Category: Business Day

The 2026 World Conference of Zion Prayer Movement Outreach will be held next week at Zion City, the permanent site of the ministry at Mgbichi, Ngor Okpala, Imo State.

A press statement released by Zion Ministry in Lagos on Friday disclosed that the three-day crusade will begin on Friday, August 21, and end on Sunday, August 23, 2026.

The World Conference is the largest annual gathering organised by Zion Prayer Movement Outreach and attracts participants from across Nigeria, Africa, Europe, North America, Asia, the Middle East and others parts of the world.

It is the Third time the annual conference will be held outside Lagos, and the crusade will mark the end of the 100 Days Fasting and Prayer started in May by the ministry. Like in previous editions, hundreds of thousands of Zionites from across the world are expected to attend this year’ conference.

The Annual 100 Days Fasting and Prayers is one of the ministry’s most significant spiritual programmes during which members engage in a season of prayers, fasting, worship, Biblical reflection, thanksgiving and fellowship. The programme culminates in the closing World Conference drawing worshippers, pilgrims, clergy, volunteers and media representatives.

The Spiritual Director of Zion, Evangelist Chukwuebuka Anozie Obi, said that the crusade is expected to record thousands of people giving up their lives to Christ, awesome miracles, instant healings, deliverance from bondage, salvation of souls and verifiable testimonies.

Religion has always shaped societies. It has inspired hope, built schools, established hospitals and brought communities together. Yet history also shows that religion has, at times, intersected with politics, diplomacy and the strategic interests of powerful states.

In today’s increasingly interconnected world, that intersection of state, politics, and religion deserve thoughtful public discussion rather than emotional reactions.

Nigeria is one of the world’s most religious countries, with millions of practicing Christians. Also, the constitution guarantees freedom of religion, which remains one of the country’s greatest democratic strengths.

However, protecting religious freedom does not mean avoiding legitimate conversations about the broader context in which some foreign religious institutions operate. As global competition increasingly extends beyond trade, military cooperation and diplomacy, analysts say religion, culture, education and humanitarian engagement have become important instruments of international influence.

This debate has gained renewed attention following the expansion of the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) across Africa.

The Orthodox churches are geographically organised into patriarchates, with Africa considered part of the Patriarchate of Alexandria and thus belonged to the Greek Orthodox. It also consists of autocephalous (independent) churches, each of which has its own local tradition and are distinguished by language of worship.

In December 2021, the Moscow Patriarchate established the Patriarchal Exarchate of Africa after breaking with the ancient Greek Orthodox Patriarchate of Alexandria over the latter’s recognition of the Orthodox Church of Ukraine.

What initially appeared to be an internal dispute within global Orthodoxy has since developed into a geopolitical contest that seeks expansion into Sub-Saharan Africa. today, the ROC is slowly gaining inroads into Africa, overseeing hundreds of parishes across more than 30 African countries, including Nigeria.

‘In Africa, the Russian Orthodox Church has been present for many years, primarily within Russian diplomatic missions,’ Regina Elsner, a Roman Catholic theologian and professor of Eastern Church Studies and Ecumenism at the Ecumenical Institute, Faculty of Catholic Theology at the University of Munster, told DW in a recent published article.

Since gaining inroad into Africa, ROC has established churches, recruited African clergy, and launched humanitarian projects, expanded theological education by sending African seminarians to Russia for training.

In Nigeria, the Church has begun constructing its first church building in Benue State as part of its growing presence on the continent. For many observers, these developments may simply represent another Christian denomination carrying out missionary work.

According to Elsner, the influence of the Orthodox Church was less of direct Russian propaganda and more of a subtle promotion of Russian interests. ‘Since 2022, this presence has been expanded with its own ecclesiastical structure and the claim to be the only true Orthodox Church for the African continent.’

Elsner added that Russia and the ROC have been active defenders of the persecuted Christians in many African countries for many years, which has earned the Russian Orthodox Church great sympathy among persecuted Christians.

The debate, however, extends beyond theology

Researchers, governance and policy institutes are currently examining whether the Russian Orthodox Church also functions as an element of Russia’s broader soft power strategy in Africa. Soft power refers to a country’s ability to influence other nations through attraction, culture, education, religion and values rather than through military or economic pressure.

Several international studies have highlighted the close relationship between the Russian Orthodox Church and the Russian state. Patriarch Kirill, the head of the Church, has publicly supported many policies of President Vladimir Putin, including Russia’s actions in Ukraine.

Analysts argue that this relationship makes it difficult to separate some of the Church’s international activities from Russia’s wider foreign policy objectives.

The Church, however, strongly rejects suggestions that it acts on behalf of the Russian government. Its leaders maintain that their mission in Africa is pastoral, humanitarian and educational.

These differing perspectives underline why the issue deserves careful examination rather than sweeping conclusions. Russia is not unique in employing soft power.

The question for Nigeria, therefore, is not whether foreign countries seek influence, they all do, but whether existing transparency mechanisms are sufficient whenever foreign organisations, including religious ones, establish long-term operations within the country.

This question becomes particularly important because religious institutions enjoy exceptional public trust – that influence carries responsibility. Churches educate children, provide healthcare, respond to humanitarian emergencies and influence public opinion.

