Category: Azer News

The President of the Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste, José Ramos-Horta, will pay a visit to Azerbaijan to participate in the 13th Global Baku Forum, scheduled to take place from March 12 to 14, AzerNEWS reports, citing diplomatic sources.

The president will take part in panel discussions addressing pressing global challenges and ongoing international developments within the framework of the forum.

The 13th Global Baku Forum will be held on March 12-14, 2026, under the theme ‘Bridging Divides in a World in Transition.’ Established in 2013 and organized by the Nizami Ganjavi International Center, the forum has evolved into a prominent platform bringing together incumbent and former heads of state and government, representatives of international organizations, and leading scholars to discuss regional and global political issues.

This year’s forum coincides with a period of heightened diplomatic activity in the region and is expected to focus primarily on geopolitical transition processes and international security concerns.

Robert Kocharyan’s latest speech, widely circulated in Armenian media, exposes how easily political rhetoric can distort reality and manipulate history for personal or partisan purposes. Most striking is his claim that ‘during my time, Azerbaijan did not dare to wage war against Armenia’-a statement that misrepresents the facts and provokes deep indignation.

For ordinary people unfamiliar with the region’s history, his carefully manipulated statements may sound convincing. Yet for anyone with knowledge of politics and the South Caucasus, it is clear that Kocharyan was not only an obstacle to Armenia’s development but also one of the figures who inflicted the greatest damage on the entire region.

In detail, all available historical records show that the Russian Empire exploited the South Caucasus harshly, and this exploitation reached its peak under the Soviet Union. Under the banner of ‘internationalism’ and ‘social equality,’ the Kremlin not only drained natural resources but also distorted demographic development. For instance, before the Soviet Union, the South Caucasus population was around 6-8 million, while Iran’s was about 8-10 million and Turkiye’s 10-12 million. By the time the USSR collapsed, Iran and Turkey had grown to around 55-60 million, while the South Caucasus had only reached 15-16 million. In other words, while neighboring populations increased five- to six-fold, the Caucasus barely doubled.

When the Soviet Union collapsed, the republics in the South Caucasus inherited empty central banks and ruined economies. This was not unique to the Caucasus; all republics of the former USSR were left in similar crisis.

Thirty years of independence have made the contrasts even clearer. During Soviet times, Russia had the highest economic indicators, but today its GDP per capita ranks fifth after three Baltic republics, and Kazakhstan. GDP per capita in the Baltic republics is several times higher than that of Russia. The South Caucasus, with rich resources and strategic location, could have followed a similar path. However, we failed. Why?

The reason lies in politicians like Kocharyan, who used the collapse of the USSR not as an opportunity for the development of the entire region, but for their opportunistic ambition. Under the slogan of Miatsum (unification), they pursued irredentist policies against their neighbor that led to bloodshed, the displacement of more than a million people, the destruction of cities, and economic disruption. Guess who benefited from it? Of course, Moscow and its associates in the region, such as Kocharyan and his clique.

His claim that ‘Azerbaijan did not dare’ is pure manipulation. Unfortunately, political outcomes are shaped by decades of prior policies. Armenia’s success in the First Karabakh War was rooted in structural imbalances inherited from Russian imperial and Soviet policies. Under Tsarist rule, Azerbaijanis were largely excluded from military service, while Armenians often rose to officer ranks. This imbalance persisted in the Soviet era: Azerbaijanis were often assigned to construction battalions, while Armenians served in elite units. Economically, Armenia-though dependent on subsidies-was favored by Moscow, while Azerbaijan’s resources were exploited without equivalent investment. Most importantly, Russia provided Armenia with massive military support during the First Garabagh War.

History proves that a state led by those who place personal ambition above true independence cannot thrive, and Armenia under Kocharyan was no exception. The country became an isolated outpost. His policies led to mass emigration-one in six citizens left the country. By the time the Karabakh Clique was ousted in 2018, Armenia had become the poorest nation in the region.

