Category: Business Daily

Every job needs a curriculum vitae (CV), but not many choose revamping CVs as a career. What began as quick fixes for friends, family now fuels businesses.

The promise is simple. Make the first page count. Like Mercy Mukami, the founder of Golden Strip Consultancy. She says she began CV revamping in June 2022 as a side hustle to complement her income. After she was fired, she chose to go full throttle.

The Kenyan passport had fallen six more places from the global ranking of the most powerful travel documents to 73rd from 67th place last year, owing to the lack of reciprocal visa waiver agreements with other countries.

The passport lost its standing despite recent reforms like dropping visa requirements for all African nationals, with the number of countries that Kenyans can visit without a visa or obtain one on arrival reducing to 70 from 74 as of January last year.

The State has reinstated subsidy on diesel to prevent the price of the commodity from rising in the monthly cycle that lapses on November 14.

According to the pricing schedule published by the Energy and Petroleum Regulatory Authority (Epra), a subsidy of Sh0.54 per litre has been applied to diesel, keeping the price of the commodity unchanged at Sh171.47 in Nairobi.

The price of a litre of petrol has also remained unchanged at Sh184.52, with a subsidy of Sh0.07 being applied. The reinstatement of the subsidy comes at a time when landed costs (the price of the product in global markets plus shipping costs) rose by 1.57 percent to $623.75 (Sh80,788.10) per cubic metre last month, compared to $614.08 (Sh79,597.0) for the same quantity in August.

An increase in the cost of diesel could have triggered a rise in the cost of living for this month. This is because transport and energy costs – which are key in determining inflation- are directly impacted by fuel prices. In the period under review, the maximum allowed petroleum pump prices for super petrol, diesel and kerosene remain unchanged,’ Epra director-general Daniel Kiptoo says in the notice.

The biggest subsidy has been applied to kerosene, at Sh3.48 per litre, to keep prices unchanged at Sh154.78 in the capital. This is after landed costs of the commodity rose highest by 2.97 percent last month.

The subsidy on diesel and petrol had temporarily been discontinued in the monthly prices to October 14, after landed costs of petrol, diesel and kerosene fell.

Return of the subsidy is key to helping keep a lid on inflation, which has been on a steady rise from 3.8 percent in May this year to 4.6 percent last month.

The subsidy, which has been plagued by instances of illegal diversions by the State, is funded via a levy of Sh5.40 per litre of petrol and diesel, and Sh0.40 for every litre of kerosene.

In recent days, social media has been abuzz following a video posted by journalist Larry Madowo, capturing the driver of Kibra MP dangerously manoeuvring through traffic. What stood out, beyond the reckless act itself, was the air of arrogance and pride in breaking the law as if being associated with leadership granted immunity from responsibility.

This incident is not an isolated one. It reflects a deeply entrenched culture of impunity that has become all too common on Kenyan roads.

Official vehicles, government convoys, and politically connected drivers often disregard basic traffic rules with little or no consequence. Sadly, this attitude trickles down, normalising bad behaviour across the board and setting a poor example for the very citizens these leaders serve.

Kenya continues to witness a worrying number of road accidents, many of which are preventable. According to the National Transport and Safety Authority (NTSA), human error remains the leading cause of fatal accidents, from speeding and dangerous overtaking to drunk driving and poor vehicle maintenance.

On highways such as the Nairobi-Nakuru, Thika Superhighway, and Mombasa Road, daily traffic snarl-ups and tragic crashes have become routine, often triggered by just a few careless drivers who choose to ignore the rules.

What’s even more frustrating is the sense of helplessness felt by law-abiding motorists.

Many have witnessed reckless drivers, sometimes escorted by sirens or flashing lights, forcing their way through traffic while police officers look the other way. This selective enforcement erodes public trust and sends a dangerous message that the law only applies to some, not all.

For Kenya to move forward, this culture must change. Traffic rules should not be suggestions; they are laws meant to protect lives. The NTSA and the National Police Service must tighten enforcement measures, ensuring that every driver, regardless of social status or political connection, faces the same consequences for breaking the law.

Furthermore, civic education and consistent awareness campaigns must be sustained to remind drivers of the shared responsibility we all have in keeping our roads safe. Accountability starts with leadership, and our elected officials should be the first to demonstrate respect for the law. A leader’s vehicle should symbolise order and discipline, not impunity and recklessness.

At the same time, citizens should embrace a culture of responsibility and report errant drivers through the available channels. Silence only fuels the problem. It is through collective action that we can reclaim sanity on our roads.