Transparency should not be viewed as hostility towards any faith or denomination. Rather, it is an essential feature of democratic governance. Nigerians have a legitimate interest in understanding how foreign-funded organisations operate, where funding originates, how leadership structures function and what international partnerships exist.

Importantly, this conversation should not be interpreted as questioning the sincerity of believers who worship in Russian Orthodox churches or any other denomination. Faith remains a deeply personal matter protected by Nigeria’s Constitution.

Instead, the discussion concerns institutions and the increasingly complex ways international influence operates in the twenty-first century.

Modern competition increasingly relies not only on military alliances or economic investments but also on education, media, culture, humanitarian assistance and religious engagement.

Nigeria’s response should be measured rather than emotional

Nigeria should continue to protect religious freedom without reservation while encouraging transparency, accountability and public understanding wherever foreign organisations establish a lasting presence.

These objectives are not contradictory. In fact, transparency strengthens trust by reassuring citizens that institutions operate openly and in accordance with Nigerian laws. A mature democracy does not fear difficult conversations. It welcomes informed debate supported by evidence rather than speculation.

As Nigeria deepens its engagement with partners from around the world; policymakers, religious leaders, academics and civil society organisations all have roles to play in ensuring that foreign partnerships, whether commercial, educational, cultural or religious, serve the country’s long-term interests.

The issue today is not whether Nigeria should welcome foreign religious organisations. It should – provided they respect the country’s laws, values and constitutional protections.

The more important question is whether Nigeria is prepared to understand the wider geopolitical environment in which such organisations operate.

Religious freedom and national sovereignty need not compete. Both can be protected through openness, accountability and consistent standards that apply to everyone.

When faith meets geopolitics, asking thoughtful questions is not an act of suspicion. It is an act of responsible citizenship.

Artificial Intelligence (AI) and the rapid spread of deepfakes are emerging as a new threat to Nigeria’s 2027 general election, with experts warning that synthetic audio, videos and images could distort political narratives, inflame tensions and undermine public confidence in the electoral process.

The warning comes as the country prepares for another highly contested election in an environment where millions of Nigerians rely heavily on social media platforms, particularly WhatsApp, Facebook and X, for political information.

From cloned voices to fake INEC notices, artificial intelligence could turn millions of mobile-phone screens into a new battleground for electoral trust.

Nigeria’s 2027 election is shaping up to have a new battlefield: artificial intelligence.

Deepfake videos, cloned voices, fabricated photographs and bogus Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) notices could flood social media and messaging platforms, confusing voters and deepening distrust in the electoral process.

INEC has identified AI-driven disinformation, social-media volatility and foreign information manipulation among emerging threats to the election.

The danger lies in speed. A fake video showing an INEC official announcing a change in voting arrangements could reach millions before the commission responds. A fabricated result sheet could trigger rigging allegations, while a cloned voice could falsely appear to belong to a candidate or electoral officer.

Candidates are also vulnerable. AI-generated recordings could falsely depict a politician withdrawing from the race, endorsing an opponent or making inflammatory statements.

Experts warn of the ‘liar’s dividend’, when genuine evidence is dismissed as fake because deepfakes have become commonplace.

The challenge for INEC, therefore, extends beyond counting votes. It must win the information war quickly enough to remain the most trusted source of election information.

News organisations and political parties face a similar responsibility. Publishing unverified AI-generated material could transform falsehoods into national headlines, while parties that weaponise deepfakes against rivals could eventually become targets themselves.

The greatest danger may emerge on election day, when fake messages claiming polling has been suspended, fabricated images of violence or false results could spread rapidly.

AI can also provide part of the defence through tools that detect manipulated content, identify coordinated campaigns and accelerate the distribution of verified information.

Nigeria’s 2027 election may be decided at polling units, but the battle for public trust could begin much earlier on millions of mobile-phone screens.

A recent report by SBM Intelligence found that 66.5 percent of Nigerians are concerned that AI-generated misinformation could undermine the credibility of the 2027 election.

Unlike traditional misinformation, deepfakes can make fabricated material appear remarkably authentic.

A cloned voice can be made to sound like a presidential candidate, while AI-generated video can depict a politician or electoral official saying or doing something that never happened.

Experts say the danger may be greatest in the final hours before voting, when false information can spread faster than election authorities and fact-checkers can respond.

Ethnic and political tensions

One major concern is the use of AI-generated material to inflame existing political, ethnic or religious divisions.

A fabricated audio recording in which a candidate appears to insult a particular ethnic group, for instance, could be circulated through WhatsApp groups shortly before voters head to polling units.

Even if the recording is later proven false, analysts warn that the damage may already have been done.

The technology could also be used to impersonate political parties, candidates, journalists and community leaders, making it increasingly difficult for voters to distinguish genuine statements from fabricated ones.

Fake results, fake officials

Another potential threat is the creation of fake election results.

AI-generated videos or images could be used to impersonate officials of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), falsely announce results or claim that a particular candidate has been declared winner.

Such material could create confusion at a time when Nigerians are already waiting anxiously for official results.