In contrast, Azerbaijan pursued independent foreign policy and built a strong economy. Its GDP grew more than 170 times, and per capita income rose dramatically. Baku became the financial and cultural hub of the region, and Azerbaijan’s military budget eventually surpassed Armenia’s entire state budget. Alongside Russia and Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan developed its own space industry, underscoring its technological progress. By the late 2010s, reclaiming Karabakh had become a matter of time.

Kocharyan’s circle, however, managed to fall on their feet, deflecting responsibility for past failures onto successors such as Nikol Pashinyan. The reality, though, is inescapable: decades of opportunism and Moscow-dependent policies left Armenia isolated, impoverished, and weakened.

Today, the South Caucasus stands at a pivotal moment. A lasting settlement between Armenia and Azerbaijan could open the door to economic recovery, regional cooperation, and social development. The lessons of the past are clear-political ambition and dependency on external powers cannot substitute for genuine national strategy and independence. For Armenia, the challenge is to embrace these lessons, prioritize reform, and build institutions that serve the long-term interests of its people.

Only by learning from history and resisting manipulative rhetoric can Armenia avoid remaining an isolated state with a struggling economy, outmigration, and limited prospects. The choices made today will determine whether the South Caucasus finally fulfills its potential as a region of stability, growth, and shared opportunity.

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy on Saturday imposed new sanctions targeting 10 Russian transport and logistics companies for “delivering goods to Ukrainian territories temporarily occupied by Russia,” his office said, AzerNEWS reports, citing Anadolu Agency.

According to a statement, the sanctions list includes private Russian companies that ‘deliver goods to the Russian occupiers and vice versa,’ providing logistical support to the Russian army.

It also includes companies operating in ‘temporarily occupied territories’ using the infrastructure of Ukraine’s national postal service Ukrposhta.

‘They not only issue pensions and other payments there, but also work as a passport desk, where people are illegally issued passports and draft notices,’ the readout said.

The postal operators are subject to sanctions for creating channels to circumvent restrictions through so-called parallel imports of dual-use goods, including electronics and drones, according to the statement.

NASA on Friday announced adjustments to its Artemis lunar exploration program, adding a mission ahead of its planned crewed moon landing and postponing the landing to 2028 from 2027,AzerNEWS reports, citing Azertag.

Under the revised plan, the Artemis III mission will focus on testing systems and operational capabilities in low Earth orbit in 2027, in preparation for the Artemis IV lunar landing mission in 2028, NASA said in a news release.

The Artemis III mission is expected to include a rendezvous and docking with one or both commercial lunar landers being developed by SpaceX and Blue Origin, in-space tests of the docked vehicles, integrated checkout of life support, communications, and propulsion systems, as well as tests of the new Extravehicular Activity suits, according to NASA.

“Standardizing vehicle configuration, increasing flight rate and progressing through objectives in a logical, phased approach, is how we achieved the near-impossible in 1969 and it is how we will do it again,” said NASA Administrator Jared Isaacman.

NASA recently completed two key wet dress rehearsals for the Artemis II crewed lunar mission and identified technical issues.

Following the rehearsals, NASA rolled the Space Launch System rocket and Orion spacecraft for the Artemis II mission back to the Vehicle Assembly Building from the launch pad for troubleshooting.

Teams have begun addressing a helium issue discovered on the Interim Cryogenic Propulsion Stage and are preparing several actions, including replacing batteries in the flight termination system and conducting end-to-end testing to meet range safety requirements.

NASA on Thursday also announced new leaders for two key human spaceflight roles. Joel Montalbano will serve as the acting associate administrator for the Space Operations Mission Directorate at NASA Headquarters, while Dana Hutcherson will serve as the acting program manager of the Commercial Crew Program.

The agency said its newly-announced workforce directive is a key factor in enabling acceleration of the Artemis missions.

NASA plans to rebuild core competencies in the civil servant workforce including more in-house and side-by-side development work with its Artemis partners, enabling a safer, more reliable and faster launch cadence.

NASA is eyeing April for the launch of Artemis II, pending the outcome of data analysis, repair efforts and schedule assessments in the coming days and weeks.

