbaijan and Armenia, and the advancement of the peace agenda.

Expressing gratitude for the congratulations, President Ilham Aliyev highlighted the historical significance of all this and the special role of U.S. President Donald Trump in this issue. The head of state noted that it was Azerbaijan that initiated the peace agenda, emphasizing that the country would continue its efforts to advance it.

During the conversation, the sides exchanged views on issues of mutual concern.

Germany’s Defense Ministry announced on Wednesday that the country’s armed forces have achieved initial operational capability with the Arrow-3 air defense system at Holzdorf Air Base in eastern Germany, Azernews reports, citing foreign media.

‘With the new Arrow system, we are strengthening our air defense by adding a crucial outer layer,’ said German Defense Minister Boris Pistorius in a statement.

The deployment at Holzdorf marks the first time Germany has acquired the ability to provide early warning and protection for its population and critical infrastructure against long-range ballistic missiles, the ministry added.

The Arrow-3 system, developed by Israel in collaboration with the United States, was acquired by Germany under a 2023 procurement contract. The missile defense system is capable of intercepting threats at high altitudes and long ranges, significantly enhancing Germany’s strategic defensive posture. Experts note that this move positions Germany alongside a select group of nations with advanced ballistic missile interception capabilities, reinforcing NATO’s broader missile defense network.

The Asian Development Bank (ADB), with Azerbaijan among its participants, is reviewing a regional technical assistance project aimed at enhancing economic knowledge and developing potential in Central and West Asian countries, Azernews reports, citing the bank.

The project, titled ‘Supporting Economic Knowledge and Developing Potential in Central and West Asia,’ will cover multiple countries, including Azerbaijan, Georgia, Armenia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Pakistan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan.

A total of USD 750,000 will be allocated for the initiative from the Special Technical Assistance Fund.

The project aims to strengthen ADB’s economic operations and ensure the systematic use of knowledge in its banking activities. This approach will enable the region’s developing countries to make informed, data-driven decisions. The initiative aligns with the bank’s strategic vision through 2030, particularly supporting private sector development.

Additionally, the project is coordinated with the knowledge development plans of partner countries in Central and West Asia and aligns with broader regional partnership strategies. Its implementation will be closely managed in collaboration with the respective country directors, the Department of Economic Research and Development Evaluation, and other ADB units.

From December 5 to 9, Baku will host the 16th International Film Festival – Baku International Film Festival, organized by the Young Filmmakers Center, Azernews reports.

This year, the festival is held within the framework of the Baku Cinema Breeze 25 festival, organized by the Azerbaijan Culture Ministry and the Azerbaijan Cinema Agency.

The opening ceremony of the festival will take place on December 5 at 19:00 at the Nizami Cinema Center. The event will be attended by representatives of the Culture Ministry, diplomatic missions of foreign states, members of the international jury, as well as prominent figures of culture and art.

Over the course of five days, 78 films from 34 countries will be screened at the Nizami Cinema Center. Screenings are open to all. Since last year, the festival has included a feature film competition and offers four competitive programs, each evaluated by a separate jury.

The international program of debut feature films includes 10 works, which will be judged by renowned film critic and screenwriter Nadir Badalov (Azerbaijan), director and screenwriter Niki Karimi (Iran), European Film Academy Award winner for Best Producer Zeynep Atakan (Turkiye), and film expert Igor Sukman (Belarus).

The national competition features 16 short fiction and documentary films, as well as 5 student works. Among these 21 entries, the best will be determined by a jury consisting of director and producer Fariz Ahmadov, winner of awards at festivals in Serbia, Russia, and Poland; Iranian director and producer Reza Siami, who works on promoting Azerbaijani films abroad; and film critics Farida Jalilova and Sevda Sultanova, known for their publications in the fields of art, cinema, and television.

The international short film jury will be chaired by Faruk Gven, head of the film department at Turkish TV channel TRT and producer; director Rufat Asadov, whose documentaries have won awards at international festivals; and New Zealand critic Carmen Gray.

The jury of the Asian Talents competition will include producer Ali-Sattar Guliyev, laureate of awards at Cannes, Tampere, Kazan, Tashkent, and Dushanbe festivals; Roman Dorofeev (Russia), program director of the international film festival “East-West. Classics and Avant-garde”; and international award-winning director and cinematographer Daniel Guliyev.

The festival’s main prize is the “Golden Pomegranate” (Qizil Nar). In addition, winners in several categories will receive special prizes and diplomas.

In addition to the competition program, audiences will be offered non-competition screenings. For example, within the program “Our Language,” films shot in Azerbaijani by compatriots living in different countries will be presented. Cooperation with the British Council allows the festival to annually organize special screenings of films nominated for the BAFTA Awards.