The uproar sparked by Larry Madowo’s video should not end as just another trending topic. It must serve as a wake-up call that no one, regardless of their title or position, is above the law.

Until we stop glorifying reckless behavior and start demanding accountability from all road users, Kenya will continue to pay the high price of preventable road carnage. It’s time for change one that puts safety, discipline, and equality before privilege.

Managers come in all shapes, temperaments, and philosophies. In Kenya’s corporate corridors, you’ll find inspiring leaders who lift others, and others who make employees dread Mondays.

Understanding the types of managers you’re likely to meet can help you navigate the workplace more strategically, protect your sanity, and chart your career growth wisely.

1. The visionary coach: They are the gold standard of leadership – emotionally intelligent, empathetic, and results-oriented. Visionary coaches inspire teams, reward effort, and balance empathy with accountability. Their leadership style builds trust and commitment, not fear.

How to deal: Be authentic, open, and consistent. They appreciate integrity, effort, and commitment – and will invest in your growth. They mentor, don’t micromanage. With them, you grow and glow.

2. The manager from hell: They believe leadership is domination. Their meetings feel like disciplinary hearings – full of shouting, humiliation, and threats. They set unrealistic targets and have zero compassion. Employees under them suffer burnout, stress, and self-doubt. Yet they often survive through powerful networks or fear-based results. How to deal: Stay professional and factual. Document interactions, avoid confrontations, and protect your mental well-being. If toxicity becomes unbearable, exit strategically. They thrive on fear, but remember your sanity is not part of their KPI.

3. The macho commander: Mostly male, this type carries deep-seated gender bias. They belittle women’s opinions, gaslight female supervisors, and believe male dominance is natural. Some are bright but chauvinistic; others are plain insecure. They’re a workplace hazard.

How to deal: Maintain composure and professionalism. Use organisational policies to address bias and keep detailed records of interactions.

4. The preacher manager: They open meetings with prayers, quote scripture freely, and claim moral authority – yet their behaviour contradicts their faith. They gossip, undermine, and manipulate under the guise of spirituality, often aligning with powerful circles to protect their turf.

How to deal: Keep engagement strictly professional. Respect their beliefs but don’t confuse spirituality for integrity.

5. The office patriarch and matriarch: Typically, an older long serving employee. The good ones are nurturing, protective, and dependable. The toxic kind, however, are dismissive, rude, and threatened by younger, educated staff. They wield influence through fear or familiarity.

How to deal: Respect their experience but set firm boundaries. Engage respectfully without allowing intimidation. Every office has one, loved by some, feared by others.

6. The saboteur: This quiet disruptor thrives on undermining others and progress. They resist change, form cliques, and subtly delay work when reforms threaten their comfort zones. They often occupy mid-level roles and have mastered organisational politics for survival.

How to deal: Keep communication transparent, record agreements, and focus on facts. Don’t get drawn into their drama, consistency will expose them.

7. The ethnic crusader: They view leadership through tribal lenses. Promotions, team composition, and rewards revolve around ethnicity or regional allegiance. They poison workplace cohesion and sometimes manipulate senior management to protect their dominance.

How to deal: Stay focused on performance. Build alliances across diversity and document any discriminatory practices. Escalate if needed as silence only empowers them.

8. The lazy drifter: They avoid decisions, delay approvals, and conveniently ‘forget’ responsibilities. They rarely read reports and are quick to blame subordinates when things go wrong. Their indecision paralyses productivity.

Read: Working with managers who lack self-awareness

How to deal: Manage upward. Send concise updates, confirm discussions in writing, and plan for delays. Anticipate last-minute changes and protect yourself with documentation.

9. The entitled veteran: They’ve worked for decades and act like shareholders. Resistant to new ideas, they invoke ‘experience’ as a shield. Some are valuable repositories of knowledge; others simply block progress. Their power lies in nostalgia and informal influence.

How to deal: Acknowledge their contribution but assert your space respectfully. Involve them in transitions and make them feel valued without yielding to emotional blackmail.

10. The pretender leader: Charming, articulate, and politically connected – but shallow on delivery. They thrive on appearances and are experts in self-promotion. They take credit for others’ work and master the art of being visible without being impactful.

How to deal: Let your performance speak louder than their theatrics. Keep a record of your contributions and ensure your achievements are visible to decision-makers.

They shine in meetings but disappear when work starts.