The Artemis II mission will send four astronauts on an approximately 10-day journey around the Moon and back.

The crew consists of NASA astronauts Reid Wiseman, Victor Glover and Christina Koch, and Canadian Space Agency astronaut Jeremy Hansen.

On March 3, the Azerbaijan National Carpet Museum will unveil the solo exhibition “In Love with Beauty” by the renowned artist Jamila Hashimova, AzerNEWS reports.

The project aims to introduce the artist’s rich artistic world, creative style, and aesthetic vision to a wide audience.

The exhibition will showcase nearly 60 works of painting and graphics. The main motifs in the artist’s work include women portrayed in various ways, flowers, birds, and forms of nature. A bright color palette, soft tonal transitions, and a sensitive approach to details define the overall visual poetics of the exhibition.

The project will also feature a special place for the carpet “Yol” (The Road), woven based on Jamila Hashimova’s art work, in the museum’s Traditional Technology Department.

The depicted city, houses, and moving human figures carry symbolic meaning. Here, traditional weaving techniques harmoniously intersect with the artist’s contemporary vision.

Jamila Hashimova has held solo exhibitions in Rome, Paris, Sofia, Brussels, Berlin, and other cities.

Her paintings are preserved in numerous museums and private collections. The exhibition “In Love with Beauty” is another significant cultural event that showcases the continuity of the artist’s personal style and artistic stance.

Companies attempting to replace young professionals with artificial intelligence (AI) risk facing a serious talent shortage in the coming years, AzerNEWS reports.

“The main risk for companies currently cutting back on hiring juniors in the hope of replacing them with AI is a future staff starvation,” said Shulzhenko. “If you don’t train young professionals today, tomorrow there will be no one to become the mid-level employees on whom any business relies. The organizational pyramid is built in such a way that experienced personnel do not appear out of nowhere-they grow from those who start at entry-level positions. A team made up solely of senior staff becomes too expensive, less flexible, and significantly more costly if you try to poach ready-made specialists from competitors instead of developing your own.”

Shulzhenko notes that AI primarily takes over routine, formulaic tasks that were previously assigned to beginners. However, she emphasizes that this shift also opens new opportunities for juniors. Companies increasingly need specialists who can work alongside AI: monitoring its results, identifying errors, and retraining models for specific tasks.

“The role of a junior employee is evolving from a simple task executor to an AI dispatcher and controller, which requires more advanced skills,” she explained. Tasks requiring human judgment-critical thinking, contextual understanding, creativity-are becoming even more valuable.

Some forward-thinking companies are already creating AI mentorship programs, where juniors work closely with AI systems while being guided by seniors. This hybrid approach not only develops new skill sets but also ensures that the next generation of professionals grows alongside the technology, rather than being replaced by it.

The increasingly visible alignment between Israel and India is often framed as a meeting of like-minded nationalist leaders in Benjamin Netanyahu and Narendra Modi. But beneath the symbolism lies a harder strategic reality. Even reports framed in global media headlines as signs of personal affinity and special sympathy have begun to multiply by the day. While some interpret this as merely an emotional dimension of diplomacy, it is becoming increasingly evident that what lies beneath is a shifting geopolitical and geostrategic balance rather than sentiment alone. As Delhi and Tel Aviv draw closer, the regional consequences are most sharply felt in Islamabad and Tehran.

For Pakistan, the Israel-India relationship touches directly on its core security doctrine. India remains Pakistan’s primary strategic concern, and any enhancement of Indian military capability is obviously viewed through that lens. Moreover, Israel has emerged as one of India’s most significant defence suppliers, providing drones, missile defence systems, surveillance platforms and advanced munitions.

This is not merely transactional. Israeli technology has played a role in India’s border management, including along the Line of Control with Pakistan. In Islamabad, the concern is not simply about hardware but about qualitative military edge.

Israeli systems act as force multipliers for India’s existing platforms. By integrating advanced technology into established infrastructure, India enhances capability without overhauling its entire arsenal. A clear example is India’s A 50 Phalcon, a quintessential hybrid that uses a Russian IL 76 airframe fitted with the Israeli EL W 2090 radar. This configuration allows India to see deep into Pakistani airspace without crossing the border.

