Category: Business Day

The Supreme Court’s decision restoring key provisions of the Electoral Act 2026 has reopened a potentially consequential legal front for political parties and candidates preparing for the 2027 general election, particularly those whose nominations, membership status or party primaries could be challenged on grounds of non-compliance with the law.

In a unanimous judgment delivered on Thursday, a seven-member panel of the apex court allowed the appeal filed by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) against the Court of Appeal judgment that had voided Sections 77(5), 77(6), 77(7) and 84(2) of the Electoral Act. The Supreme Court held that the provisions were not inconsistent with the Constitution and restored the earlier judgment of the Federal High Court.

The ruling is significant because political parties have already conducted most of their primaries for the 2027 election. It means that requirements governing party membership registers and nomination procedures remain legally enforceable as parties move from the primary stage towards the general election.

At the centre of the judgment is the principle that parties cannot freely depart from the membership register submitted to INEC when conducting their primaries, congresses and conventions.

Section 77(5) provides that only members whose names are contained in the register submitted to INEC, at least 21 days before a primary, congress or convention, can vote or be voted for. Section 77(6) requires parties to use that submitted register for the exercise, while Section 77(7) prescribes a serious consequence for failure to submit the register within the stipulated period: the party cannot field a candidate for that election.

The immediate implication is that disputes over who was legitimately a member of a party at the relevant time, which register was used for a primary and whether the statutory deadline was observed could now become central to pre-election litigation.

This could particularly affect politicians who changed parties after their original party registers or primaries had been submitted to INEC, although the legal effect will depend on the specific facts and timing of each case.

The concern is already being raised around candidates produced by political alliances and factions that emerged after the formal party processes.

In Kwara, for instance, the nomination of Saliu Mustapha and other candidates associated with the Bukola Saraki-backed G15 alliance could attract scrutiny if their circumstances involve questions about when they became members of the sponsoring party, when their names entered the relevant register and whether the party complied with the statutory requirements.

Similar questions could arise around candidates produced through the Nyesom Wike-backed Rainbow Coalition in Rivers State and other states where politicians moved across party lines or entered new political arrangements after established party processes.

A new battlefield for 2027 litigation

The ruling could therefore shift the focus of 2027 electoral litigation from the broad question of whether the provisions are constitutional to the more factual question of whether individual parties complied with them.

Already, Nigeria’s elections are characterised by extensive pre-election litigation, with disputes over party membership, primaries, delegates, nomination and substitution frequently reaching the courts.

The restored provisions could add another layer.

Candidates who believe they were unlawfully excluded from a primary could challenge the process. Rival aspirants could question whether the correct membership register was used. Parties could face suits over whether their registers were submitted within the statutory timeframe. And candidates who emerged from disputed or factional processes could face challenges from opponents relying on the restored provisions.

For INEC, the judgment strengthens its statutory role in receiving and maintaining party membership registers and overseeing compliance with electoral requirements. It also gives the commission a clearer statutory basis for applying the consequences prescribed by Section 77(7).

For political parties, however, the ruling is a reminder that internal party processes now carry consequences beyond the parties themselves.

The central question heading into 2027 may therefore no longer simply be who won a party primary, but whether the person was legally entitled to participate in it, whether the correct register was used, whether the nomination method complied with the law and whether the sponsoring party satisfied all statutory requirements.

Ruling stirs confusion in Rivers

Rivers State politics looks completely fractured, and every single political ruling of the Supreme Court causes more fracture and greater confusion in the state, whether the case emanated from the state or not.

The latest ruling is on the electoral timetable by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Rivers State is totally fractured again, with confusion ruling the air.

Many claim the ruling has thrown out Ogundu Kingsley Chinda (OK Chinda), the guber arrowhead of the All Progressives Congress (APC), who was believed to have been single-handedly installed from his Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) high position of Minority Leader at the National Assembly to pick the APC form and muscle everybody else out, including the sitting governor, to pick the ticket.

Many have quoted parts of the judgment to agree or disagree with Chinda.

What the Supreme Court said

The Supreme Court judgment on INEC’s appeal delivered in September 2026 upheld the appeal by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), setting aside lower rulings and affirming the constitutionality of Sections 77(5), 77(6), 77(7), and 84(2) of the Electoral Act governing party primaries and membership registers.

Appeal outcome

A seven-member panel led by Justice Adamu Jauro upheld INEC’s appeal, overturning previous interpretations that had challenged the commission’s regulatory authority.

· Statutory Validity: The apex court ruled that Sections 77 and 84 of the Electoral Act do not conflict with the 1999 Constitution, validating the statutory requirements surrounding membership registers and candidate nomination methods.

· Dismissal of Opposition Suits: Separate appeals filed by the Youth Party and the Social Democratic Party (SDP) against INEC’s framework were dismissed by the court.

· Cost Award: The Supreme Court awarded N2 million in costs against the Zenith Labour Party (ZLP) in the primary appeal

The bottom line of the ruling is that INEC had the right to issue deadlines, and they remain valid. By this, parties that obeyed the timetable are protected.

Those who think Ok Chinda is okay with the SC ruling have called attention to the fact that INEC has since published a list of candidates including Chinda’s name. By this, it can only take a court case to remove his name.

A political commentator, Iwor Romgbo, said, ‘For anyone asking whether a published candidate can simply be disqualified, the answer is: not by mere allegations. Under the current electoral framework, a challenge to a candidate’s qualification or emergence through a party primary must be pursued through the appropriate legal process. It is primarily a matter for pre-election litigation by the appropriate aspirant, subject to the specific facts and grounds of the case.

