Nigeria’s $1trn economy at stake if women remain locked out

I am a true believer that when women thrive, the rest of society benefits. If one financially empowered woman can multiply the outcomes in her community, then several financially empowered women can transform the economy. However, in Nigeria, the numbers show that women remain systematically excluded from the very levers that drive prosperity: finance, innovation, and decision-making. This is why I am convinced that Nigeria’s ambition to become a $1 trillion economy by 2030 cannot be achieved if half of its population, which happens to be women, remains locked out of opportunity.

According to the 2025 McKinsey Women in the Workplace report, women hold only one in three formal sector entry-level roles, yet they make up more than half of Nigeria’s working-age population. That imbalance at the base creates a ripple effect all the way up. In financial services, the problem is even sharper.

In Nigeria, women make up 47 percent of entry-level staff but only 28 percent of senior leadership. It means: fewer women managers, fewer women in decision-making, and ultimately, fewer women influencing the economic and financial systems that determine how resources are allocated. The pipeline narrows so quickly that the very rooms where lending rules, credit systems, and inclusion strategies are designed often exclude women’s voices. At the heart of this exclusion is a contradiction: women are disproportionately excluded from financial services, yet when they do gain access, they outperform. Our 2023 Access to Financial Services in Nigeria (A2F) survey data at EFInA (Enhancing Financial Inclusion and Advancement) shows that women’s financial inclusion lags significantly behind men’s, with 30% of Nigerian women financially excluded compared to 21% of men. This represents millions of women locked out of the financial system, unable to access the credit, savings, and capital needed to start and grow businesses.

The Gates Foundation’s What Women Want survey confirms what many of us already know: the number one systemic barrier women face in achieving economic success is lack of start-up capital. Women want to build, to innovate, to scale, but the system refuses to open the door. When women are finally given the chance, they do not just walk through; they transform the room. According to the World Bank’s Women Entrepreneurs Finance Initiative (We-Fi), women-led businesses have repayment rates exceeding 98%. That – is NOT a risk profile.

So, why does the gap persist? The answer lies not only in bank policies or regulatory frameworks but in who is at the table making decisions. Nigeria’s financial sector, like much of its private sector counterparts, remains dominated by men. This imbalance matters. Who designs products? Who sets risk thresholds? Who defines what a ‘creditworthy’ entrepreneur looks like? Without women in the room, the system continues to default to designs that exclude women.

Read also: Nigeria @65: Restructuring still the best way forward

Hiring more women into leadership is a strategy for economic growth. When women are in decision-making roles, they bring perspectives shaped by lived experiences. They recognise that women running informal trading stalls, farming cooperatives, or tech start-ups are not invisible or peripheral but central to Nigeria’s economic future. They design credit products that reflect reality rather than myth, investment strategies that see opportunity rather than risk.

A 2022 McKinsey report showed that companies with more women in leadership were 21% more likely to outperform on profitability. In financial services, this translates into smarter lending, more innovative product design, and stronger portfolio performance. This is not about quotas. It is about mandates. In 2013, Central Bank Governor Sanusi Lamido Sanusi required banks to reserve at least 30% of board seats and 40% of senior management positions for women. The policy helped the Nigerian banking sector grow, making it a leader in female representation. By 2023, women held 29.4% of board seats-up from 24.8% in 2020-though still below the global average of 38.1%. The lesson is clear: progress follows mandates, not goodwill. If banks, investors, and regulators extend this logic to leadership and product design teams, the ripple effects will be transformative.

Imagine a Nigeria where loan approval committees include women who understand the financial realities of market women, smallholder farmers, or female tech founders. Imagine product design teams led by women who know that asking a woman for her husband’s guarantor before approving her loan is not just outdated but discriminatory.

Imagine investment boards where women vote to back ideas that solve problems women actually face, from childcare financing to women-led health innovations.

We do not have to imagine for long. The evidence is already here. When women have led interventions, results have followed. The EFInA A2F data shows that women who are financially included are more likely to save, invest in their children’s education, and reinvest in their communities. The World Bank has found that closing gender gaps in access to finance could raise GDP by as much as 12% in low-and middle-income countries.

For Nigeria, the stakes are even higher. If women remain locked out, our growth projections will remain a mirage. But if we let women in, we unlock not just their potential but the nation’s.

The path forward is clear. Nigerian companies, especially in finance and investment, must adopt gender mandates that guarantee women a seat at the table where products, policies, and portfolios are designed. Regulators must enforce disclosure of gender workforce data so we can measure progress, not just intentions. And society must hold leaders accountable for outcomes.