The danger extends beyond fabricated videos. Altered screenshots, fake result sheets and manipulated images could circulate online and give the impression that official electoral records have been changed.

The ‘liar’s dividend’

There is also a more subtle danger: the possibility that genuine evidence will be dismissed as artificial.

This phenomenon, often described as the ‘liar’s dividend,’ occurs when people exploit widespread awareness of deepfakes to deny authentic recordings or evidence.

As synthetic media becomes more common, a politician facing a genuine recording could simply claim that the material was AI-generated.

That could turn the 2027 election into a contest not only over political facts but also over what voters believe is real.

INEC’s response

INEC has acknowledged the growing threat posed by artificial intelligence and disinformation and has taken steps to strengthen its technological capacity.

The commission has approved an Artificial Intelligence Division within its ICT structure, with the aim of using technology and data to detect emerging threats and possible electoral manipulation.

However, analysts say the effectiveness of such a unit will depend on how quickly INEC can acquire sophisticated detection tools and develop the expertise required to monitor rapidly evolving AI-generated content.

Nigeria’s existing digital electoral infrastructure could also become a target for misinformation.

Systems such as the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and the IReV portal are central to the country’s electronic electoral processes. While these systems are designed to support election administration and transparency, fabricated screenshots or misleading claims about their operations could spread rapidly online.

A race against time

The challenge facing election authorities is that fact-checking often takes longer than misinformation takes to spread.

A fake video posted minutes before voting could be viewed thousands or even millions of times before authorities issue a correction. By then, the correction may reach only a fraction of those exposed to the original claim.

This has prompted calls for closer cooperation between INEC, telecommunications companies, social media platforms, civil society groups and fact-checking organisations.

Analysts have also recommended monitoring unusual surges in coordinated messaging and bot activity, particularly during sensitive periods of the election.

Voters as the first line of defence

Beyond technology, experts say public awareness will be critical.

Voters will need to develop the habit of checking the source of sensational political material before sharing it, particularly when a message appears designed to provoke anger, fear or ethnic hostility.

Digital literacy campaigns could help citizens recognise common warning signs, including suspicious accounts, manipulated images, unverifiable claims and videos that appear without an identifiable original source.

The 2027 election, therefore, may present a new kind of electoral contest, one in which the battle for votes is accompanied by a parallel battle over digital reality.

Artificial intelligence itself is not inherently a threat to democracy. The same technology can assist election monitoring, information analysis and the detection of coordinated disinformation.

The challenge for INEC and other stakeholders will be ensuring that those legitimate uses of AI are not overwhelmed by its misuse.

With the election approaching, the question may no longer be whether deepfakes will appear in Nigeria’s political space, but whether electoral institutions and voters can identify and contain them before they influence events on the ground.

Women entrepreneurs from diverse sectors have been equipped with practical artificial intelligence (AI) and digital business skills to enhance innovation, improve productivity and accelerate the growth of their enterprises.

The capacity-building workshop, tagged ‘Women Entrepreneurs Accelerate Africa (WEAA)’, was held in Port Harcourt recently by the Leadership Challenge Foundation in collaboration Gordon University, Aberdeen, Scotland, and Boss Babes Nigeria, as part of efforts to strengthen women-led businesses and bridge the digital skills gap across Africa.

Speaking at. the event, the Founder and Executive Director of the Leadership Challenge Foundation, Joy Success Ikpe, said the initiative was designed to empower women entrepreneurs with practical knowledge and emerging technologies that would enable them to build resilient, competitive and sustainable businesses.

According to her, the rapid evolution of artificial intelligence presents enormous opportunities for small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs), particularly those owned by women, to improve efficiency, increase productivity, enhance customer engagement and make informed business decisions.

She stressed that women remain critical drivers of economic growth and national development, urging participants to embrace innovation, build strategic partnerships and collaborate with other women-focused organisations to expand business opportunities and create sustainable wealth.

‘Our goal is to ensure that women entrepreneurs are not left behind in the digital revolution. By equipping them with AI tools and practical business skills, we are positioning them to compete effectively in today’s global economy and contribute more significantly to Nigeria’s economic development,’ she said.

The Chief Executive Officer of Boss Babes Nigeria, Chioma Onoshakpor, who joined the programme virtually, said the Women Entrepreneurs Accelerate Africa project was established to reduce gender disparities by providing women with practical entrepreneurial skills that promote self-reliance, innovation and business success.

She explained that the programme translates years of research into practical business solutions through a specially developed entrepreneurship tool kit designed to help women establish, manage and scale successful enterprises.

Participants described the training as timely, practical and transformational, noting that the knowledge acquired would enable them to adopt digital technologies that improve business operations, expand market reach and increase profitability.

Facilitators introduced participants to a range of AI-powered and cloud-based digital platforms, including Canva AI, Perplexity AI, Lovable AI and Gemini AI, demonstrating how the technologies can be deployed for content creation, marketing, customer engagement, financial management, business planning and strategic decision-making.

They also challenged participants to maximise the potential of their smart phones by using them as tools for learning, innovation, entrepreneurship and wealth creation, rather than limiting their use to social interaction and entertainment.

The workshop further highlighted some of the major challenges confronting women-owned businesses, including poor financial management, inadequate record-keeping, weak pricing strategies, poor business planning and limited access to alternative financing.