‘So, unless there is a competent court judgment affecting a candidate’s nomination or qualification, a name published by INEC remains on the ballot.

His current status, however, is subject to several ongoing court processes, as reports indicate that while his name has been published, ongoing legal and electoral discussions surrounding party registers and compliance with the Electoral Act have emerged regarding the candidate’s documentation status.

His detractors argue that the Supreme Court Judgment had implications for OK Chinda’s candidacy. One source said: ‘Based on the latest Supreme Court ruling, O.K. Chinda is looking at a disqualification because he supposedly registered as an APC member on April 23, 2026. Sources claim he joined the party a few days after the party had already submitted its membership register to INEC.

‘By the Supreme Court’s recent judgment, O.K. Chinda risks losing his APC governorship ticket should the party’s leadership want to abide by the Supreme Court judgment and if truly he joined APC after the party had submitted its register to INEC.’

Another political commentator said anyone who wants to deceive themselves can go ahead and do so, but if Nigeria were a country of laws, O.K. Chinda’s candidacy of the APC has no legs to stand because it falls short of section 77 subsection 4 of the Electoral Act 2026 signed by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu on 18 February 2026.

‘The aforementioned section mandated all parties to submit their membership register not later than 21 days before the commencement of their primaries. It then means that if the APC that conducted its first primaries on Saturday, 16 May 2026, had waited for the last day to submit their register to INEC, they submitted it on April 25 2026, while OK Chinda registered two days later (see his membership slip below dated 27/4/2026). That is to say that OK Chinda’s name was not in the register submitted to INEC.

‘Having realised the mistake he made with that candidacy in a bid to block Governor Fubara from getting the ticket, not with any competent person from RIPCO who were already registered members, but someone from his ethnicity, he ensured that he made two other governorship candidates from his ethnicity, governorship candidates of the PDP and the Labour, should the law catch up with OK Chinda post-election.

‘With that, he came out to tell his supporters that he has not ‘anointed’ any of the candidates, evoking the confusion that has enveloped his supporters, many of whom have stopped posting ‘Rivers will be Ok’, unlike in 2022 when Wike did not make any mistakes and there was no need for pussyfooting, and many of us who believed in him started selling the candidacy of Sim Fubara after he emerged as the Rivers State PDP Governorship Candidate on Thursday, 25 May 2022. That’s it, and that’s all. No saccharine, no sugar, no spice.’

Alwell Ene, another political commentator, said only lawyers can say if Ok Chinda was ok or not because the Supreme Court-endorsed timetable means that Chinda did not meet up the submission date if they are to count from the start of all primaries, but would be ok if they are to start from guber primaries only.

Some others argued that Chinda’s matter may be beyond meeting the submission deadline for the APC register to INEC, but the issue is his proper resignation from the PDP before qualifying to pick up the nomination form from the APC. The source further pointed out that Chinda’s last salary as Minority Leader may be raised to confirm if he left properly because he is being accused of staying on as Minority Leader and also joining the APC within the same material time.

The problem may be that the case would need to be a pre-election case. Only those who contested with him in the primaries can qualify to raise it in court, but where would they get such persons to come to court?

Did the Supreme Court rule on APC factions?

Darlington Nwauju weighs in:

Darlington Nwauju, publicity secretary of the Emeka Beke faction of the APC, responding to inquiries, said the arguments on the ground should not be about Rivers APC executives. It’s about Kingsley Chinda and the rest. ‘And like I said, it will be taken on a case-by-case basis. Some registered before he did, others registered soon after, etc.

‘The SC has reinforced the INEC rules, so all that is required to nail him would be to further prove that between 23 April and the day he participated in the APC primaries, he still had something to do with House Minority leadership.’

On OK Chinda, he said: ‘I don’t know how those who want the court to help them disqualify him can succeed because APC will help him clean up his records and INEC will readily acquiesce. So, I don’t see anything blocking him.’

Many immediately recalled how a Wike aide was exposed for accessing INEC’s backend. Now, they say, it is becoming clear what they went to clean up.

Did the Supreme Court rule on the APC exco matter as rumoured afresh over the two factions and the two court rulings nullifying the Wike-backed Tony Okocha faction?

Nwauju said: ‘I don’t know where they are getting their stories from. After the May 29th Appeal Court decision, which Okocha and his crew lost, they refused to appeal further. So, I don’t know which Supreme Court and who took the matter to the apex court. But such stories will trend because, of course, you know people want to get rid of Wike and his shenanigans.

Conclusion:

Confusion will continue to rule the political waves of Rivers State even if Fubara claims they have reconciled. Many have also claimed that Fubara is saying he would stay on till November 2026 because of his six-month suspension, which they dub unconstitutional. Fubara is in the UN and has not issued any statement on politics.

This shows how much rumours now rule Rivers State, and the level of confusion in the political life of the oil-rich state. These things affect investment confidence and set back the hand of economic development.

The renewed call for the impeachment of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has brought back a familiar feature of Nigeria’s presidential democracy: a politically potent threat that is considerably easier to make than to execute.

The latest demand followed renewed controversy over Tinubu’s prolonged absence from Nigeria and allegations that he failed to transmit a written declaration to the Senate President and Speaker of the House of Representatives, as required under Section 145 of the 1999 Constitution.