When women lead, they do not just open doors for themselves; they redesign the entire building so that more people can walk in. If Nigeria is serious about financial inclusion, then the most important policy we can adopt is simple: Let women in.

Collins-Ogbuo is the Advocacy Lead at EFInA, where she also heads the Inclusion for All Initiative – a multifaceted pro-poor advocacy platform that seeks to remove the barriers that keep the most marginalised populations excluded.

Rep Onwuegbu urges Nigerians to uphold legacy of founding fathers at 65th Independence anniversary

As Nigeria marked its 65th Independence Anniversary, Anayo Onwuegbu, member representing Aninri/Awgu/Oji River Federal Constituency in the House of Representatives, has called on Nigerians to consolidate on the sacrifices of the nation’s founding fathers in the collective task of nation building.

In a goodwill message to his constituents and Nigerians at large, Onwuegbu emphasized the importance of unity, peace, and shared responsibility in building a prosperous Nigeria.

‘This milestone reminds us of the sacrifices of our heroes past and strengthens our commitment to building a united, prosperous Nigeria,’ he said.

He further urged citizens to remain steadfast and hopeful despite the nation’s challenges, noting that resilience and cooperation are key to achieving national progress. ‘Let us continue working together to uplift our community and nation through dedication and resilience. I urge everyone to remain hopeful as we strive for a brighter future,’ he added.

Reaffirming his dedication to service, the federal lawmaker restated that the development of his constituency and the advancement of the country remain his top priorities.

Onwuegbu also prayed for continued peace, unity, and strength for the nation, expressing optimism that Nigeria’s best days lie ahead.

Hearts edge Hibernian 1-0 in first Edinburgh derby of 2025/26 season

Craig Halkett scored a stoppage-time winner as Hearts edged city rivals Hibernian 1-0 at Tynecastle to move five points clear at the top of the Scottish Premiership.

It was the third time in seven league matches this season that Hearts had scored a stoppage-time winner after beating Edinburgh rivals Hibernian on Saturday.

The first Edinburgh derby of the season had been heavily hyped in the build-up, but an attritional affair in the swirling wind looked like ending goalless after Hibs captain Martin Boyle missed two big chances in the second half.

After Halkett forced in a cross from substitute Sabah Kerjota to secure a first victory over Hibernian in five attempts, the euphoric scenes among the home support went quite.

The Jambos – who have not lost in the Premiership since Neil Critchley’s last game in charge in late April, now boast their biggest lead at the top of the table since they were six points clear in October 2018. However, champions Celtic have the chance to reduce the deficit when they host Motherwell on Sunday. McInnes sent out the same Hearts XI that started the previous two victories against Rangers and Falkirk.

There were two changes to the Hibs side that started their 0-0 draw at Celtic Park as Chris Cadden and Josh Campbell replaced midfielders Miguel Chaiwa and Jamie McGrath.

At the other end, Claudio Braga’s low shot from the edge of the box was saved by Sallinger after Hibs got caught playing out, before Obita made a vital saving challenge to deny Lawrence Shankland from close range.

Boyle saw an effort ruled out for offside in the 68th minute and the Hibernian forward was left frustrated again five minutes later when he went clean through and took a heavy touch, allowing Schwolow to make a big save.

It proved pivotal as defender Halkett popped up two minutes into stoppage time to guide home Kerjota’s cross from six yards, sparking delirious scenes around Tynecastle.

2027: Suspense, intrigues as battle for Lagos APC guber ticket begins

With the 2027 general election dominating discourse in political circles, the battle to succeed the incumbent Lagos State Governor, Babatunde Sanwo-Olu has begun.

In 2027, incumbent Sanwo-Olu would have served out his two terms of eight years, and Lagosians would go to the polls to elect a new governor for the nation’s commercial capital and industrial hub.

What is obvious is that on the political front, too, the stakes are extremely high. On one hand, it is a battle for the soul of the ruling All Progressives’ Congress (APC) – the party which, in its various incarnations, has held power in the state since the advent of the present democratic dispensation in 1999.

The APC’s might and popularity in Lagos was tested in the 2023 general election and many agree that despite retaining power the party did not pass the test.

Having been given a shock, it never dreamed about by opposition parties, when its presidential candidate, incumbent President Bola Tinubu lost the state, the APC is aware of that threat in 2027.

The party would be seeking to keep at bay the challenge of the two main opposition camps, namely, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and especially the Labour Party (LP) whose massive campaign in the last election cycle, and the tremendous traction it gained among a segment of the electorate, gave the APC an almighty scare.

