Category: Business Day

When President Bola Ahmed Tinubu announced sweeping changes in Nigeria’s military hierarchy on Friday evening, the news generated mixed reactions across the country. For some, it was a strategic move to restore confidence in a military stretched thin by persistent security challenges. For others, the timing, barely a week after rumours of a coup plot, was too coincidental to ignore.

Sunday Dare, the president’s spokesman, made the announcement in a statement that read like a script for urgency.

‘The new Chief of Army Staff is Major-General W. Shuaibu; Air Vice Marshal S.K. Aneke is Chief of Air Staff; while Rear Admiral I. Abbas is the new Chief of Naval Staff. Chief of Defence Intelligence, Major-General E.A.P. Undiendeye, retains his position,’ Dare said, adding that the appointments took immediate effect.

General Olufemi Oluyede, former army chief, also replaced General Christopher Musa as the new Chief of Defence Staff, marking one of the most significant overhauls of the Nigerian Armed Forces in recent years.

Shadows of a coup that wasn’t

Barely a week earlier, online newspaper Sahara Reporters had alleged that a group of military officers were plotting to overthrow President Tinubu’s government. The report, which quickly gained traction on social media, linked the detention of 16 officers to the supposed plan.

The Defence Headquarters, however, was swift to dismiss the allegations. Brigadier General Tukur Gusau, director of Defence Information, described the report as ‘false and intended to cause unnecessary tension and distrust among the populace.’ He added that the detained officers were being investigated for ‘issues of indiscipline,’ and that the cancellation of the Independence Day military parade was ‘purely administrative.’

Yet, despite the denial, the rumour had already done its damage. In a country with a long and painful history of military coups, Nigerians are quick to sense political tremors in the barracks.

‘If it is indeed true that there was a rumoured coup, I think he (Tinubu) acted sensibly by doing exactly what he has done,’ Olisa Agbakoba (SAN) said in an interview on Friday.

Rising insecurity and the quest for fresh thinking

Beyond the political undertone, there are practical reasons why Tinubu may have opted for a reset in the military command. Insecurity remains Nigeria’s most stubborn crisis, an octopus with many arms: terrorism in the North-East, banditry and kidnapping in the North-West, farmer-herder clashes and ethno-religious crises in the North-Central, separatist violence in the South-East, and oil theft in the South-South.

Even Abuja, once considered a fortress, has seen a rise in isolated attacks and kidnappings on its outskirts. The spread of insecurity into previously stable regions, including parts of Kogi, Kwara, and Niger states, has deepened public anxiety.

Politically, Tinubu’s government has battled perception issues, including growing public frustration over hardship and allegations of elite detachment. Against this backdrop, decisive military appointments send a message of control, both to the public and within the ranks.

A familiar cycle or a turning point?

Tinubu’s charge to the new service chiefs was clear: justify the confidence reposed in them by enhancing professionalism, vigilance, and comradeship. But Nigerians have heard similar promises before, each reshuffle often met with initial optimism, only to fade into familiar patterns of underperformance and mistrust.

Balancing reform and loyalty

Since taking office in 2023, Tinubu has sought to consolidate power across key institutions, including the military and intelligence services. By reshuffling the top brass, the President may be signaling two things: a demand for results in the fight against insecurity, and a warning to potential dissidents within the ranks.

Observers say with Nigeria’s long history of military coups, even the faintest suggestion of mutiny is politically explosive.

Although the presidency has repeatedly dismissed talk of a coup, sources insist that recent internal investigations and detentions point to deeper unease within the forces.

Opposition parties reactOpposition parties, particularly African Democratic Congress (ADC), have questioned the opaque nature of the shake-up.

In a statement by Bola Abdullahi the ADC National Publicity Secretary, the ADC described the move as ‘abrupt and worrisome,’ urging the government to clarify whether it was prompted by a real threat or political paranoia.

‘We acknowledge that the President reserves the power to make such changes as he may deem fit. However, we are somewhat concerned that this change is coming in the wake of widespread rumours of an attempted coup,’ the ADC said.

The opposition party criticised the federal government for what it described as a confusing and evasive response to the rumours, saying Nigerians deserved clarity, not mixed signals.

‘The reactions of government to the dangerous rumour have veered between deliberate obfuscation and outright confusion in a matter that required crystal clarity,’ Abdullahi said.

The ADC also pointed out that many of the service chiefs removed had been appointed only about 28 months ago, while the current Chief of Defence Staff had only been in his previous post as Chief of Army Staff for a year.

It argued that such a major change in the military hierarchy could not have been made without serious underlying reasons.

‘This kind of decision has serious and far-reaching implications for stability within the ranks and therefore could not have been taken without strong reasons,’ the party noted.

The ADC said Nigerians deserve a categorical explanation from the government, stressing that its concern was for the country’s peace and the health of its democracy.

‘As an opposition political party, our interest remains the stability of our country and our democracy. In light of developments in our neighbourhood, particularly in Chad and across the Sahel, we are gravely concerned,’ it said.

Observers note that the Tinubu administration has been battling declining public trust amid economic hardship and rising inflation.