Panel discussions focused on entrepreneurship, financial literacy, digital transformation and sustainable business growth, providing participants with practical strategies to strengthen and scale their enterprises.

The organisers said the initiative forms part of a broader commitment to equipping African women entrepreneurs with the digital competencies, financial knowledge and innovative mindset required to build thriving businesses, create jobs and contribute meaningfully to inclusive economic growth across the continent.

By the time this column appears on Sunday, 16 August, the people of Osun would have voted. The ballot boxes would have closed, the votes would have been counted and the political gladiators will be facing democracy’s oldest instruction: someone wins; someone loses; both remain citizens. That simple democratic proposition has often struggled to survive the Nigerian political imagination.

The latest disturbance comes from Senator Francis Fadahunsi, whose viral campaign video has placed the words ‘kill them’ at the centre of the Osun electoral conversation. Reports attribute to the Senator a call to supporters to kill Accord Party members and an assertion that even if they came to the polling station with voter cards, ‘we won’t allow them to vote.’ The Senator has subsequently explained that he meant ‘kill Accord with votes, not violence.’ That explanation belongs to the record and should be considered alongside the original recording, its context and the full circumstances surrounding it. The National Human Rights Commission has nevertheless called for his suspension, arrest and investigation, while the matter has generated a formal demand for police action. The law must determine the legal consequences. WordMatters must examine the words. And these words cannot be understood adequately as an isolated outburst. They belong to a longer Nigerian continuum.

The first great drumbeat came from the ‘Wild Wild West’ of the First Republic. The Western Region crisis of 1965 transformed political rivalry into frightening physical violence. The period became associated with ‘Operation Wetie,’ a brutal campaign in which political opponents, homes and vehicles were doused with petrol and set ablaze. The lesson should have been permanently etched into the national memory: When political power becomes a matter of life and death, politics ceases to be politics. However, the vocabulary returned in another form. In 2007, the presidential election was described as a ‘do-or-die affair’. The expression entered the national political lexicon as shorthand for a contest in which defeat was rendered existential. A political contest had become a matter of survival.

Then came another mutation in 2022 when political supporters were admonished that political power was not served ‘a la carte;’ instead, they must fight for it and by all means, snatch and run with it. This political rhetoric doubled down recently with ‘All is fair in politics’ declaration! Again, the words matter as power ceased to sound like a public trust and begins to sound like booty. Now comes: ‘Kill them.’ The political opponent is no longer merely someone to defeat. He becomes someone to eliminate. That is the point at which the continuum becomes frightening. Mr. President’s exhortation to the Osun voters: ‘Go out to vote candidate of your choice on Saturday without fear’ represented a radical departure from the toxic drumbeats. Nonetheless, they reveal a persistent political imagination in which winning becomes progressively more important than preserving the legitimacy, safety and dignity of the opponent. That is where Governance Optimality Theory enters the conversation.

Optimality Theory (OT), developed by Alan Prince and Paul Smolensky in 1993, belongs to phonology, the study of the sound system of language. Its basic architecture is remarkably simple. GEN, the Generator, produces a range of possible candidates. Think of it as a linguistic workshop in which several possible forms can be made available. CON, the set of Constraints (Markedness and Faithfulness), ranks competing requirements. The first constraint says, ‘Make the output conform to what the system considers desirable, natural, simple or well-formed;’ the second says, ‘Don’t change the underlying input unnecessarily.’ There is a fundamental tension between Markedness and Faithfulness; wherein lies the genius of OT. One cannot always satisfy both; something has to give. The outcome depends on which constraints outrank the other. This explains why the ranking is hierarchical because some constraints matter more than others. EVAL, the Evaluator, compares the candidates against those ranked constraints and selects the candidate that best satisfies the higher-ranking constraints. That selected form is the ‘Optimal Candidate.’

Governance Optimality Theory (GOT), I derived from the OT to serve sociolinguistic purpose, takes this architecture from the world of ‘sounds’ and adapts it to the world of ‘governance’. The G-GEN (Governance Generator) takes a governance problem and generate alternative possible outcomes. The political system also generates candidates. For instance, a politician seeking victory can say: ‘Defeat them at the polls.’ ‘Outvote them.’ ‘Persuade their supporters.’ ‘Campaign harder.’ ‘Win the election.’ These are possible rhetorical candidates. But another vocabulary is also available: ‘Do or die.’ ‘Grab it.’ ‘Snatch it.’ ‘Run with it.’ ‘Kill them.’

The question GOT asks is not merely: Which expression is most powerful? It asks: Which rhetorical candidate best satisfies the highest-ranking constraints of democratic governance? In a healthy democratic system, the higher-ranking constraints (normative constraints – i.e., constraints that ought to govern a constitutional democracy) should be obvious: human life; peace; equal citizenship; free political participation; the right to vote; legitimate opposition; rule of law; accountability; religious and political tolerance. A political expression that violates those constraints should lose. That is how optimality ought to work. Nigeria, however, presents a more disturbing possibility. Nigerian system of democracy develops operative constraints, i.e., informal constraints that actually determine what survives: patronage, prebendalism, elite accommodation, state capture, violence; rigging; personalisation of power, cronyism, religious and ethnic mobilisation.