Perhaps, you would say the LP has lost its steam due to internal wrangling and crisis which has left it nearly dead since the 2023 polls, but there is a new threat in town for the APC in Lagos.

In the last few months, opposition politicians have formed a coalition to challenge the dominance of the ruling party and have merged into the African Democratic Congress (ADC).

The ADC leaders have in the last few months been busy building structures, local government chapters and moving across Lagos state to mobilise people at the grassroots to join its fold.

Several high-profile politicians from opposition parties in Lagos State have joined the ADC in recent weeks and it is preparing for a fight in 2027, especially when the baton would be led by renowned politician in the state for decades, Rauf Aregbesola, the party’s national secretary who was a close ally of President Bola Tinubu until recent.

While one may say that it may be too early to say that the APC victory emerge victory in the gubernatorial election in 2027, it may be correct, however, to say that greater attention will be paid, in the run-up to 2027, to the contest within the ruling party the battle over who emerges the APC’s gubernatorial flagbearer than the battle between it and the opposition.

But within the APC many political heavy weight politicians in the state are beginning to warm up for the race to succeed incumbent Sanwo-Olu.

Although, they may not have come out openly to declare their intention to contest the Lagos APC governorship ticket, but some of their close political associates are already making comments to show that their principal was eyeing the number seat in the largest subnational economy in Africa.

Keen political observers say the next few months would reveal more about the battle ahead for the Lagos APC governorship ticket.

However, it is obvious that a combination of factors and circumstances will determine the emergence of said candidate and next governor of Lagos State; it may be premature to predict these factors. But what is certain is that whoever emerges would and must have the blessing of President Bola Tinubu. Possible candidates for Lagos governor in 2027

In recent weeks, many politicians have been mentioned to be eyeing the number seat in Lagos. Some of them are; Mukhail Adetokunbo (Tokunbo) Abiru, who currently represents Lagos East Senatorial District in the upper legislative chambers, Olajide Adediran, former Lagos governorship candidate of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and leader of the Lagos4Lagos Movement, Akinwunmi Ambode, former governor of the state 2015-2019, Mudashiru Obasa, the Speaker of the Lagos State House of Assembly, current Deputy-Governor of Lagos State, Kadiri Obafemi Hamzat, eldest son of the President Tinubu, Seyi Tinubu among others.

However, out of these names, it is only Jandor who some days ago confirmed that he would contest the APC governorship ticket and also pledged full support for the re-election of President Tinubu, describing him as a progressive leader who deserves another term.

‘As for Lagos state, I am offering myself once again to serve. I’m indeed running for the Lagos governorship race in 2027,’ he said.

He dismissed speculations about other potential contenders, including Seyi Tinubu, son of the president, and former governor Akinwunmi Ambode.

‘When it was time for me to truly leave, I came all out, and we took Lagos by storm,’ he said. Adediran commended Tinubu’s leadership, describing it as ‘progressive and visionary’.

‘President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has proven his capacity to lead this country with vision and courage.

‘I call on Lagosians and Nigerians at large to ensure he gets a second term in 2027 so we can all continue to benefit from his progressive leadership,’

He urged Nigerians to remain hopeful, saying the country’s future holds brighter promises.

Also, there are indications that Ambode would contest the APC governorship ticket in 2027. Perhaps that indication was made clear recently at an event in Badargy during a sensitisation programme on Permanent Voter Card (PVC) registration.

Speaking through the Director-General of the Tinubu-Ambo Support Group, Seyi Bamigbade, the former governor reiterated his intention to seek a return as governor of Lagos State, promising to build on past gains while addressing present realities.

He said President Tinubu had laid a strong foundation for Nigeria’s growth and deserved a second term to consolidate on the achievements recorded so far.

‘President Bola Tinubu has proven his capacity to lead this country with vision and courage.

‘I call on Lagosians and Nigerians at large to ensure he gets a second term in 2027 so we can all continue to benefit from his progressive leadership,’ Ambode said.

The event drew community leaders, youth groups, and other stakeholders who pledged support for both President Tinubu and Ambode ahead of the 2027 elections.

Similarly, in the last one year, there are speculations that Seyi Tinubu was eyeing the Lagos APC governorship ticket.

Across the country and within Lagos many support groups have spring up to drum up support for Seyi’s candidacy in 2027.

Although the President’s son has not publicly spoken to admit or deny his interest, political watchers say he cannot be ruled out from the race.

Seyi, a lawyer and successful entrepreneur is seen by many people in the state as capable of transforming Lagos if given the opportunity.