The closing ceremony and awards presentation will take place on December 9 at 19:00 at the Nizami Cinema Center.

The festival is supported by the Azerbaijan Filmmakers Union, Nizami Cinema Center, British Council, Sahdagfilm studio, Azerbaijan National Council of Youth Organizations, Cinelab, DOST TV, and the Yunus Emre Institute.

Media partners of the event are Azernews.Az, Trend.Az, Day.Az, and Milli.Az.

Steve Witkoff’s recent visit to Moscow has exposed a critical shift in the diplomatic landscape surrounding the Russia-Ukraine war. While fighting on the ground remains ferocious, an equally intense political battle is unfolding between Washington and the Kremlin. What became clear during Witkoff’s talks is that Moscow remains absolutely committed to entrenching its control over captured Ukrainian territories, and the current diplomatic format, conducted largely between the United States and Russia, pointedly excludes both the European Union and Ukraine’s own senior leadership. The absence of Kyiv and Brussels from negotiations that could define Ukraine’s future carries profound strategic implications, not least because it risks translating military gains into political concessions without the direct consent of those most affected.

This diplomatic imbalance unfolds against a backdrop of growing instability inside Ukraine. A spate of corruption cases and the shock of President Zelenskiy’s resignation have visibly demoralised the Ukrainian military, eroding the unity and confidence that once sustained the country’s defence effort. Morale is increasingly brittle at a time when Russia has seized the momentum on the battlefield, pushing deeper into Ukrainian territory where defensive lines are thinner and political direction uncertain. The crisis of governance in Kyiv reinforces the perception that Ukraine’s ability to prosecute a long war is diminishing, which in turn shapes the calculations of external actors seeking a negotiated settlement.

The United States’ renewed interest in resolving the conflict through diplomacy rather than an indefinite commitment to arming Ukraine is driven by a blend of strategic pragmatism and geopolitical necessity. Washington is acutely aware of the risks of escalation, whether nuclear, conventional, or regional, and sees negotiations as a mechanism to contain a war that threatens to metastasise across Europe. It also faces domestic political constraints: financial fatigue, competing priorities in Asia, and the political cost of maintaining a long-term military pipeline to Ukraine. At the same time, negotiating from a position of influence enables the US to shape the terms of any settlement, potentially limiting Russian gains while avoiding a destabilising collapse in Ukraine.

Donald Trump’s perspective on the negotiations reflects his longstanding transactional worldview. He is likely to view the emerging diplomatic track favourably if it produces a rapid halt to the fighting and reduces America’s financial and military exposure. His principal metric is whether an agreement can be presented as a success to domestic voters, not whether it perfectly aligns with principles of territorial integrity or European security doctrine. In practice, this approach would impose stronger pressure on Ukraine to accept painful territorial compromises and could soften the punitive measures imposed on Moscow if such concessions speed up the deal. Trump’s emphasis on dealmaking could therefore accelerate a settlement, but at the cost of validating Russia’s battlefield strategy.

If Russia succeeds in securing its demands at the negotiating table, the consequences for Europe would be far-reaching. A settlement that formalises territorial conquest, even implicitly, would legitimise a fundamental breach of post-Cold War norms, encouraging Moscow to test the limits of Western resolve elsewhere. Although an outright attack on NATO territory remains unlikely, Russia could significantly intensify hybrid tactics across Eastern Europe: political destabilisation, energy coercion, cyberattacks, and manipulation of minority populations. Moldova, Georgia, and even the Baltic states would face heightened pressure. Poland and the Baltic nations would respond by accelerating defence spending and tightening alignment with NATO structures, but the psychological impact of a perceived Western retreat would be profound.

The European Union would struggle to craft a unified response. Some member states would push for hardening security policy and expanding defence integration, while others, wary of economic costs and domestic political pressures, might advocate rapprochement to restore stability. This divergence would weaken the EU’s strategic coherence precisely when unity is most essential. The bloc would likely adopt a dual-track approach: supporting military reinforcement in frontline states while simultaneously attempting to rebuild diplomatic channels with Moscow. The credibility of this strategy would depend entirely on whether Europe proves willing to bear the economic and political costs of long-term confrontation.

Beyond Europe, Russia’s assertiveness would extend into the Caucasus and the wider CIS. A perceived victory in Ukraine would reinforce Moscow’s ambition to reclaim a dominant role across the post-Soviet space. In the South Caucasus, Russia could lean more heavily on Armenia’s vulnerabilities, seek new leverage over Georgia, and attempt to reinsert itself into security dynamics affecting Azerbaijan. Its tools would be familiar: military presence, political pressure, energy manipulation, and information campaigns designed to fracture local political cohesion. Central Asian states, particularly Kazakhstan, would face renewed attempts by Moscow to shape their political and economic orientation. Some would move closer to Russia for protection, while others would seek deeper ties with China or Turkiye as counterweights. The region would experience a subtle but decisive re-Sovietisation of influence, short of annexation but unmistakably constraining sovereign decision-making.