Political analysts say a coup scare, real or perceived, could have further eroded confidence in the President’s leadership, making a swift and dramatic response inevitable.

Tinubu must fight poverty

Experts say the challenge for Tinubu now lies in implementation of policies that would fight poverty which is on the rise in Nigeria since he began the reform policies.

Nsikan Effiong, political analyst, said unless the root causes of insecurity poverty, unemployment, and poor intelligence coordination are addressed, the latest reshuffle may end up as another routine political response rather than a genuine reform.

Other experts also stated that the President must ensure that the new service chiefs deliver where their predecessors faltered.

‘There must be clear improvement in coordination, rebuilding morale, and restoring public confidence’, Effiong said.

Historical parallels

Nigeria has witnessed several instances where service chiefs were dismissed amid similar uncertainty from President Obasanjo’s 2001 reshuffle following military indiscipline, to Buhari’s 2021 overhaul prompted by the Boko Haram crisis.

In each case, insecurity and loyalty were intertwined, highlighting the fragile civil-military balance in Africa’s largest democracy.

When Joycee Awosika founded Oríkì Group a decade ago, wellness was not yet a global movement; certainly not in Africa. What began in 2014 as a vision to take African brands to the world, and in 2015 as a modest product showroom in Victoria Island, has today evolved into a multi-country ecosystem of wellness innovation, luxury, and empowerment.

At a recent press conference held ahead of its 10th anniversary celebration scheduled for October 26, ORÍKÌ Group reflected on its decade-long journey, its growing impact, and its bold plans for the future.

‘When we started, people saw wellness as indulgence; today, that story has changed. People now prioritize self-care and preventive health,’ said Joycee Awosika, founder and CEO of ORÍKÌ Group.

From its flagship spa at V.I. at Oju Olobun, launched in 2015 to its expansion at Oriental Hotel, and its presence in 15 locations across Nigeria, Kenya, and Uganda, ORÍKÌ has set the pace for what Africa’s wellness economy could look like; rooted in science, culture, and community. Its innovation, Unwind by ORÍKÌ, described as the Uber of the spa industry, has brought relaxation and care into hundreds of thousands of homes through mobile therapists across cities such as Lagos, Abuja, Ibadan, Kampala, and Nairobi.

Beyond wellness experiences, ORÍKÌ vision is deeply tied to empowerment. Through its training programmes, the company has helped individuals become skilled professionals and entrepreneurs. Its Anoint Haircare range, now present across four regions, demonstrates the brand’s capacity to create and scale locally made beauty solutions powered by African botanicals like cloves, kola nuts and atilli oil.

ORÍKÌ expansion has also attracted partnerships with seven Health Maintenance Organisations (HMOs), allowing clients to access spa and wellness services through prepaid health plans; a first-of-its-kind collaboration in Nigeria’s wellness industry.

‘For us, wellness is not just business; it’s about the true, intentional care for people,’ Awosika emphasized. ‘We are people-focused, and our work is to make care accessible, sustainable, and empowering.’

Speaking at the conference, Abiodun Obaseki, ORÍKÌ Spas, Head of Operations, emphasized that wellness is a right, not a privilege. ‘Our wellness programmes are designed for everyone, from the working class to the elderly, from individuals to families,’ she said. ‘Wellness should not be seen as a luxury. It’s a fundamental part of living, and preventive care will always outweigh corrective care.’

Other members of the ORÍKÌ team echoed similar sentiments, reflecting on the brand’s unwavering commitment to wellness and its people-first philosophy. They emphasized that the journey has been one of resilience, innovation, and purpose, anchored in the belief that true wellness should be inclusive and accessible to everyone. From spa professionals to brand partners, each voice underscored the collective effort behind ORÍKÌ evolution into a wellness ecosystem that empowers individuals, nurtures communities, and sets the pace for holistic care in Africa.

As ORÍKÌ moves into its second decade, its focus shifts toward its FSC Manufacturing arm (Farm to Skin Manufacturing), expanding its local production of safe, sustainable skincare products that rival synthetic imports. The company has also announced its plans to open its newest Lagos spa in VGC in October 2025 and a major international location outside of Africa in December 2025.

Internally, ORÍKÌ continues to invest in leadership development through its HR initiatives, ensuring that every member of its team; affectionately called the Humans of Oríkì, embodies the brand’s core values of care, excellence, and authenticity.

‘What distinguishes ORÍKÌ is our attention to detail, our empathy, and our people,’ Awosika said in closing. ‘We’re not just an ecosystem; we’re the backbone enabling others to thrive. Our next decade will redefine wellness across continents.’

The company’s 10th Anniversary campaign, themed ‘Accessible Wellness. Global Impact,’ celebrates not only how far ORÍKÌ has come, but how deeply it will continue to shape Africa’s wellness story, one care experience at a time.

Jude Bellingham and Kylian Mbappe were the heroes as Real Madrid edged Barcelona 2-1 in a tense and fiery El Clasico at the Santiago Bernabeu on Sunday, moving five points clear at the top of La Liga.