Although there are those who have raised concern about his administrative experience, his supporters say, despite his youthful age he is experienced to govern Lagos State.

‘Seyi Tinubu may look so young, but he’s of age and experience to govern Lagos State,’ a source said.

Also, there is also the current senator from Lagos east, Abiru, who is a banker and financial titan-turned politician.

Abiru is widely respected for his dedication to his constitutional role, and for his impactful interventions in his senatorial zone.

Since his time as the Lagos State Commissioner for Finance, Abiru has distinguished himself in many ways. Many respect him for the wonderful contribution to his senatorial district since getting to the senate.

This is most especially in the areas of youth empowerment, infrastructure projects, women empowerment among others.

It was during his tenure, for example, that the state won international accolades for successfully floating an N80 billion bond. In the private sector where he operated before then, his expertise in financial management saw him rescue Skye Bank from the brink of collapse, transforming it into what is now Polaris Bank.

At a point during the Tinubu presidential transition in 2023, Abiru was mentioned as a possible nominee for Finance Minister – before the position eventually went to Wale Edun. Abiru’s supporters believe his expertise in financial management and governance makes him the ideal candidate to lead Lagos into a new era of growth and prosperity.

’Jolly-Jolly’ lawmakers to finally resume

After a long holiday that stretched like an elastic band, Nigeria’s federal lawmakers will finally dust off their agbadas, re-polish their brogues, and head back to Abuja’s red and green chambers.

Yes, dear Nigerians, the National Assembly will be back in session and the city can breathe again as its jolly-jolly lawmakers return from their well-deserved (or so they think) siesta.

It has been over two months since they shut down the hallowed chambers on July 24 for their annual recess.

The rest of the country, meanwhile, trudged along, battling economic hardship, insecurity, and unemployment, among many other challenges. But for our lawmakers, it was time to ‘refresh, recharge, and rejuvenate.’ After all, how can one make laws for 200 million people without the occasional extended holiday?

If democracy were a person, it would have been on hold these past ten weeks, lounging somewhere in a recliner, sipping palm wine, waiting for its caretakers to return.

From the outside, it almost seemed as though nothing was happening on the legislative front. Budgets, constitutional amendments, and petitions gathered dust while the lawmakers were on vacation in Dubai, London, and private resorts across Nigeria.

In fairness, some did spend their break ‘consulting constituents,’ which, in Nigerian political lingo, usually translates to attending weddings, funerals, and thanksgiving services.

Others retreated quietly to their farms or businesses. But many Nigerians suspect that, simply enjoy the soft life that has become synonymous with being a legislator in Africa’s largest democracy.

A Soft Life Legislature

Let us not pretend: Nigeria’s National Assembly is not exactly a boot camp. This is the same parliament where plenary sessions often start late, attendance is spotty, and debates sometimes resemble friendly banter rather than heated legislative scrutiny.

Add to that the generous salaries, allowances, official cars, and endless committee trips, and you begin to understand why Nigerians often describe their lawmakers as the most comfortable public servants in the land.

During recess, stories filtered in of lawmakers spotted at five-star hotels in Abuja, vacationing abroad with their families, or hosting elaborate constituency parties.

And enjoyment, they did, the lawmakers lived the ‘soft life’ while the average Nigerian continued to grapple with harsh realities.

The return parade

Now, as plenary resumes, Abuja will once again witness the familiar spectacle: convoys of tinted SUVs gliding into the National Assembly complex, lawmakers in freshly starched attires waving to cameras, and the business of lawmaking officially kicking off again.

On paper, the agenda is heavy. They must tackle the 2026 budget, vote on constitutional amendments, debate electoral reforms, and push through legislation on local government autonomy. But one cannot ignore the theatre that accompanies their return.

Journalists, staffers, and lobbyists will gather at the chambers to watch who arrives with swagger, who avoids the press, and who is already positioning for the next leadership tussle.

The lawmakers themselves relish the attention. For some, resumption day is almost like the first day of school; a chance to showcase new wardrobes, new alliances, and in some cases, new political hairstyles. Of long breaks and short memories

It is worth remembering that the recess itself is not abnormal. Legislatures across the world take breaks. The difference, however, is in what they leave behind when they pause. For Nigeria’s lawmakers, especially the Senate, recess often feels like an abandonment; critical bills stall, oversight functions weaken, and committees go into hibernation. Take the constitutional review process, for instance. Hearings were held in July, citizens poured out their concerns, and reports were due. Then, suddenly, everything was put on hold for recess. Now, lawmakers will return to hurriedly catch up, as though nothing happened.