The Social Democratic Party’s 2027 presidential candidate, Adewole Adebayo, has gone further to call for Tinubu’s immediate impeachment, alleging a constitutional breach.

Some lawmakers under the Save Democracy Group have also called on Senate President Godswill Akpabio and Speaker Tajudeen Abbas to reconvene the National Assembly and consider mandating Vice-President Kashim Shettima to act as President.

But while impeachment is constitutionally possible, the political and numerical realities of the 10th National Assembly make a successful removal of Tinubu a substantially different proposition from simply raising the issue in the media or on the floor of the Senate.

Nigeria’s Constitution does not provide for the Senate alone to impeach a sitting president.

Section 143 requires a process involving both chambers of the National Assembly, and the thresholds become progressively more difficult at each critical stage.

The first step is a written notice alleging gross misconduct, signed by at least one-third of all members of the National Assembly and presented to the President of the Senate. The allegation must contain detailed particulars of the alleged misconduct.

Within 14 days, both the Senate and House of Representatives must decide whether the allegation should be investigated. That decision requires a two-thirds majority in each chamber.

If that hurdle is crossed, the President of the Senate asks the Chief Justice of Nigeria to constitute a seven-member investigative panel.

The panel investigates the allegations and gives the President an opportunity to defend himself.

If the panel finds the allegations established, the matter returns to both chambers. The President can only be removed if each chamber adopts the panel’s report by a two-thirds majority of all its members.

This means that an impeachment process cannot be completed simply because opposition senators are able to mobilise a significant number of colleagues.

The arithmetic is particularly important.

The Senate has 109 members, meaning a two-thirds threshold requires 73 senators. The House has 360 members, requiring 240 representatives.

That is where the current political configuration of the National Assembly becomes critical.

Following the June 2026 bye-elections, the Senate returned to its full complement of 109 members, with the APC holding 88 seats, the ADC nine, PDP five, NDC four, and APGA, Labour Party and Accord one each.

In other words, the ruling party alone controls substantially more than the 37 senators that would be required to block a two-thirds resolution.

The implication is not that APC senators cannot rebel against the President. They can. Nor does it mean that an impeachment attempt is constitutionally impossible.

Rather, it means that those seeking Tinubu’s removal would have to persuade a very large number of lawmakers from the ruling party to vote against the President at two separate two-thirds stages, and ultimately secure the same supermajority in the House.

That is a formidable political undertaking.

As Waziri Adio observed during the 2022 impeachment threat against former President Muhammadu Buhari, once a two-thirds majority is required, the burden shifts heavily to those seeking removal. A president needs only enough legislators to prevent the required supermajority from being achieved.

The history of presidential impeachment threats in Nigeria provides perhaps the clearest indication of why the latest call is unlikely to translate into removal.

In 2002, the House of Representatives issued President Olusegun Obasanjo a two-week ultimatum and threatened impeachment over allegations including constitutional breaches, incompetence and corruption.

The move generated enormous political tension, but the required impeachment notice was never successfully served and the process did not culminate in Obasanjo’s removal.

The United States Department of State’s 2003 human rights report also recorded that the impeachment effort eventually failed.

Obasanjo famously dismissed the attempt as a ‘joke taken too far’, a phrase that has since become associated with Nigeria’s repeated presidential impeachment threats.

Two decades later, the country witnessed another striking example.

In June 2018, the National Assembly, then led by Senate President Bukola Saraki and Speaker Yakubu Dogara, warned Buhari that it could invoke its constitutional powers if the administration failed to address worsening insecurity, alleged political harassment and other concerns.

Although the word ‘impeachment’ was not contained in the formal resolution, lawmakers made clear that the threat was understood as an impeachment warning.

Yet Buhari remained in office until the expiration of his second term in May 2023.

The most relevant precedent is the 9th National Assembly, because it demonstrates the enormous gap that can exist between an impeachment threat and an actual constitutional process.

In July 2022, senators across political parties threatened to commence impeachment proceedings against Buhari over the deteriorating security situation.

Led by then Senate Minority Leader Philip Aduda, opposition senators staged a walkout after Senate President Ahmad Lawan declined to entertain their motion.

They subsequently announced a six-week ultimatum, warning that Buhari would face an impeachment notice if the security situation did not improve. The senators even chanted ‘Buhari must go’ while addressing journalists outside the chamber.

But the threatened impeachment never materialised.

The Senate leadership disputed the characterisation of the action as an official impeachment process. Senate spokesperson Ajibola Bashiru said at the time that he was not aware of any impeachment motion having been formally filed.

The episode illustrated one of the central problems with impeachment threats in Nigeria: the difference between political messaging and constitutional action.

A walkout is not an impeachment notice.A press conference is not an impeachment notice.A six-week ultimatum is not an impeachment proceeding.

And even an impeachment notice is only the beginning of a long constitutional process.

The Policy and Legal Advocacy Centre noted in its review of the 2022 episode that Buhari had faced impeachment threats at least four times since assuming office in 2015, yet none resulted in his removal. It also pointed out that the one-third threshold required to initiate proceedings is considerably easier to reach than the two-thirds threshold required to move the process forward and ultimately remove a president.

The immediate controversy surrounding Tinubu is rooted in Section 145 rather than the traditional allegations of corruption or insecurity that characterised previous impeachment threats.

Section 145 provides that when the President proceeds on vacation or is otherwise unable to discharge the functions of his office, he is to transmit a written declaration to the Senate President and Speaker stating that the Vice-President is to perform the functions of President as Acting President.