11. The good but misunderstood manager: They stand for integrity, fairness, and accountability. Unfortunately, their insistence on doing things right makes them unpopular with mediocre teams and insecure peers. They often get isolated or sabotaged for being ‘too principled.’

How to deal: Support and learn from them. They’ll stretch you, but you’ll emerge stronger, wiser, and more professional.

Final thoughts

Kenyan workplaces mirror our society – diverse, vibrant, and sometimes chaotic. Behind every title lies a personality that shapes an organisation’s culture, morale, and productivity.

Some managers nurture; others destroy. Recognising who you’re dealing with helps you adapt intelligently rather than react emotionally.

Not every manager deserves your loyalty, but every experience with one offers a leadership lesson. Surviving the wrong manager often prepares you to become the right kind of leader tomorrow.

Motorists who have to grapple with the current administration and conduct of our traffic will take some solace from the fact that more Kenyans are now more ‘mobile’ than ever before. A very big tick in that box. But does that have to mean congestion, delay, exasperation, and danger? Mart

Any answer to that must start in the context of a prodigious increase in the population of people and vehicles. Both have increased nearly tenfold (!!!) in a few decades.

That would test the infrastructure and policy fibre of any country, and your ‘big tick’ would be well deserved even if we were just surviving. Yet we are doing that well enough to think about thriving!

On that basis, ask any politician or policeman what motoring laws and policies are trying to achieve, and the answer will be simple and consistent: Not just more vehicles, but roadworthy vehicles, well driven, on decent highways and streets, safely, smoothly, efficiently and economically.

Well here’s the news. That is exactly what the motoring public wants, too.

So why do the two sides seem to be constantly fighting each other? Surely people fight when they differ – not when they absolutely agree.

Let’s start with the motoring public. How many motorists actually prefer a car that is unroadworthy? How many actively wish to drive badly, or on an awful road, or dangerously, or over bumps, in clogged traffic? Does any motorist want to make vehicle ownership and use as expensive as possible? And how many motorists want roads to be unmarked or often incorrectly marked?

And so to the law makers and law enforcers. Accepting their declared wish-list begs some questions:

If they don’t want defective vehicles, then why are they giving such loopholes (even incentives) for importation of sub-standard used vehicles and parts; why do they pre-inspect new vehicles and genuine parts but not used vehicles and scrap components?

Why do they allow damaging bumps to be constructed, and potholes to remain unfixed? Why do they impose taxes that make quality replacement parts less affordable? Why do they keep proposing expansion of massively expensive inspection systems when the existing ones clearly don’t (and won’t) work?

Why don’t they inspect and license workshops so motorists who want to keep their vehicles in good shape can get competent service? And why don’t they make routine roadworthiness inspection a compulsory part of every service?

If they want good driving, why do they not set higher standards for licensing driving schools, and conduct a much more stringent driving test? Why do they not bombard us with public education campaigns?

If they want smooth and efficient travel, why do they allow desperately slow vehicles to obstruct arterial highways? Why don’t they mark and enforce clearways?

And so on, and so on.

Meanwhile the over-riding question remains: if both sides want the same things, why doesn’t their relationships look less like conflict and more like teamwork?

After all, if the motoring public wants all the things law makers and enforcers say they want we don’t need draconian crackdowns; we need enabling conditions and a partnership of mutual respect.

Policy’s priority should be to help motorists have roadworthy cars and good skills and decent roads. Not by punishing their failures, but by encouraging their success – incentivising the purchase of newer vehicles, improving the quality and reducing the cost of maintenance and repair; ensuring well-qualified tuition and backing it with popular and practical public education.

.in sum, guiding by incentives instead of penalties wherever possible. That way, the authorities (and law-abiding motorists) get a million supportive allies instead of a million resentful foes. Surely that would work better. Until that starts to happen, there is reason to doubt, after all, that the patrons and the public do want the same thing. We think we know what the motoring public wants. But the question is out there: what do the laws and policies want?

And don’t say ‘obedience’ because it will be good for you. Those who already comply – in every possible way – know for sure that strategy does not deliver respect or justice or smooth, safe, efficient, economical and relaxed travel by road.

What we all need to recognise is that the ‘policy pie’ is an extraordinarily complex matrix. Taken in isolation, traffic management has some glaringly obvious shortfalls and logical remedies.

The cost-benefit equation of the remedies is clear, but the skills and diligence and shillings required are limited and are in competition with dozens (nay, hundreds) of other real needs, conflicting priorities and vested interests.

For the time being, we must both hope and cope in the knowledge that things could be better.or worse.