A Russian victory, defined here as the consolidation of territorial gains and a weakened international response, would thus reconfigure the geopolitical landscape across Europe and Eurasia. It would signal that territorial revisionism is once again a viable instrument of statecraft, embolden authoritarian actors worldwide, and complicate efforts to maintain a rules-based order. Countries caught between great powers would face sharper choices; NATO’s burden would grow heavier; and the EU’s internal divisions would become increasingly exposed. For the Caucasus, Central Asia, and Eastern Europe, the next decade would be characterised by heightened insecurity, strategic hedging, and contested sovereignty.

Witkoff’s Moscow meetings, though just one episode in a longer diplomatic process, highlight the risks of a settlement that resolves American interests while leaving Ukraine weakened and its neighbours exposed. Without a coordinated Western strategy that integrates military, diplomatic, and economic tools, Russia could emerge from this war not chastened but emboldened. The result would be a more coercive regional order and a fractured security architecture that leaves Europe and the post-Soviet space in a far more precarious position than before the conflict began.

The ‘Baku Network’ Centre for Analysis and Research has officially become a member of the Think Tank Platform, a development that gives fresh momentum to cooperation among leading analytical institutions within Azerbaijan’s intellectual ecosystem.

As Azernews reports, Baku Network, an independent non-governmental think tank, is widely recognised for its in-depth analysis of international events, global security trends, and geopolitical processes. The centre conducts comprehensive studies on political, economic, and security factors affecting Azerbaijan’s national interests and produces research that anticipates regional dynamics.

Its team consists of highly qualified experts with strong international experience and broad analytical expertise.

Joining the Platform marks an important stage in the institutional growth of Baku Network and promises to further strengthen the culture of analytical thinking in the country.

Established in 2024, the Think Tank Platform serves as a unified intellectual network bringing together institutions specialising in domestic policy, economics, security, international relations, and other strategic fields. Its goal is to enhance coordination, information exchange, and scientific-strategic synchronisation among think tanks.

Baku Network’s inclusion further reinforces Azerbaijan’s analytical landscape and adds intellectual support to the formation of a coherent national strategic vision.

Notably, in July this year, Baku Network became the first organisation in Europe to raise awareness about Azerbaijani journalists killed as a result of Armenian aggression. The centre organised a series of initiatives on this issue.

During an exhibition held in Paris, Baku Network presented materials honouring the fallen journalists. The event brought together members of the French public, as well as French and international media representatives.

The exhibition, hosted at the Azerbaijan Cultural Center in Paris, was organized under Baku Network’s project ‘Analysis of Hybrid and Ideological Threats Against Azerbaijan’ with support from the State Support Agency for NGOs of the Republic of Azerbaijan and the Embassy of Azerbaijan in France.

Booklets dedicated to the memory of the martyred journalists were distributed to exhibition visitors and guests of a separate event held at UNESCO headquarters marking the 25th anniversary of Icherisheher’s inscription on the World Heritage List. The presentation took place as part of the 47th session of the World Heritage Committee.

Azerbaijani figure skater Nargiz Suleymanova will make her debut at the European Figure Skating Championships, Azernews reports.

Nargiz Suleymanova secured her spot at the European Championship after a strong performance at the Bosphorus Cup in Istanbul.

She claimed the gold medal with a total score of 156.53 points across both the short and free programs, outperforming 26 other competitors.

Other Azerbaijani skaters also competed in the event: Sabina Aliyeva finished in sixth place with 137.22 points, and Arina Kalugina took fifth with 154.85 points.

“Yesterday, a dream came true,” Nargiz Suleymanova shared on her Instagram after securing a spot at the European Figure Skating Championship.

She continued, “It was a great honour to raise the Azerbaijani flag. I deeply thank my federation for trusting me and giving me this opportunity.”

The European Figure Skating Championships is an annual competition recognised by the International Skating Union (ISU). Medals are awarded in men’s singles, women’s singles, pair skating, and ice dance.

As the sport’s oldest competition, the event dates back to 1891 when it was first held in Hamburg, Germany.

Women were first allowed to compete in 1930, the same year pair skating was introduced. Ice dance was added to the event in 1954.

The 2026 European Championships are scheduled to be held from 13 to 18 January in Sheffield, England, in the United Kingdom.

For nearly three decades, the world watched as negotiations over Garabagh dragged on, producing endless reports, summit meetings, and diplomatic formulas. The OSCE Minsk Group, hailed as the key to peace, became a stage for promises without results. While the co-chairs debated, Armenia maintained its occupation, and Azerbaijan’s sovereignty remained frozen on paper. Yet behind the scenes, Baku was quietly preparing, combining patient diplomacy with strategic strength. When the 44-day war erupted in 2020, it was not a sudden shock; it was the culmination of years of careful planning, revealing that real power on the ground outweighs endless conferences and biased mediation.