However, whether Tinubu’s absence constitutes ‘inability’ within the meaning of the Constitution, and whether the relevant constitutional procedure has been complied with, is a matter that can be politically and legally contested.

Tinubu’s camp has not accepted the interpretation advanced by his critics.

Akpabio has said Tinubu remains in charge despite his absence from Nigeria, describing the President as being on working leave and insisting that there is no vacancy in Aso Rock.

Yemi Adaramodu, the Senate spokesman, similarly rejected the demand for an immediate reconvening of the National Assembly, saying there was no reason for such a move and arguing that the legislature should not respond to every political statement made by politicians and civil society groups.

That position is significant because the Senate leadership controls the legislative machinery through which any impeachment process would have to begin.

Nigeria’s impeachment provisions deliberately make presidential removal difficult.

That is not accidental. The President is elected nationally, while the National Assembly is composed of legislators elected from individual constituencies and states. Removing a President therefore requires an unusually broad coalition cutting across political parties and regional interests.

The framers of the constitutional procedure placed several safeguards between an allegation and removal: signatures, notice, separate votes by both chambers, investigation by an independent panel and another two-thirds vote in each chamber.

The experience of Obasanjo and Buhari demonstrates how difficult it is to assemble such a coalition.

The 10th Senate makes the calculation even clearer.

With APC controlling 88 of 109 seats, opposition parties would need an extraordinary level of defection from the ruling party to get anywhere near the 73 votes required for a two-thirds Senate majority.

And even if that were achieved, the House would present another hurdle.

The impeachment effort would therefore have to become more than an opposition campaign.

It would have to become a broad legislative revolt involving significant numbers of lawmakers elected on the platform of the President’s own party. That is a much higher bar.

The repeated failure of impeachment threats does not mean that such threats are politically meaningless.

In 2018 and 2022, the pressure from lawmakers reflected wider concerns about insecurity, governance and the relationship between the executive and legislature.

The 2022 episode, for example, came after attacks including the Abuja-Kaduna train attack and the Kuje correctional facility breach.

The senators’ threat emerged from growing security concerns and frustration with the government’s response.

Similarly, the present controversy has placed Section 145 and presidential accountability back into public discussion.

The legislature can therefore use the controversy to demand explanations, summon relevant officials, debate constitutional compliance and insist on transparency without necessarily proceeding to the extraordinary step of removing the President. That distinction is important.

Impeachment is not simply a stronger version of a Senate resolution. It is a constitutional removal process requiring a supermajority in both chambers.

From Obasanjo in 2002 to Buhari in 2018 and 2022, Nigeria’s democratic history shows that presidential impeachment threats have repeatedly generated headlines without crossing the constitutional finish line.

The 10th National Assembly enters the latest episode with an even more pronounced numerical advantage for the ruling party.

For Tinubu to be impeached, therefore, those calling for his removal would have to convert public and political pressure into a formal constitutional process, secure the required one-third signatures to initiate it, win two-thirds votes in both chambers to investigate, survive a seven-member investigative panel, and then secure another two-thirds vote in both the Senate and House.

The immediate political arithmetic does not point to an easy path.

What the present controversy does demonstrate, however, is the continuing importance of the National Assembly as the institution constitutionally empowered to scrutinise presidential conduct.

Whether lawmakers choose impeachment, investigation, resolution, oversight or another constitutional response is ultimately a question of legislative action rather than political rhetoric.

For now, the history of Nigeria’s Fourth Republic suggests that calling for a president’s impeachment has been considerably easier than assembling the numbers and political coalition required to actually remove one.

Africa Magic Showcase have been airing a documentary celebrating the life and career of veteran actor, Sir Olu Jacobs, following his death on September 16, 2026. Titled ‘Doyen of Nollywood: Celebrating Olu Jacobs’, the documentary is a tribute to one of Nigeria’s most respected actors and enduring figures in the creative industry.

Directed by Femi Odugbemi and produced by Zuri 24 Media, the documentary explores Jacobs’ life and career across theatre, television and film, while reflecting on the impact he made on Nigeria’s entertainment industry over several decades.

The late Olu Jacobs was widely regarded as one of the most influential actors of his generation. His career, which spanned several decades, saw him take on roles across stage and screen, earning recognition for his versatility, depth, and commitment to the craft.

Beyond his performances, he played a significant role in shaping the Nigerian acting industry and inspiring a new generation of actors.

Doyen of Nollywood brings together some of the people who knew and worked with Jacobs, offering personal reflections on his career and the mark he left on the industry.

The documentary features contributions from notable actors and industry figures, including: Joke Silva, Afolabi Adesanya, Taiwo Ajai-Lycett, Richard Mofe-Damijo, Patience Ozokwor, Kate Henshaw and Jahman Anikulapo.

Through their stories and recollections, the documentary offers viewers an opportunity to remember Jacobs not only for the memorable characters he portrayed, but also for the discipline, professionalism and influence that defined his career.

The documentary premiered on Africa Magic Showcase on September 25, 2026 at 6:35 pm, with rebroadcast on September 26 at 10:30 pm; September 28 at 4:30 pm; and September 30 at 2:35 pm.

It will also air across other Africa Magic channels, including Africa Magic Epic, on Sunday, September 27 at 10:05 pm; September 28 at 6:30 pm; September 29 at 1:55 pm; and September 30 at 4:20 pm. On Africa Magic Family on September 26 at 7:30 pm, with repeat broadcasts on September 27 at 5:00 pm and September 29 at 1:00 pm.