One can liken the mode of operation of the lawmakers to that of a student who takes a long break before exams and then tries to read all the notes the night before.

Jolly faces, serious matters

Of course, beneath the satire lies the truth: Nigeria’s challenges are grave, and the legislative agenda awaiting the lawmakers is weighty.

Inflation is biting harder, insecurity has refused to abate, unemployment remains high, and revenue shortfalls threaten governance at every level.

The 2026 budget, which President Bola Tinubu is expected to present soon, will test the Assembly’s seriousness.

So will the push for local government autonomy, a matter the Supreme Court has already spoken on, but which governors continue to resist.

The lawmakers must also revisit electoral reforms, amid widespread calls to strengthen INEC and guarantee credible elections.

But will they? Or will the resumption quickly slip into the usual rhythm of grandstanding, lengthy adjournments, and committee junkets? Nigerians are watching closely.

Behind the scenes, murmurs of discontent over unpaid constituency projects and leadership tussles are growing louder.

There are also whispers of looming defections, with the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) poised to strengthen its hold. As one insider remarked, ‘Recess was just the calm before the storm.’

A season of defections

Indeed, resumption day may double as defection day. Already, several lawmakers have quietly perfected plans to switch parties, citing ‘constituency pressure’ or ‘irreconcilable differences’ with their current platforms.

In truth, many simply want to align with the ruling party before constitutional votes and budget debates intensify.

Godswill Akpabio, the Senate president, some days ago promised President Bola Tinubu a gale of defections from governors to the All Progressives Congress. This will definitely not leave lawmakers out like we witnessed in Akwa-Ibom and Delta states. Nigerians’ cynical gaze

For ordinary Nigerians, the return of their lawmakers is met with a mixture of resignation and humour.

As the National Assembly reconvenes, the stakes are high. There are important bills to pass, budgets to scrutinise, and reforms to implement.

But there is also the lingering image of lawmakers as lovers of soft life, more comfortable with recess than rigorous lawmaking.

Perhaps this time, they will surprise Nigerians. Perhaps the ‘jolly-jolly lawmakers’ will exchange their recliners for real legislative grit. Or perhaps, as one cynical observer put it, ‘They will just resume planning the next recess.’

Either way, Abuja will be alive again, and the cameras are ready. The lawmakers will be back, starched and smiling, to remind Nigerians that democracy may go on recess, but never really sleeps.

Plastic bottle homes: Builders offer insights on construction, cost

Plastic bottle homes are, increasingly, becoming common features of Nigerian cities. Besides the northern state of Kaduna, particularly around the village of Sabon Yelwa, where they stand as a tourist attraction, such homes can also be found on the Kaduna-Zaria Road.

Another instance is reported near the federal capital, Abuja. A recent report by BusinessDay cited a study which revealed these homes are gaining traction in the South East region of Nigeria, with an increasing number of residents adapting to the housing arrangement.

BusinessDay gathered that these novel homes come with a lot of upsides, especially with the construction method and cost. Builders, who are involved in the supply of these homes, say the construction method is simple, while the cost is relatively cheap.

‘The houses are built using discarded plastic bottles that are filled with sand and then bound together with mud. The bottles are placed on their side, one on top of another,’ Yahaya Ahmed of Nigeria’s Development Association for Renewable Energies (DARE), disclosed. A firm, concrete foundation is laid to ensure that the structure is firm and stable, and the sand is sieved to make sure it is compact.

Dolly Ugorchi, who has been trained in bottle house building, explains that builders need to sieve the sand to remove the stone,s otherwise it will not be nice and it would not be able to pass through the mouth of the bottle.

Unlike conventional houses that require going to the market to buy cement, iron roads, among others, bottles for these houses are mainly sourced from hotels and restaurants, but they require a large amount of sand to produce.

In terms of cost, Ahmed estimates that a bottle house will cost one third, that is about 30 percent, of what a similar house made of concrete and bricks would cost, adding that a house of this nature, with one bedroom, living room, bathroom, toilet and kitchen, uses an estimated 7,800 plastic bottles. Besides the simple and cheap construction method, plastic bottle homes also have positive environmental impact as they aim to reduce plastic waste and address housing deficit in a cost-effective way.

Its structural properties are top-notch as developers claim the houses are fireproof, bulletproof, and earthquake-resistant, although some of these claims lack scientific validation or proof.

Like every other residential building where aesthetics are fundamental, plastic bottle homes also possess beautiful façade on their outside wall as the round bottoms of the exposed bottles produce a lovely design.