What happens when these operative constraints are ranked higher than the normative constraints by the corrupt system? The answer is the conceptual breakthrough that makes Governance Optimality Theory particularly useful for understanding Nigeria. The system may still produce an ‘Optimal Candidate’. It may still generate alternatives. It may still rank its constraints. It may still evaluate the candidates. It may still produce a winner. However, while the winner may not be the ‘best candidate,’ the winner may simply be the candidate that ‘best satisfies the highest-ranking constraints of a corrupted system. That distinction changes everything. In other words, G-EVAL evaluates the available candidates against the operative hierarchy of constraints. And here lies the central proposition of GOT. The governance output that emerges is the candidate that best satisfies the highest-ranked operative constraints; not necessarily the candidates that best satisfies the ideals of constitutional democracy.

In classical OT, ‘optimal’ has a technical meaning. It does not necessarily mean morally perfect.

It means the candidate that wins under the hierarchy of constraints. GOT retains that meaning. Consequently, if Nigerian politics has elevated electoral fraud, religious and ethnic arithmetic, patronage and impunity above peaceful competition, equal citizenship and the rule of law, the candidate who is most adept at satisfying those conditions may emerge as the system’s Optimal Candidate. But that is not democratic success. It is ‘optimised failure’. The system has not failed to optimise; it has optimised successfully for the wrong things. That is the Nigerian paradox.

This is where the ‘Broken Mortar and Rotten Palm-Nut’ (Mkp?k?r? Ikwe n? ?kw? Reburu ?n?) metaphor becomes more than a colourful image. Imagine a housewife mashing palm nuts in a mortar. The mortar is broken. The palm nuts are rotten. Still, the mashing continues. The process may be vigorous and efficient. The operator may even be exceptionally skilled. But the output cannot be wholesome. The problem lies deeper than the mashing. The instrument is defective. So are the material and the hierarchy of the process. Nigeria’s political system can therefore produce an electoral winner while simultaneously producing a governance failure. The candidate may have won. The process may have optimised but the result may still be rotten; hence the OPTIMISED FAILURES. That is the Nigerian extension of GOT.

The significance of Fadahunsi’s rhetoric becomes clearer within this framework. Suppose the objective is to defeat Accord. GEN supplies several possible rhetorical candidates: Persuade them.

Outvote them. Defeat them. Crush them politically. Kill them. G-CON then asks which constraints matter most. In a healthy democratic order, peace, life, citizenship and the right to vote would outrank partisan victory. ‘Kill them’ would therefore be eliminated. But imagine a corrupted hierarchy in which winning at all costs outranks the life and political rights of the opponent. The outcome changes. The violent candidate, having out-ranked the peaceful candidate, eventually emerges victorious as the optimal candidate! The danger is not merely the presence of violent words. It is the possibility that the political system has learned to reward the people who speak them most effectively. A rhetoric of violence becomes a political resource. Intimidation becomes campaign capital. Fear becomes mobilisation. Vote buying becomes strategy. Religious division becomes arithmetic. Impunity becomes confidence. And the broken mortar sustains the futile process of mashing rotten palm nuts.

The reported statement credited to Senator Fadahunsi concerning voter cards makes the matter even more serious. A voter card is a small piece of plastic carrying a large democratic idea: I have the right to participate. The reported response – ‘we won’t allow them to vote’ – represents the opposite idea: Our political power determines whether your political right survives. That is not merely aggressive campaign language. It attacks the very principle that makes an election what it is. The political opponent may be defeated. His vote cannot be defeated before it is cast. He may be persuaded. He cannot be silenced. He may lose. He cannot be rendered politically nonexistent.

Also, his imperial directive to supporters, ‘I authorise you to kill them’ adds another disturbing dimension. A Senator’s authority is not personal property. It is constitutional authority entrusted for public purposes. A Senator may legislate, investigate, represent, and may mobilise voters; however, he cannot convert public office into a rhetorical licence for violence. The word ‘authorise’ therefore deserves special attention. It transforms an expression of anger into an apparent grant of permission. The distinction is profound. ‘Vote against them’ is democratic mobilisation. ‘Defeat them’ is democratic competition. ‘Kill them’ is violent elimination. ‘I authorise you to kill them’ turns political authority into permission for violence. That is a governance constraint that should never be allowed to rank below partisan victory.

Saturday’s Osun election therefore represents more than another gubernatorial contest. It is a test of whether Nigeria can distinguish political combat from political warfare. By Sunday, one candidate will have more votes than the others. The losing candidate will still have supporters. Those supporters will still be citizens. The winning candidate will inherit a state containing people who did not vote for him. That is the discipline of democracy. The winner does not inherit the right to silence the loser. They inherit the responsibility to govern them. And here lies the profound irony of GOT.