Mbappe opened the scoring in the 22nd minute, finishing coolly from close range after a perfectly timed through ball from Bellingham. The French forward thought he had struck earlier with a stunning volley, only for VAR to rule it out for offside. Barcelona drew level in the 38th minute when Fermin López capitalised on a defensive mistake by Arda Gler, finishing off a counterattack set up by Marcus Rashford.

But Real Madrid regained control moments later. Vinícius Júnior dazzled down the left wing before delivering a precise cross that found Bellingham, who tapped home from six yards to restore the lead, his fourth goal in five appearances for the league leaders. The hosts dominated large spells, creating several chances to extend their advantage. Mbappé missed from the spot early in the second half as Barcelona goalkeeper Wojciech Szczesny pulled off a brilliant save to deny him.

VAR intervened multiple times in a dramatic encounter, disallowing two Real Madrid goals and overturning an early penalty claim for Vinícius Júnior.

The closing stages turned chaotic, with Pedri sent off deep into stoppage time for a reckless tackle on Aurélien Tchouaméni, sparking heated confrontations on the touchline.

Real Madrid’s victory ends their run of four consecutive Clasico defeats from last season and underscores Xabi Alonso’s side as early favourites for the title.

With the win, Los Blancos move to 27 points, five ahead of second-placed Barcelona, who struggled to create meaningful chances after halftime and finished the match with 10 men.

The metaphor of mkp?k?r? ikwe ne ?kw? reburu ?n? – literally, ‘pounding rotten palm nuts in a broken mortar’ – is no longer a quaint proverb from rural folklore. It is now the most fitting lens through which to read Nigeria’s democratic experiment, now twenty-six years old and counting. The imagery is vivid: a weary woman, pestle in hand, sweating under the tropical sun, labouring to extract oil from a pile of rotten palm nuts in a cracked mortar. Every strike splashes futility – no oil, only mush and frustration. That, in essence, is Nigeria’s ‘unbroken democracy’ – loud in ritual, hollow in result; a ceaseless pounding that yields neither oil nor nourishment.

In the first part of this series, we traced democracy’s philosophical origins – from Hobbes’s Leviathan through Locke’s natural rights, Rousseau’s social contract, and Montesquieu’s separation of powers – to its redefinition in the Nigerian context, where elite consensus masquerades as popular sovereignty. In the second, we met Musa, the archetypal gate man, whose post by the gate has become a front-row seat to Nigeria’s democratic absurdities. Watching politicians defect, decamp, and re-decamp with the same flourish as a masquerade changing masks, Musa could only mutter, ‘Nothing wey no go see for gate.’ Now, in this concluding piece, we return to the broken mortar and the rotten nuts – to the smell of decay, the grinding sound of futility – to ask whether Nigeria’s democracy can ever yield oil again.

Democracy in Nigeria has been effectively privatised. What began in 1999 as a promise of civilian governance has mutated into an enterprise of state capture. The political class operates like a cartel, using democratic institutions as cover for plunder. Elections are not contests of ideas but auctions of loyalty. Public office is not service but spoils. Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perception Index ranked Nigeria 145th out of 180 countries, scoring a paltry 25/100-an indictment of a democracy in which corruption has become a political language. The logic of prebendalism, long described by Richard Joseph, has become normalized: every official views public office as an entitlement to personal wealth.

Nigeria boasts over 90 registered political parties, yet few possess any ideological distinction. The same political actors oscillate between them, driven not by conviction but by convenience. Politics has become an industry of mobility, not morality. This ideological emptiness fuels voter apathy. From a 69% turnout in 2003, participation plunged to 43% in 2019 and 27% in 2023. Afrobarometer’s 2023 survey shows that 77% of Nigerians ‘believe democracy works only for the rich.’ The people, whose will should animate democracy, have been reduced to spectators, useful only for validating power, never directing it. In metaphorical terms, they are the rotten palm nuts: once fertile, now decayed, unable to yield oil. The political system, the broken mortar, cannot hold the pounding of their aspirations. Each election cycle grinds them further into pulp. Musa, our gate man, becomes their allegorical spokesman. Watching convoys of defectors speed past his gate, he shrugs: ‘Nothing wey no go see for gate.’ It is a fatalistic wisdom; democracy without ideology is noise without rhythm, pounding without purpose.

At the annual Accra Dialogue on Democratic hosted by the Goodluck Jonathan Foundation (GJF) focusing on the theme ‘Why Democracies Die,’ (September, 2025), discussions centred on the structural drivers of democratic decline in West Africa and throughout the continent. Key participants identified weak democratic institutions, corruption, and elite capture as major causes of democratic failure, thus underscoring the need for a ‘governance reset’ and holding leaders accountable. About the same time, Vanguard newspaper’s investigative report – ‘Bumpy Road to 2027: Politicians plot to rig, INEC ‘infiltrated.’ – alluded to the structural drivers of democracy failures prominent among of which is 2027 elections rigging architecture – penetrating INEC, manipulating the judiciary, and weaponizing insecurity to suppress turnout.

If this revelation holds true, Nigeria’s road to 2027 may well be another journey into futility, a continuation of the pounding ritual in a broken mortar. The judiciary, once the last hope of the common man, has itself become a pawn. Justice now appears purchasable, echoing the Sultan of Sokoto’s lament at the 2024 NBA conference in Enugu that ‘justice in Nigeria has become a commodity for sale to the highest bidder.’ A democracy without justice and the people is a body without a soul. It breathes but does not live.