These homes are durable because ‘compacted sand inside a bottle is nearly 20 times stronger than bricks,’ Ahmed says, adding, ‘we are even intending to build a three-storey building.’ ‘The bottle houses are also ideally suited to the hot Nigerian climate because the sand insulates them from the sun’s heat, helping to keep room temperatures low. And because of the compact sand, they are bullet-proof, which may also prove another attraction in more insecure parts of the north,’ he added.

Available record shows that the ‘bottle brick’ technology started nine years ago in India, South and Central America, providing a cost-effective, environmentally-friendly alternative to conventional building bricks.

The technology made its debut in the northern part of Nigeria, with Kaduna State as the earliest and most publicised location for plastic bottle homes. DARE initiated the project in the village of Sabon Yelwa near Kaduna.

A well-known house built with nearly 15,000 bottles is located on the Kaduna-Zaria Road. According to DARE, the project is a model for addressing housing shortages and environmental issues.

The early years of agric programmes in Nigeria

On a general note, different agricultural programmes were introduced by successive administrations in Nigeria with the aim to provide food security for the citizens. But considering the challenges of policy flip – flops, lack of sustained support for the farmers, disregard for the sector in favour of crude oil, and insecurity

food security has declined since political independence on October 1,1960. Other factors that have exacerbated food insecurity in recent years include climate change leading to the flushing floods, seasonal drought and land degradation, in some parts of the country. Another critical issue is that of violent conflicts between armed herders and farmers. It is therefore, evident with the contribution of agriculture to the national economy dropping from 64 % to the GDP in 1960 to 46% in 2010 and down to 20.97% in 2024. According to the World Food Summit, food security exists when people have access to enough safe and nutritious food for normal growth and development, and an active and healthy life. By contrast, food insecurity refers to when the aforementioned conditions do not exist. Chronic food insecurity is when a person is unable to consume enough food over an extended period to maintain a normal, active and healthy life. Acute food insecurity is any type that threatens people’s lives or livelihoods. Latest figures from the State of Food Security and Nutrition in the World, or SOFI, report, show that 673 million people experienced hunger in 2024.

Yet, the right to food is expressly recognized in the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights as part of the right to an adequate standard of living, and is enshrined in the 1966 International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. Of significance, is that the level of a country ‘s food security is one of the factors used to measure its economic development. As for Nigeria, the number of food-insecure citizens increased significantly, from 66.2 million in Q1, 2023, to 100 million in Q1, 2024 (WFP, 2024), with 18.6 million facing acute hunger and 43.7 million of them showing crisis-level. The import of this is that much more needs to be done than said about the different agricultural programs since the Sixties.

An appraisal of the different programs, their impact or not has become important to fashion the best way forward out of the food insecurity challenge.

It should be noted that the impact of the agricultural value chain of food production, processing, packaging, preservation, marketing for both local consumption and export plays a significant role on both the Gross Domestic Product, GDP and the Human Development Index, HDI.

Beginning with the administration of Tafawa Balewa (1960-1966) the Regional Agricultural Programmes (RAP) was characterized by focus on colonial cash crop production against food crops mainly for export.

They were set in place between the Federal Government of Nigeria (FGN) and the Regional Governments (RGs) in accordance with Nigeria’s Constitution of 1963. To achieve this aim, the Regional Ministries of Agriculture were established in 1962/63. The Western region became the major producer of cocoa and coffee, while rubber came from the Mid-West. The Eastern Region Oil Palm and Northern region Ground-nut and Cotton boosted the production of more cash crops, agricultural raw-materials for industries, export earnings and jobs opportunities for millions of Nigerians.

But the programme ‘s failure was because priority was not given to food crops. There was lack of unity. Issues of ethnicity and political differences led to disagreements that affected the programmes from becoming a success.

On its part, General Yakubu Gowon’s regime (1966-1975) came up with National Accelerated Food Production Programme (NAFPP) as an agricultural extension programme established in 1972, following the end of the Nigerian civil war. It was aimed to end the food crisis that engulfed the country at that trying time. Its failure was because the farmers who could not form co-operatives were left out.

Subsequently, Shehu Shagari’s Operation Feed the Nation (OFN) came on board. The programme, according to Elijah and Tenon relied on disbursement of credits and farm inputs through cooperative societies excluding most small-scale farmers.