The Optimal Candidate that emerges from an electoral system is not automatically the candidate Nigeria needs. If the constraints have been corrupted, the system can produce an Optimised Failure. That is why the Nigerian democratic project requires more than changing candidates. It requires re-ranking the constraints. Human life must rank above partisan victory. The right to vote must rank above political intimidation. Peace must rank above power accumulation. Equal citizenship must rank above religious arithmetic. Rule of law must rank above impunity. Public trust must rank above patronage. Only then does the Optimal Candidate begin to approximate the Best Candidate. Until then, Nigeria may continue to pound ‘?kw? reburu ?n?’ (rotten palm nuts) in a broken mortar (mkp?k?r? ikwe) and congratulate itself each time the system produces another ‘winner’ The output is called victory snatched and grabbed through the instrumentality of informal constraints. Alan and Smolensky’s theory calls it optimality. WordMatters calls it what it is: Optimised Failure. Word, as always, matters.

Nigeria’s insurance industry is increasingly looking beyond traditional product promotion to entertainment, consumer engagement and public recognition as it seeks to close the gap between insurance providers and the millions of Nigerians who remain uninsured.

Industry stakeholders believe that initiatives that bring insurance into mainstream public conversations could help improve the sector’s visibility, build consumer confidence and make insurance more relatable to a wider audience.

This is the broader significance of the 2026 Almond Insurance Industry Awards and Consumers’ Nite, scheduled for November 6, 2026 in Lagos, which is expected to bring together insurance practitioners, policymakers, corporate leaders, consumers and entertainers.

The event is designed not only to recognise performance within the industry but also to create a more accessible platform for the public to interact with the insurance sector.

According to the organisers, the event has evolved since its inception in 2018 into a major gathering on the insurance calendar, combining industry recognition with music, comedy and dance to attract a broader audience beyond insurance professionals.

For an industry battling low public awareness and weak consumer engagement, analysts say such platforms could become increasingly important as insurers seek to reposition insurance from a largely technical financial product into an everyday tool for managing risks and protecting livelihoods.

By combining industry recognition with entertainment and consumer participation, the Almond initiative provides an opportunity to take insurance conversations outside boardrooms, conferences and regulatory engagements.

The organisers said the 2026 edition attracted 796 nominations from insurance and broking firms, corporate organisations, individual clients, government agencies and other industry stakeholders. The nominations were subjected to screening based on the award criteria before the final shortlist was produced.

More importantly, consumers and members of the public are being brought directly into the process through voting, with companies and individual clients eligible to vote once in each category. An OTP verification system is also being used to prevent duplicate voting.

That consumer-facing element could prove more consequential to the industry than the awards themselves.

Allowing customers to participate in recognising insurers, brokers and industry executives creates an additional point of contact between insurance companies and the public. It also provides insurers with an opportunity to listen to consumers, strengthen relationships and demonstrate the value they deliver beyond premium collection.

The categories themselves reflect the breadth of Nigeria’s insurance ecosystem, covering general and life insurers, brokers, microinsurance and tearful operators, as well as insurance executives and customers.

For an industry undergoing significant regulatory and structural changes, including the recently concluded recapitalisation exercise, greater public engagement could also help reinforce confidence in the sector.

Arsenal captain Martin Ødegaard has warned the club’s Premier League rivals that the champions are targeting more trophies after opening their season with a commanding 3-0 victory over Manchester City in the Community Shield.

Ødegaard delivered a man-of-the-match performance in Cardiff, scoring Arsenal’s third goal as Mikel Arteta’s side produced a dominant display against the FA Cup holders.

Riccardo Calafiori opened the scoring after just 24 seconds before Kai Havertz doubled Arsenal’s advantage before half-time.

‘We want to win everything’

The victory provided an early indication that Arsenal remain hungry after securing their first Premier League title since 2004 last season.

Ødegaard, who lifted the league trophy after Arsenal finished seven points ahead of City, believes the performance demonstrated that the champions are determined to maintain their standards.

‘We played some brilliant football. Great performance and a great way to start the season,’ Ødegaard said.

‘We showed our level today. We showed we’re ready. We’re serious and we want to do it again. We want to attack it. We want to do it again.

‘When you get a taste of how nice it is, you want to do it again. We want to win everything.’

Arsenal set sights on more trophies

The Community Shield triumph gives Arsenal their second major trophy in four months and provides further momentum ahead of their Premier League title defence.

The Gunners have been installed as favourites to retain the title and will begin their campaign at home against newly promoted Coventry on August 21.

With Arsenal now targeting domestic and European honours, the Norway international believes the champions have the mentality required to compete on every front.

Aisha Garba, Executive Secretary of the Universal Basic Education Commission (UBEC), has said no child’s circumstances should prevent access to quality education, stressing that every Nigerian child deserves an opportunity to learn, develop their abilities and fulfil their potential.

According to a statement issued on Saturday by Ikharo Attah Special adviser, media and publicity, Garba stated this during the formal commissioning of the rehabilitated Alternative High School for Girls in Agboju, Lagos State.

She said the rehabilitation of the school, supported by UBEC through its UBE direct intervention, went beyond the provision of infrastructure, describing it as a renewed opportunity for girls and young women whose education had been interrupted for various reasons.

According to her, girls who dropped out of school should not be regarded as lost causes, while young mothers seeking to return to education should not be made to feel that they had missed their opportunity.

‘A girl whose circumstances prevented her from completing her education should be given another opportunity.