Pakistan’s security establishment calculates power in terms of deterrence balance. Advanced Israeli systems embedded within India’s military architecture alter that balance incrementally but meaningfully. The shift may be gradual, but in a region where strategic equilibrium is fragile, even incremental changes carry weight.

There is also a symbolic dimension. Pakistan does not recognise Israel and has historically positioned itself as a vocal supporter of the Palestinian cause. The warmth between Delhi and Tel Aviv reinforces Islamabad’s perception of diplomatic encirclement, particularly as India deepens ties with Gulf Arab states as well. The old assumption that Arab solidarity would restrain India’s overtures toward Israel no longer holds.

Nevertheless, Pakistan’s response remains constrained, and any confrontation with Israel is unlikely. Instead, Islamabad quietly strengthens ties with China and maintains a strategic partnership with Turkiye, while preserving cautious engagement with Iran. The Israel-India convergence adds another layer to an already complex security environment rather than creating a wholly new one.

As regards Iran’s case, the calculus is more layered.

Tehran’s rivalry with Israel is apparently direct and ideological. India, by contrast, has long been a pragmatic partner. Despite American pressure, India continued purchasing Iranian oil until sanctions tightened. The two share civilisational ties and economic interests, notably the development of Iran’s Chabahar port, which gives India access to Afghanistan and Central Asia while bypassing Pakistan. In the meantime, while the Chabahar port remains a symbol of Indo-Iranian cooperation, the emergence of the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC) introduces a new structural reality. By linking India to Europe through the UAE, Saudi Arabia, and the Israeli port of Haifa, Delhi is building a trade architecture that potentially bypasses the transit relevance of both Islamabad and Tehran, further anchoring India into a new Western-aligned regional order.

For 75 years, Pakistan’s primary strategic asset was its geography. Because India is essentially a peninsula blocked to the north by the Himalayas and to the west by a hostile Pakistan, India had no overland way to reach Central Asia, the Middle East, or Europe. Previously, India had to ask for transit rights through Pakistan or rely on the Suez Canal. While Chabahar is a tactical win, it has been plagued by US sanctions and Iranian political volatility.

However, India’s expanding defence and intelligence cooperation with Israel introduces strategic ambiguity for Tehran. Iran must ask whether sensitive regional dynamics could be influenced by Israeli technological integration within Indian systems. While there is no public evidence of intelligence sharing targeting Iran through Indian channels, suspicion is a structural feature of Middle Eastern geopolitics.

The dilemma for Tehran is that India is too important to alienate. However, as Western pressure intensifies and sanctions remain a persistent constraint, Iran requires diversified economic partnerships. Here, India represents a vast market and a potential geopolitical counterweight to total isolation, particularly in Iran’s case. Severing or downgrading ties with Delhi would be strategically self-defeating.

Instead, Iran appears to compartmentalise. It criticises Israel rhetorically while maintaining working relations with India. Tehran’s foreign policy tradition, often described as multi-vector, allows it to pursue parallel tracks even when those tracks intersect awkwardly.

When viewed from a different time frame, at a broader level, the Israel-India alignment reflects the fragmentation of traditional blocs. During the Cold War and its aftermath, alignments were more predictable. India leaned toward the Non-Aligned Movement and maintained distance from Israel. Iran, before 1979, had covert ties with Israel. However, after the revolution, it became one of its most vocal adversaries.

Today, these older certainties are diluted. India balances Israel and Iran simultaneously. Gulf states normalise relations with Israel while retaining dialogue with Tehran. Russia cooperates with Iran while maintaining relations with Israel. Strategic pragmatism increasingly overrides ideological rigidity.

In our days, for Pakistan and Iran, the best option for challenging is adaptation rather than confrontation. This also coerces Islamabad to contend with a technologically advancing India whose partnerships extend beyond traditional Western suppliers. And with no other alternatives, it forces Tehran to navigate a regional order in which even long-standing partners engage with its principal adversary.