The special broadcasts will give audiences across Africa Magic an opportunity to revisit the career of one of Nollywood’s most celebrated veterans and remember his contribution to Nigerian theatre, television and film.

Research journalist and Mariner, Mujahid Al-Ibenu, has called for peaceful protest and greater accountability from the Nigerian Maritime Administration and Safety Agency (NIMASA) over what he described as prolonged uncertainty surrounding the implementation of new policies affecting Nigerian Mariners, coupled with the reported disruption of officers’ professional examinations.

Al-Ibenu said the situation has created considerable anxiety among cadets, students officers, and serving officers who have invested years of their lives and substantial financial resources in training and professional certification.

He argued that while regulatory reforms are necessary to strengthen Nigeria’s maritime administration and bring its seafarer-training system in line with international standards, such reforms must not leave candidates who entered the system under previously approved arrangements without a clear and equitable transition.

Of particular concern, according to Al-Ibenu, is the position of candidates who enrolled in the Associate Certificate programme previously introduced under the regulatory framework and offered through NIMASA-approved Maritime Training Institutions (MTIs).

He said many of those candidates committed significant financial resources, time and personal sacrifices on the understanding that they were undertaking a recognised programme through institutions approved to provide maritime education and training.

The question now demanding an unequivocal answer, he said, is what becomes of those candidates if the regulatory position on the Associate Certificate programme changes.

‘Candidates did not create the programme themselves. They enrolled in institutions operating within the framework approved or recognised by the maritime administration. If people paid substantial sums of money, left employment, committed years to training and pursued sea service on the basis of that programme, NIMASA has a responsibility to explain clearly what happens to them,’ Al-Ibenu said.

He called on the Agency to publish a definitive position on the Associate Certificate programme and provide a transparent transition pathway for every affected candidate.

According to him, it would be unacceptable for candidates to bear the consequences of a regulatory transition when they entered their programmes in good faith through institutions authorised to conduct maritime training.

Al-Ibenu maintained that regulatory accountability should extend beyond the introduction of new rules.

‘An agency cannot simply introduce a programme, allow approved institutions to operate it, allow candidates to invest their money and years of their lives in it, and then leave those candidates to determine their fate when the regulatory framework changes,’ he said.

He called for NIMASA to disclose the status of candidates who have already completed or are currently undertaking the Associate Certificate programme, including whether their qualifications will remain valid, whether they will be permitted to progress to the next stage of certification, and whether additional bridging requirements will be imposed.

Where additional requirements are necessary, he said, NIMASA should clearly state the legal and regulatory basis for such requirements and provide reasonable transitional arrangements rather than placing the entire burden on candidates.

His concerns come against the backdrop of significant reforms announced by NIMASA to Nigeria’s seafarer education, training, assessment, examination and certification regime.

NIMASA has announced new standards pursuant to the Merchant Shipping (Standards of Training, Certification and Watchkeeping for Seafarers) Regulations, 2025, saying the reforms are intended to strengthen compliance with international maritime standards and improve the global competitiveness of Nigerian seafarers.

The Agency has also announced revised curricula and new academic requirements for prospective officers, including arrangements affecting candidates progressing through nautical science and marine engineering.

Al-Ibenu said the reforms should therefore be accompanied by a comprehensive transition policy that answers the questions confronting people already enrolled in the system.

He said the issue is not whether Nigeria should improve its maritime standards but whether the transition will be administered fairly.

‘International standards are important, but so is institutional responsibility. A marina who entered a programme through an approved institution should not wake up one morning to discover that years of investment have become uncertain,’ he said.

The maritime analyst also expressed concern over what he described as the reported abrupt suspension or disruption of officers’ examinations, saying the matter requires an official explanation from NIMASA.

He urged the Agency to provide candidates with a clear examination calendar and explain the circumstances surrounding any suspension, postponement or alteration of examinations.

He further called for clarification regarding candidates who had already completed the prescribed training and sea-service requirements and were preparing for their professional examinations before any changes were introduced.

For Al-Ibenu, uncertainty surrounding professional examinations can have serious consequences for maritime careers.

Seafarers progressing towards officer certification depend on a predictable system of training, sea service, assessment and examination. Delays can affect employment opportunities, contractual commitments, sea-time progression and the ability of candidates to advance towards higher certificates of competency.

He further warned that prolonged regulatory uncertainty should also be considered from the standpoint of the psychological well-being and morale of Nigerian seafarers.

According to him, a law-abiding citizen who has carefully planned his professional life, invested his resources and followed the established regulatory pathway can become deeply frustrated when the process upon which his future depends remains uncertain for an extended period.

‘As officers, we are trained to operate within established procedures, respect authority and comply with the law. But when a law-abiding person has done everything expected of him and is subsequently left in prolonged uncertainty about his career, the effect on morale should not be underestimated,’ Al-Ibenu said.

He said prolonged frustration, anxiety and uncertainty could contribute to serious psychological distress and, in some cases, mental-health challenges, particularly among young people whose professional identity and economic future are tied closely to their progression within the maritime sector.

He cautioned that such consequences could ultimately create problems beyond the maritime industry if affected individuals lose confidence in legitimate professional pathways.