Established in March 1992, the Minsk Group brought together Azerbaijan, Armenia, Belarus, Germany, Italy, Russia, Trkiye, Sweden, Finland, and later France. Its stated purpose was to mediate a peaceful resolution of the conflict. In practice, however, it failed to deliver meaningful results for decades. Despite the ceasefire of February 1994, no significant progress was made toward restoring Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity. High-level engagements, including President Heydar Aliyev’s 1997 meeting with French President Jacques Chirac, strengthened the framework in theory but yielded little in practice.

Structural limitations and biased mediation were at the heart of the group’s ineffectiveness. Dominance by the co-chairs, the United States, Russia, and France, marginalized other member states and limited potential international support for Azerbaijan. Consensus-based decision-making encouraged performative diplomacy rather than tangible conflict resolution. Armenia, benefiting from this imbalance, maintained its occupation with minimal accountability. The Kazan Principles of 2001 and the Madrid Principles of 2007 offered only superficial recognition of Azerbaijan’s territorial claims, effectively legitimizing Armenia’s presence in occupied areas and constraining Azerbaijan’s sovereignty.

Throughout these years, Azerbaijan pursued a careful balance between diplomacy and strategic readiness. Offers that compromised sovereignty, such as proposals to exchange Garabagh for Armenia’s Meghri region, were rejected. Leaders like Heydar Aliyev and later Ilham Aliyev used negotiations to identify Armenia’s red lines and simultaneously strengthen Azerbaijan’s political, military, and legal position. This careful planning ensured that the country could act decisively when peaceful efforts failed.

The 44-day Patriotic War of 2020 decisively shifted the balance of power. Azerbaijan restored control over its occupied territories, effectively implementing UN Security Council resolutions independently and demonstrating that decades of ineffective mediation could not substitute for real action on the ground. This campaign fundamentally altered the regional dynamic, showing that diplomacy backed by strength in the field produces results.

The collapse of the Minsk Group as a functional mediation body became inevitable. Its co-chairs often pursued their own geopolitical interests and repeatedly acted in favor of Armenia, eroding its credibility. Following the war, Armenian attempts to portray the group as a continuing “security mechanism” were increasingly untenable, as legal and military realities had already changed.

The significance of Azerbaijan’s diplomatic success was further highlighted by the unprecedented opening of Armenian archival materials. When Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan shared decades of correspondence, analytical reports, and working drafts from the Minsk Group, the true dynamics of the negotiations were revealed. These documents exposed the internal panic, hesitations, and strategic miscalculations within Armenian leadership. Of particular note was a letter from former Armenian President Serzh Sargsyan to Vladimir Putin after the April 2016 clashes, which acknowledged the irreversible shift in the balance of power and the collapse of the illusion of military parity. Sargsyan recognized that Armenia could no longer rely on the occupied territories as leverage, yet he chose to pursue the status quo rather than accept the realities dictated by Azerbaijan. These archives confirmed what Azerbaijan had long understood: the negotiation process had been deeply imbalanced, with one side steadily strengthening its position while the other clung to illusions.

On August 8, 2025, Foreign Ministers from Azerbaijan and Armenia signed a joint appeal to the OSCE to formally dissolve the Minsk Group. This represents a legal and diplomatic victory for Azerbaijan, confirming both the restoration of territorial integrity and the ineffectiveness of decades of biased mediation. The dissolution validates Azerbaijan’s long-term strategy, reinforces its diplomatic influence, and establishes a foundation for sustainable peace in the region.

Today, the lessons are clear. Garabagh negotiations demonstrate that effective conflict resolution requires impartiality, structural balance, and enforceable outcomes. Organizations dominated by a few powerful actors, pursuing their own geopolitical interests, are incapable of delivering fair and lasting solutions. Azerbaijan’s success illustrates the importance of integrating legal, diplomatic, and military strategies in a coherent approach to uphold sovereignty and achieve tangible results.

In the end, the Minsk Group’s demise stands as both a legal and diplomatic victory for Azerbaijan, validating decades of strategy and marking a new chapter in regional stability. It reinforces the principle that sovereign rights, when pursued systematically and with resilience, cannot be indefinitely delayed by ineffective international mechanisms or partisan mediation.

As the archives lay bare Armenia’s miscalculations and the limits of the Minsk Group, one lesson stands out: in conflicts where reality and diplomacy collide, strength on the ground shapes the peace. Azerbaijan’s long march toward justice proves that time and strategy favor those who prepare while others stall in empty talk.