In July this year, Tanzania quietly tucked into its Finance Act a new excise duty on goods supplied from fellow East African Community (EAC) member states. On paper, it looked like just another tax tweak. In practice, it struck at the very heart of the EAC integration dream.

The EAC Treaty and the Common Market Protocol are not just decorative documents gathering dust in Arusha. They are the glue binding together six economies promising citizens, and businesses alike, that goods, services, and investments will move freely without the old barriers that made cross-border trade a nightmare.

The principle is simple: if you can sell it in Nairobi or Kigali, you should be able to sell it in Dar es Salaam under the same rules. But these new discriminatory excise duties rewrite those rules. They send a blunt message: ‘Your goods are less welcome here.’ That message is not only illegal under the Treaty, but also politically toxic.

For Kenyan, Ugandan, or Rwandan businesses exporting into Tanzania, the effects are already being felt. Manufacturers are suffering immediate higher costs, delayed shipments, and having to scramble for exemptions.

For ordinary consumers, it will translate into pricier products and fewer choices. And for governments, it creates an awkward diplomatic moment: how do you talk about a ‘single market’ when one partner has just built a new wall?

Within days of the measure, trade diplomats were firing off protest notes, companies were calling their lawyers, and regional business councils were warning of a chilling effect on investment.

Trust, which is a currency of integration took a hit. The EAC is no stranger to trade spats. But here’s the danger: when one state breaks the rules and faces no real consequences, others are tempted to do the same.

Before long, a single breach snowballs into tit-for-tat protectionism. That’s how integration projects die. Not with one big blow, but with small, accumulating betrayals.

Investors are watching too.

If the perception grows that Treaty commitments can be shelved at will, boardrooms will quietly move capital to markets where the rules are clearer.

Tanzania, ironically, may be the biggest loser in that scenario, as it competes fiercely with its neighbours for manufacturing investment and logistics hubs.

Here’s the hopeful part: integration blocs often grow stronger after a near-crisis. The European Union only deepened its rulebook after members repeatedly tested the boundaries.

The EAC can seize this moment to do the same by forging ahead at breakneck pace with long-stalled plans to harmonise taxation and by giving its institutions sharper teeth to ensure compliance.

Read: Kenya, EAC States dominate global trade obstacle warnings

Ultimately it is the East African citizens who will suffer the most and therefore Tanzania should clarify whether this excise duty is a temporary protective measure or a permanent shift. The worst thing for the market is uncertainty.

Partner states should also think about a two-pronged approach: push diplomatically for Tanzania to repeal the discriminatory elements of the excise duty while also pursuing legal remedies at the East African Court of Justice.

Indeed, there has been some recent reporting that an urgent injunction request was filed at the EACJ by a Kenyan manufacturer of matches as their products in Tanzania increased in price seemingly overnight, having read the arguments, it seems impossible that this injunction would not be granted.

Finally, the EAC Secretariat must show it is more than a spectator by convening urgent talks and insisting on a corrective roadmap.

This is not just about a new finance act in a sovereign nation; it is about political will. Do EAC leaders mean it when they speak of integration as Africa’s future, or is the Treaty just a convenient slogan? Besides the action comes on the heal of the expiry of the AGOA deal with the US which should have signaled the need for increased intra-African trade.

The region’s citizens deserve an answer. And businesses, which have invested billions on the promise of one market, cannot wait forever nor should they.

If Tanzania’s July decision becomes the new normal, then the dream of a borderless East African economy will become a nightmare fraught with unilateral protectionist policies. Actions such as these not only undermine collective external bargaining power but saw mistrust into future common markets.

But if leaders grasp the moment, enforce the rules, and recommit to the hard work of integration, this crisis could yet be remembered not as an unraveling, but as a true test of the EAC’s systems, which will hopefully prove to stand the test of time and regimes.

State-owned energy sector firms, including the Kenya Electricity and Transmission Company (Ketraco) and the Nuclear Power and Energy Agency (NuPEA) are facing cumulative payout claims of Sh8.7 billion, while have pile up over the years after they lost contract breach court cases against contractors and individuals.

Disclosures by the Ministry of Energy show that the bill is for court cases that the two entities have lost between July 2019 and June 2025. A total of Sh9.027 billion has been awarded, and only Sh245 million of the amount has been paid to the various claimants.

The African proverb ‘When elephants fight, it is the grass that suffers’ has long captured the collateral damage of great power rivalries.