‘Every child deserves an alternative pathway to acquire the education they deserve to succeed in life,’ she said.

Garba explained that the Alternative High School for Girls was established to provide girls and young women with opportunities to return to learning, acquire relevant skills and pursue productive and fulfilling lives.

She urged stakeholders to ensure that the institution became more than a place for classroom learning by providing an environment where the girls could rebuild their confidence and develop hope for the future.

‘Let this not simply be a place where girls attend classes. Let it be a place where hope is restored, confidence is built and future is renewed,’ she said.

The UBEC boss commended President Bola Ahmed Tinubu for prioritising education and human capital development under the Renewed Hope Agenda, while also acknowledging the First Lady, Oluremi Tinubu, for her commitment to the education and empowerment of girls and young women.

She said the support of the First Lady, who was represented at the occasion by Hajiya Nana Shettima, wife of the Vice President, demonstrated the importance attached to ensuring that every girl had an opportunity to learn, develop her abilities and fulfil her potential.

Garba noted that children affected by conflict, displacement and other difficult circumstances still had dreams, talents and potential, and should therefore be given opportunities to succeed.

She said the Federal Government, through the Nigeria Education Sector Renewal Initiative (NESRI), was implementing reforms aimed at improving the quality of education, expanding access and ensuring that no Nigerian child was left behind.

According to her, the rehabilitation of the Agboju Alternative High School was in line with UBEC’s commitment to promoting inclusive education and creating alternative pathways for learners who had been excluded from conventional schooling.

She said the intervention covered school infrastructure, academic facilities, furniture for pupils, teachers and school managers, ICT equipment and tools, laboratory and vocational equipment, WASH facilities and environmental improvements.

‘We believe that investment in education should be visible, not only in figures and reports, but in the classrooms where children learn, in the facilities they use and, most importantly, in the lives they are able to transform,’ Garba said.

The UBEC executive secretary said the Commission had formally handed over the rehabilitated facility to the Lagos State Government, urging the state to sustain the investment, maintain the facilities and ensure that the school continued to serve the girls for whom it was established.

She disclosed that the second Alternative High School for Girls in Ikorodu was at an advanced stage of completion, adding that it would further expand opportunities for girls and young women seeking alternative routes back into education.

Garba also announced that UBEC would, before the end of 2026, provide the school with a bus and digital smart boards for its classrooms.

She, however, stressed that the success of the intervention should not be measured by the appearance of the renovated school but by its impact on the lives of the girls.

‘The true measure of our success will be the girl who walks through these gates and discovers that she still has a future.

‘It will be the girl who acquires a skill, finds employment, starts a business or becomes a leader in her community. That is why this investment matters,’ she said.

Garba urged members of the Agboju community to take ownership of the school by protecting and maintaining the facilities and supporting the girls enrolled in the institution.

Kidnapping remains a significant security risk in Nasarawa State, with recent abductions involving university students and officials, alongside attacks on a major transport corridor, testing the security environment needed to support investment and economic activity.

The Nigeria Risk Index recorded 29 security incidents in Nasarawa between January 1 and July 1, 2026, including seven kidnapping incidents, with 20 fatalities and 59 victims. Recorded incidents fell from 32 in the corresponding period of 2025, while victims increased from 37 to 59, according to the index.

The figures present a mixed picture: fewer recorded incidents and fatalities, but more people affected. The trend cautions against treating a decline in incident numbers alone as evidence of a broad improvement in security.

The latest high-profile case involved Professor Samuel Avengbe Okunsebor, Dean of the Faculty of Agriculture at Nasarawa State University.

Okunsebor was abducted in the early hours of July 15 at Mile Uku, a border community between Lafia and Nasarawa-Eggon Local Government Areas, according to reports citing security sources. Department of State Services operatives rescued him on July 17, while two suspects were arrested during the operation.

On August 7, DSS operatives arrested three additional suspects allegedly linked to the abduction around Mararaban Akunza on the Lafia-Makurdi highway, according to a security source cited by Nigerian news organisations. The arrests were reported on August 8.

The allegations against the suspects remain subject to investigation and due process.

The case captures the mixed nature of Nasarawa’s security environment: criminal groups retain the capacity to abduct people, while security agencies have demonstrated the ability to rescue victims and pursue suspected perpetrators.

University communities remain exposed

On May 6, gunmen abducted six Nasarawa State University students and another person from an off-campus lodge in Gudi, Akwanga Local Government Area, according to reports citing the Nasarawa State Police Command.

The students were subsequently rescued, while police announced the arrest of two suspected kidnappers.

Governor Abdullahi Sule, speaking after the incident, said security agencies had made progress in the response. The statement represents the state government’s account and does not establish the guilt of any suspect.

The incidents do not establish a statistical rise in university-related kidnappings, but they illustrate the exposure of university communities to the wider security risks affecting the state, particularly outside formal campus environments.

Roads remain a separate vulnerability

The risk also extends to transport corridors.

On July 21, police operatives attached to the Andaha Division rescued four kidnapping victims during an operation in Akwanga Local Government Area, according to the Nasarawa State Police Command.