The grim verdict is unmistakable. Democracy in Nigeria is being played without the people. Their will is gagged, their votes neutered, their voices silenced. A general election unfolds under the watch of the electoral umpire, who delivers results often contentious, disputed, and, in the eyes of millions, unjust. Aggrieved candidates turn to the judiciary, first the Election Tribunal, then the Court of Appeal, and finally the Supreme Court, the so-called final bastion of justice. There, within the sanctified walls of the Temple of Justice, sit a select few, no more than thirty, sworn to uphold equity and defend the blindfolded goddess who knows no name, tribe, creed, or colour. She is meant to be impartial, unmoved by personal predilections, indifferent to whose ox is gored.

Yet, time and again, these purportedly infallible arbiters – ex-terrestrial beings, as one might imagine – deliver judgments that rubbish the articulated will of millions of Nigerians. At every stage – Tribunal, Appeal, Supreme – the voices of the many are trampled under the gavel of the few. Democracy, the hallowed ‘government of the people, by the people, and for the people,’ becomes a cruel irony. The collective choice of the electorate is upended by a handful of individuals vested with the power of life and death over the nation’s democratic expression, wielded with an authority that often seems capricious, inscrutable, and almost metaphysical in its finality.

In this system, the people – the true custodians of sovereignty – are reduced to spectators and ceremonial actors. They exist only to validate power, only to breathe life into the machinery of elections, only to be counted when it suits the narrative of the powerful. Once the political spoils are secured, they are cast aside, forgotten, abandoned, as if democracy itself has rendered them forlorn orphans of the Nigerian state. Is this democracy, or something darker masquerading under the same banner? Fela Anikulapo Kuti, the legendary maverick of music and social critique, captured it best when he coined the term ‘demoncrazy’ – a demonstration of madness masquerading as democracy. It is a political theatre in which ritual participation replaces meaningful engagement, where the instruments of governance are wielded not in service of the people but at their expense, and where the very notion of popular sovereignty is turned on its head. Indeed, Nigeria’s democracy today is a theatre of paradoxes: the people are sovereign in theory, but powerless in practice; they are visible at polling units, but invisible in policy; they are counted in elections, but disregarded in governance. In essence, the citizens exist as the hollowed heart of a system that consumes their voices and discards their agency, a system where the promise of democracy becomes a hollow echo, ringing endlessly without substance.

And so, we stand again at a fork in Nigeria’s democratic journey. The recent appointment of Prof Joash Ojo Amupitan (SAN) as the new INEC Chairman has been greeted with cautious optimism. A respected legal scholar and advocate of electoral integrity, his emergence could, in theory, herald a new dawn. But as experience has shown, personality changes without systemic reform amount to replacing a pestle while the mortar remains broken. Will Amupitan’s tenure turn the corner without comprehensive reforms, such as constitutionally guaranteeing INEC’s independence, mandating direct electronic transmission of votes from polling units to the IReV portal, and ensuring that the appointment of the INEC Chair is made by an independent body rather than the President? Without these, even the noblest intentions will sink into the same quicksand that swallowed his predecessors.

From all indications, the grim verdict is that democracy in Nigeria has become a theatre of absurdities, played without the people. Their will is gagged, their votes neutered, their voices silenced. The electoral umpire declares; the judiciary affirms; the executive reigns. The people, stripped of agency, exist only as orphans of sovereignty, summoned at elections, discarded afterward. Yet, even in the darkness of futility, metaphors offer a glimmer of renewal. The ‘broken mortar’ need not remain broken. It can be re-forged. The ‘rotten palm nuts’ can be replaced with fresh harvests. Democracy can still yield oil, if only the pounding is guided by sincerity, accountability, and institutional reform.

As Nigeria marches toward 2027, the choice is stark: continue pounding futility in a broken mortar, or rebuild the vessel of statehood and fill it with integrity. Only time will tell if Professor Amupitan’s INEC will become the forge that remolds the mortar or yet another pestle in the endless pounding of rotten nuts. This piece was finally screeching to a conclusive end when the trial of democracy, like Maazi Nnamdi Kanu, intensified as its travails oscillated between broken mortar and barrack drums. Even the broken mortar now trembles. From the sudden cancellation of the October 1 Independence Day parade at Eagle Square, to the arrest and detention of senior military officers, and the sweeping shake-up that replaced nearly all service chiefs except the Chief of Army Staff, now redeployed as Chief of Defence Staff, Nigeria’s fragile democracy quivers under a gathering storm.

Rumours of a coup, once whispered in corners, now echo in the public square, fertilized by discontent, insecurity, hunger, and a people’s deepening despair. Add to this the recent allegations of ‘Christian genocide’ and ethnic cleansing in parts of the North Central, and the cauldron boils over. The warning signs are familiar to students of history. Where governance fails, rumour thrives; where justice is mocked, rebellion festers; where the people’s will is ignored, the barracks begin to murmur. But it bears restating: the surest safeguard against the rumble of boots is the firm hum of good governance. Nigeria’s democracy, twenty-six years ‘unbroken,’ stands today at its most vulnerable point since 1999, not because of the strength of soldiers, but because of the weakness of statesmen. The mortar is cracked not by coups, but by corruption; not by military ambition, but by civilian impunity. When the social contract – the covenant between the rulers and the ruled – is continually broken, democracy itself becomes an empty shell, an exhausted ritual performed on borrowed legitimacy.