‘When a right-thinking individual becomes frustrated for too long, there is a possibility of a deviation of interest or a loss of confidence in the system. That can create additional problems for society and, ultimately, for the country. This is why we must maintain the rule of law while ensuring that the system itself gives citizens reason to continue believing in lawful and legitimate processes,’ he said.

Al-Ibenu stressed that his position was not against regulatory reform or Nigeria’s pursuit of international maritime standards.

Rather, he said, the human and psychological effects of regulatory implementation should form part of the consideration whenever major changes are introduced.

He said Nigeria must seek a balance between achieving international standards and protecting the morale, confidence and professional stability of the people expected to operate under those standards.

‘While the new regulations are designed to promote international standards and strengthen our maritime sector, the psychological effect of their implementation should also be put into consideration. We are not regulating machines; we are regulating a profession made up of human beings who have families, responsibilities, aspirations and legitimate expectations for their careers,’ he said.

He therefore called for NIMASA to publish a comprehensive transition framework covering existing students, Associate Certificate candidates, cadets, officers awaiting examinations and other seafarers affected by the regulatory changes.

The framework, he said, should identify which candidates are covered by previous arrangements, who is required to undertake bridging courses, what qualifications remain recognised, and the precise pathway through which affected candidates can continue their professional progression.

Al-Ibenu further called for direct engagement between NIMASA, approved MTIs and representatives of affected candidates.

He said such engagement would help prevent misinformation and allow the Agency to hear directly from the people whose professional futures are being affected by the implementation of its policies.

He stressed that accountability must be measurable.

‘If NIMASA approved or recognised institutions to conduct these programmes, then there must be an institutional record of what candidates were admitted to study, what requirements they were given and what certification pathway they were promised. The regulator should therefore be able to explain, with records and not general statements, what happens next,’ he said.

He also urged approved MTIs to provide candidates with full documentation concerning their programmes, including admission records, course requirements, examination status and any correspondence received from NIMASA regarding the transition.

While advocating peaceful protest if the concerns remain unresolved, Al-Ibenu said any demonstration by officers and ratings must remain lawful, orderly and professionally conducted.

He said the objective should not be confrontation for its own sake but to demand transparency, fairness and institutional accountability.

He called on the Federal Ministry of Marine and Blue Economy, NIMASA, maritime training institutions and other relevant stakeholders to urgently address the concerns.

According to him, Nigeria cannot credibly seek to develop a globally competitive maritime workforce while leaving existing candidates uncertain about whether the qualifications they pursued through approved institutions will be recognised.

He said the responsibility for providing clarity ultimately rests with the regulator.

‘Nigerian seafarers deserve a system in which the rules are clear before they make life-changing investments. Where the rules change, there must be a fair transition. And where an approved programme is discontinued or fundamentally altered, those who relied on it deserve to know exactly what becomes of their investment,’ Al-Ibenu said.

He consequently demanded that NIMASA publicly account for the implementation of its policies, clarify the status of the Associate Certificate programme and affected candidates, publish a transparent examination timetable, and provide a defined transition mechanism for seafarers caught between the previous and current regulatory frameworks.

For Al-Ibenu, the credibility of Nigeria’s maritime regulatory system will ultimately be measured not only by the standards it introduces, but also by how responsibly it treats the people who entered the system in good faith and trusted the regulator to protect the integrity of their professional pathway.

He maintained that the objective should ultimately be to build a regulatory system that commands both international respect and the confidence of Nigerian mariners.

He said Nigeria’s maritime future depends not only on stronger regulations, but on ensuring that those who are expected to uphold those regulations remain confident that the system is fair, predictable and worthy of their trust.

Nigeria’s public service has witnessed several waves of reform since independence. Successive administrations have introduced policies, committees, transformation programmes, digital platforms and institutional restructuring designed to make government more efficient, responsive and accountable. Yet one persistent challenge remains: how do we know, with sufficient evidence, whether these reforms are actually being implemented and producing the results for which they were designed?

From the perspective of the Bureau of Public Service Reforms (BPSR), this is no longer simply a question of monitoring. It is a question of building a modern system of reform intelligence capable of giving government a clear and continuously updated picture of reform implementation across the public service.

BPSR occupies a strategic position within Nigeria’s reform architecture. Its mandate includes coordinating, monitoring and evaluating public-sector reforms, conducting research and promoting best practices for improving the effectiveness of the public service. This responsibility places the Bureau at the centre of one of the most important challenges facing contemporary governance: translating government policies and reform commitments into measurable institutional and citizen outcomes.

The public service is increasingly digital. Government is deploying electronic platforms, digital records, online services, data systems and technology-enabled processes. It is therefore logical that the management of public-sector reform should also become digital.

This is where the concept of a BPSR Digital Reform Tracker deserves serious consideration. The proposed tracker should become more than an online repository of government reforms. It should function as a strategic management and accountability instrument through which BPSR can monitor the lifecycle of major reforms-from policy commitment and implementation to institutionalisation and measurable results.

Every major reform should have a digital profile showing its objective, responsible institution, implementation milestones, timelines, performance indicators, current status, and evidence of progress, implementation risks and measurable outcomes.

For public-sector officials, this would create a common reference point for reform implementation. A Permanent Secretary should be able to know the status of reforms within the ministry. A Director should be able to identify outstanding milestones. Reform coordinators should be able to see where implementation is falling behind. Senior government leadership should have access to an aggregated national picture.

Most importantly, BPSR itself would be better positioned to provide evidence-based advice on where intervention is required.