The major reasons for its lack of impact included the sudden withdrawal of funding by the federal government. It also lacked farmers’ participation As for the acclaimed farmer, General Olusegun Obasanjo, (1976-1979), in May 1976, Obasanjo launched Operation Feed the Nation, a project to revitalise small-scale farming and which involved students being paid to farm during the holidays. It was launched in order to bring about increased food production across the entire nation through the active involvement and participation of everybody in every discipline.

But it did not succeed because of the indiscriminate use of land for farming activities since most armers were very young and inexperienced. Also, hired labour was the main source of labour employed by participants. There was absence of available markets, so livestock diseases caused havoc on farms of the novice farmers bringing the beautiful dream to its end.

With the return of democratic government, Alhaji Shehu Shagari (1979-1983) introduced the Green Revolution Programme (GRP) on June 3, as a replacement for OFN. ‘The programme depended on the ministry-based extension system and was instrumental to raising mass awareness on the problems of food confronting the nation.

The FGN ensured the success of the programme by providing agrochemicals, improved seeds/seedlings, irrigation system, machine, credit facilities, improved marketing and favourable pricing policy for the agricultural products and encouraged farmers to produce food, cash crops, and livestock.’

According to Goodluck Jonathan, ‘Green Revolution and Operation Feed the Nation failed because they were not properly articulated, agricultural programmes in Nigeria just followed the political class and disappeared.’ Coming to General Muhammadu Buhari (1983-1985) and his Back to Land (BL) programme was to revive the agriculture by encouraging Nigerians to go back to farm to reduce over dependence in oil.

But it failed with regards to poor quality of infrastructures provided by the directorate due to embezzlement/mismanagement of fund. ‘Lack of focus and accountability made the impact of the programme almost insignificant.’

Next came the IBB-driven Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) in 1986 to achieve the objectives of its far-reaching reforms on diversification of exports and adjustment of production and consumption. SAP provided strategies on food crops, livestock, industrial raw materials, wildlife, forestry, fish production. It also provided policies on support services such as agricultural extension, technology development and transfer.

Its failure was traced to unskilled handling of water application through irrigation that degraded and depleted the soil of its productive capacity.

While the Family Support Programme (FSP) was initiated in 1994 the Family Economic Advancement Programme (FEAP) came in 1996 by General Abacha and his wife Mrs. Maryam Sani Abacha. The programme eventually culminated in the creation of the Ministry of Women Affairs and Social Welfare.

The programme focused ‘on areas like health, education, women in development, agriculture, child welfare and youth development. They also touched on the provision of shelter for the less privileged in the society from ongoing housing programme of government’. The sudden death of Gen. Abacha limited their impact on the women and the masses.

This topic will be an ongoing one for us to learn from the mistakes of the past agricultural programs and fashion the best way forward

Governance expert releases six new books to equip professionals, drive business growth

A governance expert, Ayokunle Ayoko’s determination to strengthen the capacity of professionals and empower both big and small businesses to thrive amid prevailing global and local uncertainties has encouraged him to write six books, he referred to as ‘The Gallery of Mastery -six pathways to personal and professional greatness’.

The books which he started their works in 2019 speak about company strategy; company governance; and personal wealth management, all of which professionals in both big and small organizations struggle with.

The books titles are: The Quintessential Company Secretary; The Empathy Advantage; Small Habits, Big Wealth; The Smart Hustle; The Mark of Excellence; and Achieving Exponential Results through Strategic Precision.

The author, a lawyer and currently the Group Company Secretary, Head of Legal and Chief Compliance officer for CFAO Nigeria Group, a French multinational said the themes of the six books are not theoretical. ‘They are live experiences. They are answers to questions in corporate boardrooms and in quiet moments of reflection.

‘I document these lessons for the next generations, so that your path to greatness may be a little clearer, and your journey ,a little smoother’.

Some of the professionals and business executives at the launch in Lagos described the books as ‘handy mentor that guides the path to business success and greatness’.

FG commended for approving College of Education to run degree programmes

Fasagba Femi, provost, Kogi State College of Education Ankpa, has commended the federal government for allowing College of Education to run degree programmes alongside with the training of National Certificate of Education (NCE) teachers.

Fasagba gave the commendation while speaking with journalists shortly after receiving the award of excellence by the Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ), Kofi State Council in Lokoja over the weekend. He disclosed the importance of the College of Education in educational system cannot be over emphasized, adding that the college have been saddled with responsibility of training the teachers.

He equally noted that although some specific colleges of education have been selected to pilot the federal government’s new directives, noting that the state governments are not leaving any stone unturned to enable them key into the new policy.