The coup rumours are not the disease; they are a symptom – a symptom of a democracy that has lost its moral compass and its civic confidence. The cure lies not in nostalgia for the jackboot, but in a rebirth of governance rooted in accountability, equity, and justice. For in truth, the most enduring defence against the drums of the barracks is not the strength of the constitution or the loyalty of the generals; it is the trust of the governed. When citizens believe that their voices count, their votes matter, and their rights are protected, the military instinct retreats to the background, where it belongs.

The metaphor of the broken mortar and rotten nuts is not just diagnosis but prophecy. Unless Nigeria confronts the futility of its democratic rituals, it will continue to expend energy without nourishment, until despair curdles into collapse. The unfinished task, therefore, is to restore faith in the social contract, rebuild the mortar of statehood, and replace the rotten nuts of corruption and impunity with the fresh kernels of justice and service. This implies reimagining democracy – building institutions that can hold, cultivating leaders who can yield oil, and empowering citizens whose pounding will finally feed the nation. Only then can Nigeria escape the paradox of futility and taste the oil of genuine democratic dividends.

Nigeria is currently playing catch-up both in AI and cyber security (technology space generally) how can we leapfrog to close talent gap in the tech ecosystem?

Nigeria’s position in playing catch-up in AI and cybersecurity stems from historical underinvestment in tech infrastructure and education, but our youthful population and growing digital economy provide a unique opportunity to leapfrog ahead. The talent gap is evident in high demand for skills amid rising threats, but we can close it by focusing on strategic, accelerated development rather than incremental steps. To leapfrog, first, implement the National AI Strategy’s pillars aggressively: prioritize economic growth through AI in key sectors like finance and healthcare, while building robust infrastructure and nurturing local talent via public-private partnerships. This means government funding for AI RandD, as suggested in recent analyses, to create innovation hubs and scholarships that attract and retain talent. Second, establish specialized training programs like cybersecurity academies with real-world labs, drawing on global models to fast-track skills in AI ethics, threat detection, and cloud security. Third, leverage transnational networks such as the ones I’m advocating for, to bring in U.S. expertise for joint fellowships and knowledge transfer, allowing Nigeria to adopt cutting-edge tools without reinventing the wheel. Additionally, treat cybersecurity as a cultural and competitive asset: integrate it into national curricula early, as in my textbook series, and encourage proactive strategies like AI investments to safeguard the digital economy. With UNESCO’s digital transformation plans emphasizing literacy and skills, we can scale community-based programs like RCRI nationwide to build a broad talent pipeline. If executed boldly, Nigeria could position itself as Africa’s AI leader, turning our demographic advantage into a tech powerhouse

What gap have you seen in the AI, cyber security space in Nigeria, and how can we bridge these gaps?

From my work on the ground in Nigeria, including the RCRI where we trained over 6,000 rural participants, I’ve seen a profound talent gap in AI and cybersecurity expertise, which leaves the country vulnerable to escalating threats. This isn’t just about a lack of skilled professionals; it’s compounded by low awareness, especially in SMEs and rural areas, leading to issues like data leaks, malware, and AI-powered attacks that cost Nigeria around $500 million annually in cybercrime losses. Businesses and governments are often unprepared for AI-amplified threats, such as deepfakes or sophisticated phishing, with Nigeria facing over 4,388 weekly cyberattacks. In urban centers, there’s some progress, but the divide is stark: many lack the infrastructure or training to adopt proactive defenses, resulting in a reactive approach that can’t keep up with intensifying AI-driven cybercrimes. To bridge these gaps, we need a multifaceted strategy starting with massive upskilling investments. The Nigerian government’s National AI Strategy (NAIS) is a strong foundation, emphasizing indigenous expertise and ethical frameworks. We can build on this by creating specialized academies, like the proposed Cybersecurity Academy with simulation labs and tailored curricula, to train thousands in AI and cyber defense. Public-private partnerships are key, collaborating with firms like Deloitte or PwC to fund RandD and integrate AI-driven solutions into businesses while prioritizing digital literacy in schools and communities. From my perspective, initiatives like fellowships and cross-border knowledge sharing (e.g., linking Nigerian ministries with U.S. programs) can accelerate this, ensuring that training is practical and inclusive, reaching underserved areas to foster a culture of cybersecurity as a competitive advantage.

As a researcher, how do your current research connect back to your earlier digital literacy work in Nigeria?

My research in the U.S. focuses on AI-based cybersecurity frameworks and scalable digital risk models, particularly for public systems. But in many ways, I see it as a continuation of the same journey. Whether in a rural town in Kebbi State or a cloud system in a U.S. healthcare institution, the principle is the same; people deserve to benefit from technology without being exposed to disproportionate risk. I am working on developing modular cybersecurity and AI literacy toolkits that can be adapted across contexts, from community training in Africa to enterprise systems in the U.S. My long-term goal is to build cross-border technology resilience programs that allow knowledge, not just tools, to circulate globally.