The proposed system could classify reforms according to a simple performance architecture: on track, at risk, delayed, stalled, completed or institutionalised. But the real value would come from the evidence behind each classification.

A reform should not be considered successful simply because a policy document has been approved, a committee established or a digital platform launched. The critical issue is whether the intended institutional change has occurred.

For example, if a reform seeks to reduce the time required to deliver a public service, the relevant indicator should measure whether processing time has actually declined. If a reform seeks to improve procurement efficiency, the assessment should examine measurable improvements in compliance, cycle time, value for money and transparency. If an MDA introduces a digital service, the question should extend beyond whether the platform exists to whether citizens are actually using it and receiving better services.

This distinction is critical to the future of public-sector reform. BPSR is championing a transition from activity-based reform monitoring to results-based reform management.

The Bureau’s existing monitoring and evaluation responsibilities provide an important foundation for this approach. Its reform work already recognises the importance of indicators, targets, baseline information and means of verification. The next step is to bring these elements together through a digital system that allows reform information to be updated, analysed and interpreted continuously.

Such a system would also strengthen coordination across government.

Public-sector reform does not take place within isolated institutional boundaries. Budget reform can affect procurement.

Procurement reform can affect project implementation. Human-resource reform can affect institutional performance. Digital transformation can affect almost every government process. Regulatory reform can determine whether private-sector investment responds to government policy.

Without an integrated reform-tracking mechanism, these interdependencies can easily become invisible. The BPSR Reform Tracker is providing government with a national reform map, showing not only individual reforms but also how they relate to one another.

This would help identify duplication, conflicting mandates, implementation gaps and reforms that are dependent on decisions or actions by other institutions.

For BPSR, the value is particularly significant. The Bureau would be able to move from receiving reform reports periodically to having access to a dynamic evidence base from which it can generate early-warning signals.

If an MDA repeatedly misses implementation milestones, the system should flag the reform for attention. If several institutions encounter similar implementation obstacles, BPSR should be able to identify the systemic issue and advise government accordingly.

In this sense, digital reform monitoring becomes an early-warning mechanism for government performance. There is also a powerful opportunity to strengthen institutional accountability.

Every reform should have a clearly identified institutional owner. Responsibilities should not disappear into the language of committees or broad government programmes. The tracker should identify the responsible MDA, implementation lead, milestone and expected delivery date. This does not mean creating a punitive system for public servants. Rather, it should create a professional management tool that allows government to distinguish between genuine implementation challenges and avoidable delays.

Public-sector reform is often complex. Officials face changes in policy direction, funding constraints, legal limitations, institutional resistance, capacity gaps and technological challenges. A credible reform-tracking system should therefore capture not only whether a reform is delayed but why it is delayed.

This is where BPSR’s professional judgement becomes essential. The Bureau should not merely collect data. It should interpret it.

The future BPSR should increasingly operate as a centre of reform intelligence, helping government understand the evidence behind reform performance and recommending practical interventions. This also provides an opportunity to improve the relationship between BPSR and MDAs.

Rather than viewing monitoring as an inspection exercise, the Reform Tracker should promote a culture of continuous improvement. MDAs should be able to update their implementation status, identify constraints and request technical support. BPSR, in turn, can provide comparative analysis, identify good practices and facilitate institutional learning.

A reform that succeeds in one ministry should not remain a ministry-specific success. The system should make it possible to identify successful practices and determine whether they can be adapted elsewhere in government. This could turn BPSR into a stronger knowledge hub for public-sector transformation.

There is another dimension that deserves attention: institutional memory. Nigeria has experienced several changes of administration, and each administration naturally brings new priorities. Yet important public-sector reforms should not disappear simply because political leadership changes.

A digital reform tracker would preserve the history of government reform commitments. It would show what was initiated, what was completed, what was discontinued and what remains outstanding.

This would help future administrations make better decisions. They would not have to begin every reform conversation from zero.

The system could also strengthen the quality of annual public-service reporting. Instead of relying primarily on retrospective reporting, BPSR could generate periodic national reform performance reports based on continuously updated information. Such reports could identify reforms that are performing well, reforms requiring intervention and emerging systemic risks.

For senior public-sector officials, this would provide a more useful basis for decision-making than fragmented reports from individual institutions. For policymakers, it would provide evidence. For development partners, it would provide greater clarity about reform implementation. For researchers and civil society, it would create a stronger basis for assessing government performance. For citizens, it would provide greater transparency.

But transparency must be approached carefully. Not every piece of administrative information should necessarily be placed in the public domain. BPSR should develop appropriate data governance, verification, and security and access protocols. Public disclosure should focus on information that can legitimately strengthen accountability without compromising sensitive government information.

The ultimate objective should be to create a system that is credible, evidence-based, secure and useful to government. Technology should also be deployed intelligently. Artificial intelligence and data analytics could eventually assist BPSR in identifying patterns in reform performance, detecting recurring delays, comparing implementation trends and generating early-warning alerts. However, technology should support professional judgement rather than replace it.

The principle should remain simple: data informs judgement; officials make decisions; institutions remain accountable. For BPSR, the digital transformation of reform monitoring represents an opportunity to redefine the Bureau’s strategic value to government.

The future should not be about BPSR merely asking MDAs to submit reform reports. It should be about creating a system in which reform information is structured, verified, analysed and transformed into actionable intelligence. That is the real promise of a BPSR Digital Reform Tracker.

Nigeria does not need another dashboard that simply displays impressive statistics. It needs a management instrument that tells the truth about reform implementation.