The basketball business and Nigeria

Each year, the National Basketball Association (NBA) in the United States of America (USA) chooses the most promising future basketball talents for the upcoming season. The key event, known as the draft, signifies the introduction of future top athletes. They join their teams, aiming to win games, and both the teams and the rookies make a lot of money too.

The NBA basketball industry is valued at about 133 billion US dollars, and the league has an estimated revenue of over 11 billion US dollars annually. In the highly profitable sporting industry, basketball comes next to American football and goes head-to-head with baseball as one of the most lucrative sports in the USA.

NBA and Nigerians

In the NBA 2019-2020 draft, an unprecedented number of eight players of Nigerian heritage were selected, the highest number ever from Africa. In the 2023-2024 season, three new players of Nigerian roots were chosen. From 2015 to 2024, a total of 19 players of Nigerian descent were drafted.

A high number of Nigerians play for the top NBA teams currently, and the steady presence of players of Nigerian descent in the NBA is assured for decades, alongside a few other players of African descent.

In the USA, as in many countries around the world, Nigerians also feature in American football, baseball, and soccer, the more recent major sport to gain popularity in the USA. But nowhere has the Nigerian footprint been as compelling as it is in basketball within the NBA.

It was not always this way.

First African in NBA

In October 1980, a skinny, shy and tall Nigerian boy took a flight from Lagos to New York, armed with only a note of introduction for possible admission to college, and to secure a scholarship based on his hopeful basketball skills. In the United States, he could try his luck with four colleges, thanks to an American coach who identified him, made the contacts in the colleges, and facilitated obtaining a visa for the USA in Lagos.

The 17-year-old boy was Hakeem Olajuwon, the first African to be selected in the NBA draft. Standing at six feet eleven inches, he was the trailblazer whose exemplary basketball skills opened the doors for many future African players.

Olajuwon was accepted by the first and only college that he visited, the University of Houston. He studied at the university, played there, and from there was drafted in the first round as first overall pick in the 1983-1984 season by the Houston Rockets, ahead of Michael Jordan, picked also in the first round but as the third overall pick by the Chicago Bulls.

Although Jordan came to have a higher name recognition and superior game than those who were drafted ahead of him, Olajuwon came first in the sport on several fronts during a career of some 18 years. Incidentally, both Jordan and Olajuwon were born in 1963, separated by a few weeks.

Olajuwon led his team, the Houston Rockets, to secure two NBA championships, and he holds records and awards in many aspects of the sport. He also played briefly for the Toronto Raptors. Worldwide, many Nigerians have kept emerging at the apex level of global sports, especially overseas. There is absolutely no question regarding the wealth of talent and physical capabilities in sports in Nigeria. Sorely lacking are the mentorship, training facilities, and exposure to first-class guidance and development.

Basketball, despite its early start in Nigeria, remains hardly visible as a sport or business. Yet, its potential is huge.

It is noteworthy that some past and current NBA stars of Nigerian descent have coaching clinics, academies, foundations and other services that encourage and develop interests and gifted players in basketball in Nigeria.

The list comprises Olajuwon, Precious Achiuwa of the Miami Heat (formerly of New York Knicks), Giannis Antetokunmpoh of the Milwaukee Bucks, Zeke Nnaji of the Denver Nuggets, Obinna Ekezie, formerly of the Washington Wizards, and Chiney Ogwumike, who has played for both the Los Angeles Sparks and the Connecticut Sun – in the Women’s National Basketball Association (WNBA). Masai Ujiri’s Giants of Africa scouts for talents, and promotes the sport in many African countries.

The Future of Basketball in Nigeria

The International Basketball Federation (FIBA) and the NBA established the Basketball Africa League (BAL) that organizes competitions and develops capabilities for male and female players. The Basketball Without Borders outreach is one of the means that they deploy to achieve the objectives. Many African countries have national basketball leagues and take part in BAL, founded in 2019.

Under the auspices of FIBA, the overarching governing body for international competitions, the Nigerian women’s national basketball team has performed brilliantly and won several championships, confirming the key role of women athletes in the sport.

There is room for much more to be done by Nigeria’s federal and state governments, and local authorities in amassing the untapped resources in basketball. The private sector has an important role to play, both from a purely investment point of view and as a contribution to the community.

Now and in the future, there should be greater attention paid to developing local talents, and bringing more women into the sport. For example, building on demonstrated and latent interest, the private and public sectors should cultivate and partner with the athletes in the diaspora to encourage and establish leagues in cities and states.

A massive industry awaits in basketball and sports in general, given the size, market and resources of Nigeria’s immense population of approximately 240 million people.