Can you speak to how grassroots cybersecurity education influenced your broader work in AI and cloud computing?

RCRI started when I noticed rural communities in Northern Nigeria were adopting digital tools such as mobile money, WhatsApp communication without any cybersecurity literacy. People were being defrauded not because they were careless, but because cybersecurity education simply didn’t exist at their level. We trained over 6,000 participants across rural communities, and I saw firsthand that technology without literacy creates new forms of vulnerability. That experience shaped how I think about AI and cybersecurity today. It convinced me that innovation must travel with capacity building. So when I began working on AI-driven cloud security models in the U.S., I carried that conviction with me that digital defense must be inclusive, not built only for those already inside the ecosystem.

As a researcher, what influenced on interest in writing books on ICT curriculum resource?

To be honest, I didn’t begin with the ambition of writing the ‘most widely adopted’ ICT textbook in Nigeria. My concern was simpler and more personal. I saw too many students learning computer science only in theory, without context or access. In many schools, especially outside urban centers, ICT was being taught from abstract, foreign-designed textbooks that didn’t reflect our realities. Students memorized definitions but couldn’t see technology as something they could truly participate in. So my goal was not just to write a textbook, but to design a digital literacy tool that speaks in the language of Nigerian classrooms, using examples that reflect our markets, our households, our devices, even our infrastructural constraints. The fact that it grew to over 5 million distributed copies across schools and state curricula is something I remain deeply humbled by. It affirmed that localized knowledge, when treated seriously, can have national impact.

How did you scale a curriculum model into national reach?

The growth was driven by educators themselves. When teachers in Kwara and Lagos began to use the books, they started reporting improved engagement from students. That led to formal reviews by state curriculum boards, and eventually to Ministry of Education approvals in multiple states. Later, institutions like AltSchool Africa, which trains tens of thousands of young people in tech careers, reached out. They told me the series helped them bridge digital literacy gaps among new entrants from public school systems. That moment was important to me because it showed that a book designed for rural classrooms could also become useful in a modern edtech ecosystem. I didn’t just want a book in schools; I wanted ICT to feel like a language that Nigerian students could claim with confidence. That vision, I think, resonated with both policymakers and teachers.

Many countries are talking about AI equity and cybersecurity capacity gaps. What is your vision for bridging both spheres?

My vision is to build what I call ‘Digital Citizenship Infrastructures’ systems that don’t simply deploy technology, but cultivate literate, protected, and empowered users. Practically, this includes developing AI literacy labs, cybersecurity resilience fellowships for African and U.S.-based young professionals, and cross-government advisory models that help ministries and school systems translate high-level digital policy into real classroom and community practice. If we can train educators, community technology ambassadors, and cloud security professionals in one connected pipeline, we can create not just users of technology, but custodians of digital futures.

How do you intend to go about the initiative on digital citizenship infrastructures?

I’ll implement it in phases: Start with piloting AI literacy labs in Nigeria and the U.S., partnering with schools and nonprofits for hands-on workshops using culturally adapted modules from my textbook series. Then, launch year-long cybersecurity fellowships for young professionals, fostering U.S.-Nigeria collaborations on AI threat detection projects. Finally, advise governments on policy integration via the Transnational Digital Resilience Network, securing grants from edtech firms and international bodies. Aim: Train 10,000 participants in two years, measuring success through reduced fraud and broader adoption.

Are you considering building institutional partnerships between Nigeria, U.S. tech programs, and AI research ecosystems?

Yes, that is the direction my work is moving towards. I am already in preliminary discussions to establish a Transnational Digital Resilience Network, a platform connecting state education boards in Nigeria with AI and cybersecurity training institutions in the U.S. The aim is to ensure that Nigeria continue to expand its digital literacy and building relationships with US based researchers to help build that bridge.

Finally, if you were to define your mission in one sentence, from textbooks to AI research, what would it be?

If I were to put it simply, I would say: my mission is to ensure that ordinary people, whether in a rural school in Nigeria or a data center in the U.S. can engage with technology not as passive users, but as protected, informed digital citizens.

For months, several important bills that could improve Nigeria’s health, education, agriculture and electoral systems have have been gathering dust in the House of Representatives.

These bills were sent to various committees for legislative review and recommendations, but nothing happened. No reports, no updates, no progress.

Despite reminders, the Committees failed to act forcing the House leadership to discharge them of the responsibility last week, a rebuke that exposed a dysfunctional lawmaking process.

Among the neglected bills are amendments to the Electoral Act, National Primary Education Commission Act, the Federal Medical Centres Act, along with new establishment bills for health and agricultural research institutions.

The bills and the committees

According to official records, the Federal Medical Centres (Amendment) Bill was referred to the Committee on Health Institutions, chaired by Amos Magaji. The amendment seeks to strengthen governance in federal hospitals and allow them more administrative flexibility.

The National Primary Education Commission (Amendment) Bill, which was expected to improve coordination and accountability in basic education, has been pending before the Committee on Basic Education, headed byMark Useni.