Besides, when looking through several news headlines, the notion of an ‘axis’ between Israel and India may be overstated. In fact, their partnership is driven less by grand ideological design and more by converging security interests, defence economics and technological exchange. However, it is undeniable that its ripple effects seem more than real.

For Pakistan, it reinforces the centrality of military modernisation and external balancing, particularly through China. For Iran, it underscores the urgency of maintaining economic corridors and diversified partnerships in a region where isolation is a constant risk.

The Israel-India relationship is therefore not simply about two leaders embracing on camera. It is part of a wider reconfiguration of Asian and Middle Eastern geopolitics, one in which middle powers pursue overlapping partnerships without exclusive loyalties. In that fluid landscape, both Pakistan and Iran find themselves recalculating rather than reacting.

Eighteen Azerbaijani citizens – including five women and 13 children – were repatriated from Syria in 2025 as a result of measures taken by relevant state authorities, AzerNEWS reports, citing the annual report of the Human Rights Commissioner (Ombudsman).

The announcement was made by Zahid Oruj, Chairman of the Human Rights Committee of Azerbaijan’s National Assembly, during a committee meeting dedicated to discussions of the Ombudsman’s 2025 report.

Zahid Oruj stated that the repatriations were carried out within the framework of coordinated state efforts over the reporting year.

The committee chairman also noted that the Ombudsman’s Office received 42,685 appeals in 2025.

He emphasized that over the past 15 years, the number of appeals submitted to the Ombudsman has demonstrated notable statistical dynamics. According to the report, the increase recorded in the number of appeals – a rise of 13,314 – is equivalent to the total annual number of appeals filed during the 2011-2015 period.

The figures, he suggested, reflect both growing public engagement with the institution and increasing awareness of legal rights and protections.

An attempt to violate the state border by four unidentified persons from Iran into Azerbaijan was prevented in the service area of the ‘Goytepe’ border detachment of the State Border Service of Azerbaijan (SBS) Border Troops, AzerNEWS reports.

The SBS reported that the border post was immediately alerted under the ‘Weapon’ command and necessary measures were taken to prevent the breach of the state border.

According to the statement, border guards issued a ‘Stop’ command and pursued the violators, firing warning shots into the air. However, the individuals failed to comply and offered armed resistance, opening fire in an apparent attempt to kill the border guards. They reportedly threw away the packages they were carrying and fled back across the border, taking advantage of the darkness and the forested terrain.

As a result of border search and e measures conducted jointly with officers of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Azerbaijan, three packages belonging to the violators were discovered and seized in the area.

The confiscated items included narcotics with a total weight of 33 kilograms and 900 grams, along with other material evidence.

The opposite side was informed about the incident through border representation channels.

Operational-investigative and search measures are currently ongoing.

Meta Platforms Inc. has reportedly reached an agreement to lease artificial intelligence (AI) chips from Google LLC, according to information, citing a source familiar with the negotiations, AzerNEWS reports, citing foreign media.

The chips, known as tensor processing units (TPUs), are specialized hardware designed to handle advanced computing tasks, including training and running sophisticated AI models. The reported multi-year agreement is said to be worth several billion dollars, highlighting the growing investment by tech giants in AI infrastructure.

This move comes as Meta continues to rely heavily on Nvidia Corp., the current leader in graphics processing units (GPUs) widely used for AI workloads. By incorporating Google’s TPUs, Meta aims to diversify its computing resources and accelerate the development of its next-generation AI systems, which include language models, image generators, and other advanced tools for both consumer and enterprise applications.

Industry analysts suggest that this deal reflects a broader trend in which tech companies are increasingly seeking specialized hardware beyond traditional GPUs to gain a competitive edge in AI. Some experts also note that partnerships like this could spur more collaboration between major tech firms, potentially leading to new innovations in AI efficiency, speed, and scalability.

Interestingly, this collaboration may also influence the emerging AI chip market, as companies like Meta explore alternatives to Nvidia-dominated infrastructure, potentially reshaping the competitive landscape for high-performance computing in the coming years.