Police said the operation followed a distress call concerning suspected kidnappers near Megona Filling Station along the Akwanga-Jos Road. The suspects fled after security personnel intervened, while the victims were rescued. The command subsequently ordered a manhunt for the fleeing suspects.

The incident matters economically because the route facilitates passenger and goods movement between Nasarawa and neighbouring parts of the North-Central.

What the numbers show

The NRI figures are recorded security incidents, not a complete census of crime in Nasarawa. Incidents not reported or captured by the index would not appear in its dataset.

More significantly, the divergence between incidents and victims complicates any simple assessment of improvement. Recorded incidents fell from 32 to 29, but victims rose from 37 to 59.

The data therefore suggest that while the frequency of recorded incidents declined, the human impact remained substantial.

Location also matters. Recent cases have involved university-linked accommodation in Gudi, a university official in the Lafia-Nasarawa-Eggon axis and suspected kidnappers along the Akwanga-Jos corridor.

That does not establish that those areas are uniformly unsafe. It highlights the need for security policy to identify specific hotspots and vulnerabilities rather than treat insecurity as a uniform statewide problem.

Intelligence remains critical

Ahmed Abdulrazak, a Lafia-based security analyst, said stronger security funding could improve intelligence gathering, surveillance and operational capacity if properly managed and coordinated with federal security agencies.

Abdulrazak made the assessment on July 30 while discussing the Northern governors’ proposed ?19 billion monthly security fund. His comments addressed the wider northern security situation rather than the individual Nasarawa cases.

For Nasarawa, the distinction is important. Rescue operations and arrests demonstrate response capacity, but sustained improvement requires intelligence capable of identifying threats and disrupting attacks before they occur.

Community cooperation is equally important because residents can provide early information on suspicious movements and emerging threats.

The economic cost is uncertainty

The economic significance of kidnapping lies principally in predictability.

Nasarawa’s economic ambitions depend on the movement of farmers, workers, traders, equipment, raw materials and finished goods. Agriculture requires access to farms and markets; mining operations often depend on remote locations; and manufacturers and traders require reliable transport links.

There is no verified public estimate of the monetary losses suffered by Nasarawa businesses specifically because of kidnapping in 2026. It would therefore be inappropriate to attach a specific naira value to the economic impact.

The more defensible concern is operational uncertainty. Businesses operating around areas affected by repeated attacks may reassess travel arrangements, security requirements and logistics, although the cost of such adjustments has not been quantified in Nasarawa.

Nor do the available data establish that kidnapping has caused a decline in investment or economic output in the state.

What they establish is a security risk capable of affecting the predictability on which commercial activity and investment depend.

From response to prevention

Nasarawa’s recent security record contains evidence of both operational gains and continuing exposure.

The NSUK students were rescued after their May abduction; four victims were rescued during the July 21 Akwanga operation; and Okunsebor was rescued two days after his abduction before DSS subsequently arrested three additional suspects allegedly linked to the case.

These operations demonstrate security agencies’ capacity to respond. The stronger measure of progress, however, is whether intelligence-led operations, community cooperation and effective prosecution reduce repeat attacks.

For Nasarawa, sustained improvement would mean safer communities and more predictable transport corridors for farmers, traders, mining operators, manufacturers and investors.

The state therefore needs to convert response capacity into sustained prevention. That would strengthen public safety while reducing uncertainty for the businesses and investors whose activities underpin its economic ambitions.

Presidential Candidate of the Accord Party, Gbenga Olawepo-Hashim, has congratulated Osun State Governor, Senator Ademola Adeleke, on his re-election, describing the outcome of the governorship election as a victory for democracy and the people of Osun State.

Hashim, in a congratulatory message, commended the people of Osun for exercising their democratic rights and participating in the electoral process.

He said the election had once again demonstrated the power of the people to determine who governs them through the ballot.

‘This victory is, above all, a testament to the power of the people and the enduring strength of democracy. When citizens exercise their civic responsibility with courage and conviction, their voice can shape the direction of their state,’ he said.

Hashim also congratulated Accord Party leaders, members and supporters who participated in the election, describing their performance and commitment as part of the broader democratic gains recorded in the state.

He said Accord’s participation reinforced the principle that Nigeria’s democracy must remain open to genuine political competition and that every political party and candidate has a role to play in strengthening the democratic process.

The Accord presidential candidate urged Governor Adeleke to see his re-election as a renewed mandate to serve all residents of Osun State, irrespective of political affiliation.

‘Elections end, but governance continues. The real responsibility now is to build an Osun where every citizen has a sense of belonging, where development reaches every community, young people have meaningful opportunities, and peace, justice and prosperity remain shared aspirations,’ Hashim said.

He also urged all political actors and citizens to put the contest behind them and work towards the development of the state.

‘To Governor Adeleke, I extend my sincere congratulations and best wishes for continued wisdom and success in the service of the people of Osun State.

‘To the people of Osun, your voice has been heard. Your mandate has spoken. May this new chapter bring greater peace, progress and prosperity to your dear state,’ he added.

Hashim concluded by congratulating Governor Adeleke, the people of Osun State and the entire Accord family, while reaffirming his commitment to democratic renewal and the building of a better Nigeria.

‘Above all we give Glory to God’ he said.