Another major bill, the Electoral Act (Amendment) Bill, was referred to the Committee on Electoral Matters, chaired by Adebayo Balogun. Another bill, ‘ Voting rights of Nigerian Citizens Living Outside Nigeria, Bill,2023 (HB.22)’ contains proposals for diaspora voting and other electoral reforms.

The Federal College of Nursing and Midwifery, Zaria (Establishment) Bill, assigned to the Committee on Tertiary Education and Services, also stalled. The bill is meant to upgrade the college’s status and funding.

Similarly, two seperate bills on Agricultural Research Council of Nigeria Act (Amendment) Bill, 2025, expected to boost research, which is largely lacking in the country’s agricultural sector stalled.

Other bills are the Nigerian National Honours and Merit Award Commission Bill, 2023 (HB.05), referred to Committee on Inter-Governmental Affairs; National Assembly Infrastructure and Property Agency (Establishment) Bill, 2025 (HB.2072) ;

Federal Polytechnics (Amendment) Bill, 2025 (HB.2114); Federal College of Nursing and Midwifery, Zaria (Establishment) Bill, 2025 (HB.2115); National Assembly Service Pension Board Act (Amendment) Bill, 2025 (HB.2240); and Petroleum Training Institute, Ibeno, Akwa Ibom State, 2023 (HB.362).

Each of these bills represents a policy area where reform has been long overdue. The education amendment bill could help address poor management and teacher shortages in public schools. The health bill could improve how federal medical centres are run. The electoral bill could expand participation and make the process more credible. But with the committees failing to act, the reforms are effectively frozen.

Despite repeated reminders from Benjamin Kalu, rhe Deputy Speaker, the committees ignored the Standing Orders that require them to act within a stipulated period.

Under the House rules, a committee has 30 days to consider a bill and present its report. If it fails to do so after 60 days, the House can take the bill back. This week, the House invoked that rule after noting that many committees had simply not done the job.

The Deputy Speaker, who presided over the plenary last week said the action was necessary to prevent the legislative process from stalling. The motion to discharge the non-performing committees was moved by Francis Waive and passed without opposition.

This is not the first time committees have failed to turn in reports. Legislative observers say it has become a recurring problem in both chambers of the National Assembly.

By moving the bills to the Committee of the Whole, the House hopes to fast-track their passage. All members will now sit together to consider each clause, which could speed up the process. Still, it raises questions about how effective the committee system really is.

Guinness Nigeria has relaunched its easy-drinking Guinness Smooth beverage for consumers in Anambra State.

At the launch event, the company reaffirmed its commitment not only to introducing innovative brands but also to empowering the people of the state in various ways as part of its social responsibility initiatives.

Speaking with journalists during the unveiling, Ife Odedere, Senior Brand Manager and Category Lead, Guinness Trademark, in a statement explained that Guinness Smooth is crafted for beer consumers who desire a flavorful beer with a refreshing taste.

He noted that with the refreshed label, updated packaging, and improved flavour profile, it became necessary to reintroduce the brand to consumers in Anambra, a key market where Guinness Foreign Extra Stout already enjoys strong patronage. The innovation was necessary for beer consumers who might find the taste of the Foreign Extra Stout too challenging.

Odedere emphasised that Anambra was strategically chosen for the relaunch because of its vibrant culture, thriving nightlife, and energetic youthful population.

Speaking on the relaunch theme, Smooth Side of Beer, Ife explained that this speaks to the distinguishing character of Guinness Smooth – a refreshing taste and a flavourful taste profile which makes it easy-drinking. He also revealed that Guinness will roll out periodic hangouts in bars and social hubs across the state.

Also addressing guests, Adesoji Opeyemi, Head of Division, East (covering Anambra and Delta States), assured that Guinness Nigeria is committed to ensuring that all customers, including those in hard-to-reach areas, have consistent access to Guinness Smooth.

Maggi, a seasoning brand from Nestlé, is deepening its investment in resilient food system in Nigeria with the Regenerative Agriculture (RegenAg) pilot for local soybean sourcing.

The RegenAg pilot programme introduced techniques such as cover cropping, minimal tillage (ripping), crop rotation, and hedgerows, leading to healthier soils and higher yields for smallholder farmers across Nigeria.

‘Soybean is a key ingredient in Maggi, and supporting local farmers to grow it sustainably is central to our mission. This initiative is more than a sourcing strategy; it is an investment in resilient food systems,’ Funmi Osineye, category manager, culinary, Nestlé Nigeria, stated.

According to Osineye, the initiative has paved the way for a larger, multi-partner scale-up initiative, now backed by AGRA and Maggi’s parent brand, Nestlé, to reach 25,000 smallholder farmers across Nigeria.

‘By equipping farmers, especially women and youth, with regenerative agriculture skills, we are improving productivity today while protecting the land for future generations. This is how MAGGI continues to nourish Nigerian families while helping build a stronger agricultural economy,’ stated Osineye, disclosing that the program aims to produce at least 80,000 metric tonnes of quality grains annually, with a growing share cultivated using regenerative practices.