Today, as the US and China compete for global influence, Africa often finds itself caught in the middle-absorbing the ripple effects of decisions made far away. But this time, the grass need not suffer.

China’s recent decision to eliminate tariffs for 53 African countries presents a rare opportunity: a chance for Africa not to be trampled, but to rise. If seized wisely, this moment could mark a turning point in Africa’s shift from raw material exporter to value-added producer. At the 2025 China-Africa Economic and Trade Expo, over 30,000 participants gathered to witness the signing of 176 projects worth $11.4 billion, with an additional $43 billion in cooperation opportunities announced. This is more than diplomacy; it’s a signal that Africa is being invited to play a bigger role in global trade.

Of course, this gesture is not without strategic benefit for China. Tariff elimination is a lever to secure long-term political goodwill, commercial influence, and access to Africa’s fast-growing markets and critical minerals.

The challenge for African governments is to ensure this generosity works both ways-not as dependency, but as leverage.

Yet trade data tells a cautionary tale. Between January and August 2025, China-Africa trade reached $222 billion, but Chinese exports to Africa surged 24.7 percent, while African exports grew only 2.3 percent.

The result: a $59.5 billion trade deficit. Africa continues to export raw materials and import high-value goods. This is a pattern that must change.

Kenya’s recent negotiations to convert $5 billion in Chinese loans from US dollars to yuan offer a glimpse of strategic recalibration.

Treasury Cabinet Secretary John Mbadi has said the shift could halve interest costs, with the conversion potentially reducing rates from 6.37 percent (USD terms) to around three percent under yuan terms.

This move is expected to ease fiscal pressure, reduce dollar dependency, and extend repayment terms-offering much-needed breathing room in a tightening global credit environment. It’s a bold step toward greater financial sovereignty and a sign that Africa can shape its own terms, even in the shadow of global power realignment.

But the real transformation lies in industrialisation. Across the continent, entrepreneurs are proving that Africa can export more than commodities. It can export quality, innovation, and resilience, as well.

Africa’s industrial future will not be built by tariffs alone. It will depend on bold policy choices and practical reforms that make local production viable and competitive.

That means investing in infrastructure and logistics to lower the cost of moving goods, reforming capital markets to unlock financing for small and medium enterprises, and structuring trade agreements that reward local value addition over raw exports.

It also requires deepening regional integration through initiatives like the African Continental Free Trade Area, so that African producers can scale beyond their borders.

China’s zero-tariff policy is a door. What lies beyond depends on how Africa walks through it and, whether this time, the grass chooses not just to survive, but to grow tall.

From cassava flour in West Africa to chili sauce in Rwanda, African entrepreneurs are building value chains that deliver nutrition, income, and resilience. In our work at Acumen, we’ve had the privilege of backing several of these pioneering businesses: transforming cassava into flour, starch, and snacks to boost farmer incomes; unlocking new markets for coconut oil and cosmetics in East Africa; improving nutrition through poultry ventures in Ethiopia; and enabling solar-powered cold storage in Kenya to reduce food loss and reach premium buyers.

These are not isolated success stories, they are signals of what’s possible when patient capital meets local ingenuity. While traditional aid is fading, catalytic concessional capital still has a critical role to play.

Smartly deployed, it can complement zero-tariff trade by helping entrepreneurs scale, invest in processing capacity, and compete globally. It’s not the aid itself that matters, but how it’s structured – and whom it empowers.

Africa’s industrial future will not be built by tariffs alone. It will depend on bold policy choices and practical reforms that make local production viable and competitive.

That means investing in infrastructure and logistics to lower the cost of moving goods, reforming capital markets to unlock financing for small and medium enterprises, and structuring trade agreements that reward local value addition over raw exports.

It also requires deepening regional integration through initiatives like the African Continental Free Trade Area, so that African producers can scale beyond their borders.

Governments must act with urgency to ensure that zero tariffs don’t simply open the floodgates to more imports, but instead catalyze the rise of African-made products and brands on the global stage. The shift from aid to trade is already underway. The question now is whether Africa will shape that future – or be shaped by it.

Kenya’s imports from the United States fell for the first time in five years, pulled down by lower demand for aircraft and Liquefied Petroleum Gas (LPG), and coinciding with the start of President Donald Trump’s protectionist second term in White House.

Data from the Kenya National Bureau of Statistics (KNBS) show that import expenditure from the United States declined by 9.8 percent to Sh70.39 billion in the six months to June 2025, from Sh78.11 billion in the same period in 2024.