Alidu Amadu, head, Agriculture services, Nestlé Central and West Africa Region (CWAR), stated that the initiative help in contributing to Nestlé’s global ambition to source 20 percent of key ingredients through regenerative agricultural methods by 2025 and 50 percent by 2030, while supporting Nigeria’s broader food security and rural development goals.

‘This project shows what is possible when businesses, development partners and farmers work together. Regenerative agriculture not only restores soil health but also builds long-term productivity and resilience for local communities,’ Amadu stated.

Launched in 2023 with an investment of over ?100 million, the pilot supported 1,030 soybean farmers to adopt climate-smart practices that improved their yields while restoring soil health. Implemented in partnership with TechnoServe and IDH, with technical guidance from the Centre for No-Till Agriculture (CNTA), Ghana, the project demonstrated the potential of regenerative farming to transform smallholder agriculture in Nigeria.

‘Since I started adopting these strategies, as we were taught in this project, my yields have increased by 100%. This was very encouraging, and I would like to applaud the project organizers and thank Maggi for bringing this to us,’ Lawan Abdul, one of the farmers who benefited from the initiative stated in a testimonial.

Emomotimi Agama, Director General, Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC), has disclosed that over $50 billion worth of cryptocurrency transactions flowed through Nigeria between July 2023 and June 2024.

This huge value of cryptocurrency transaction in one year underscores the sophistication and risk tolerance of investors that the traditional market it yet to capture.

Agama in a lead paper titled ‘Evaluating the Nigerian Capital Market Masterplan 2015-2025’ presented at the annual conference of the Chartered Institute of Stockbrokers (CIS), however raised concern over the alarmingly low participation of Nigerians in the traditional capital market, revealing that fewer than four percent of the country’s adult population are active investors.

He described the low participation rate as a major impediment to economic growth and capital formation.

He noted that while fewer than three million Nigerians invest in the capital market, more than 60 million engage daily in gambling activities, spending an estimated $5.5 million every day. ‘This reveals a paradox, an appetite for risk clearly exists, but not the trust or access to channel that energy into productive investment.’

Agama also lamented that Nigeria’s market capitalization-to-GDP ratio stands at about 30 percent, far below South Africa’s 320 percent, Malaysia’s 123 percent, and India’s 92 percent, a disparity he said highlights the urgent need to deepen financial inclusion and rebuild investor confidence. Recalling the vision of the ten-year CMMP launched in 2015, the SEC boss said it was designed to reposition Nigeria’s capital market as the engine of economic transformation by mobilising long-term finance for infrastructure and enterprise development.

‘Today, as we stand at the sunset of that ten-year plan, our task is not ceremonial; it is reflective and diagnostic. We must ask: what did we achieve, where did we fall short, and what lessons must anchor our next decade of reforms?’ he stated.

Agama disclosed that less than half of the 108 initiatives under the CMMP were fully achieved, blaming limited alignment with national development plans, inadequate tracking metrics, and weak stakeholder ownership for the shortfall.

Despite progress in areas such as Green Bonds, Sukuk, fintech integration, and non-interest finance, he said market liquidity remains concentrated in a few large-cap stocks like Airtel Africa, Dangote Cement, and MTN Nigeria.

Agama, who listed six key challenges for the next phase of reforms, pointed at low retail participation, market concentration, falling foreign inflows, underutilized pension assets, untapped diaspora capital, and a widening infrastructure financing gap.

‘Nigeria’s $150 billion annual infrastructure deficit far exceeds the market’s contribution, with only N1.5 trillion approved in PPP bonds. This shows a misalignment between financial innovation and national priorities,’ he observed.

The SEC DG called for a ‘reimagined SEC’ that serves as both regulator and enabler of private-sector-driven growth, and added the next decade must focus on trust-building, transparency, and inclusion.

‘Vision without execution is inertia – and reform without measurement is aspiration without accountability,’ he declared.

Operatives of the Uyo Zonal Directorate of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission , (EFCC) have arrested an alleged serial fraudster Imaobong Cyril Okpong for her alleged involvement in a series of visa fraud schemes and fake offers of foreign scholarships for nonexistent studies abroad.

Okpong was arrested following claims of a petitioner, Blessing Nse Bassey, a clinician, that alleged the suspect defrauded her of the sum of ?3 million naira under the guise of securing a University admission and processing a Canadian visas for her and her husband.

According to Bassey, the suspect contacted her sometime in February 2024 with a supposed opportunity to secure a scholarship and study visa abroad. She explained that she didn’t make any payment until the suspect signed an indemnity agreement, which she notarized before making the ?3,000,000 electronic transfer into the suspect’s First Bank account. However, after receiving the payment, Okpong allegedly became unreachable and started rejecting calls on her mobile lines as she completely failed to deliver on her promise and terms of the signed agreement.

Bassey claimed the suspect had defrauded many victims, especially one of her friends she met in China who got stranded in China when she got there and realized that there was no scholarship.

Some of her victims had travelled abroad with fake documents that left many of them stranded overseas, while some others faced deportation with huge financial losses’

The suspect, an alleged owner of Michael Udonquak Schools, Mbierebe in Akwa Ibom State, will be charged to court as soon as investigations are concluded.