Which reforms are moving? Which ones are stuck? Why are they stuck? Who is responsible? What resources are required? What intervention is necessary? And most importantly, what has changed for the Nigerian citizen? These are the questions that should define the next generation of public-sector reform.

From the perspective of BPSR, digital reform tracking should therefore be understood not as an information-technology project but as a governance reform in its own right. It would strengthen evidence-based decision-making, improve coordination, preserve institutional memory, support accountability and enable government to identify implementation problems before they become systemic failures.

The ambition should be clear: every major public-service reform should be traceable, measurable and evidence-backed. Nigeria has invested considerably in reform ideas. The next frontier is reform delivery. BPSR can lead that transition by building a national digital architecture in which reforms are no longer buried in reports, policy documents and institutional files, but can be continuously tracked from commitment to implementation, from implementation to outcomes, and from outcomes to lasting institutional change.

The measure of successful reform is ultimately not how often government announces change. It is how consistently government can demonstrate that change has occurred. That is the reform dashboard Nigeria now needs.

.Dr. Arabi is the director-general, Bureau of Public Service Reforms (BPSR), The Presidency, Nigeria.

For its growing role in developing and managing travel destinations across the country, Glocient Hospitality, the hospitality arm of Cavista Holdings, emerged Top Travel Company in Nigeria, while Ikogosi Warm Springs Resort was awarded Best Resort in Nigeria.

The awards were presented to the company at the Top 100 Travel Icons in Nigeria Awards at the 22nd Akwaaba African Travel Market in Lagos recently.

The famous Ikogosi Warm Springs Resort in Ekiti State is known for the meeting point of warm and cold springs and its unique natural setting. Under Glocient Hospitality’s management, the resort has grown beyond that singular attraction to offer comfortable accommodation, wellness experiences, corporate retreats, conferences, events and outdoor leisure.

The awards highlight the work done to develop and manage destinations with strong natural and tourism potential.

Francis Ogosi, hospitality manager at Glocient Hospitality, said that the recognition reflects the hard work of the whole team and the value of intentional destination development.

‘These recognitions show that with the right management, investment and service, Nigeria’s tourism assets can become destinations that attract visitors from home and abroad,’ he added.

Glocient Hospitality said that the awards are both a milestone and a reminder to keep improving hospitality standards, grow domestic tourism and position Nigerian destinations more competitively across Africa and globally.

Nigeria’s refinery capacity has become a source of European supply resilience. That reversal should change how both sides understand their economic relationship. The challenge is to turn crisis-driven demand into a durable productive partnership.

For decades, the economic relationship between Europe and Africa has been described through a familiar vocabulary. Europe possessed capital, technology, infrastructure and industrial capacity. Africa possessed natural resources, development needs and market potential. Trade frequently followed the same pattern: raw materials travelled north; higher-value products travelled south.

In recent months, a different relationship has emerged. As conflict disrupted Middle Eastern energy exports, Europe lost roughly one-quarter of its usual diesel and aviation-fuel supplies. Inventories in Northwest Europe tightened. Buyers sought alternatives. Nigeria supplied part of the answer.

Market data indicate that Europe imported about 80,000 barrels per day of jet fuel from the Dangote refinery in the second quarter of 2026, covering roughly 13% of the shortfall. Nigeria became Europe’s second-largest supplier country for jet fuel after the United States, with Dangote a major individual refinery supplier.

This is more than a remarkable statistic. It reveals a shift in economic position. A facility built principally to end Nigeria’s dependence on imported petroleum products has become relevant to European energy and aviation security.

A reversal worth understanding

Nigeria’s petroleum history has long contained a painful contradiction. The country was one of Africa’s largest crude-oil producers but depended heavily on imported refined products. European refineries and trading centres converted crude into petrol, diesel and aviation fuel, some of which was sold back into Nigerian and West African markets.

I remember the other side of that trade from my teenage years. During school holidays with my sister’s family near the oilfields around Omoku in Rivers State, gas flares and thick, dark smoke seemed such ordinary features of the sky that I scarcely thought to question them. Her husband worked in the oilfields. The elnvironmental cost of extraction was part of the landscape we lived in; it was never an abstract argument to us. That is why the question of where petroleum is processed,P and who retains the value it creates, has always meant more to me than a line in a trade report.

Nigeria carried the environmental and political burden of extraction while surrendering much of the value associated with refining, logistics and product trade. The Dangote refinery has begun to alter that structure. According to the U.S. Energy Information Administration, Nigeria’s seaborne petroleum-product imports fell from nearly 400,000 barrels per day in 2023 to less than 130,000 in the second quarter of 2026. Meanwhile, exports of refined products to Europe and other African markets have grown. The shift is from dependence towards strategic relevance. That should influence how Nigeria conducts economic diplomacy and how Europe approaches Nigeria.

Crisis created the opening

We must nevertheless avoid turning a market opening into a permanent conclusion. Nigeria’s European fuel exports expanded during exceptional circumstances. Conflict disrupted Middle Eastern refineries and shipping routes. European inventories fell. Refining margins rose. The Dangote refinery was operational and geographically positioned to respond. This was sound commercial timing, but crisis-driven demand is not guaranteed demand. When traditional supply routes recover, Nigerian products will have to compete against established refiners in the Middle East, Asia, the United States and Europe. Buyers will judge them on price, specification, reliability, shipping time, contractual performance and regulatory compliance.

Nigeria should treat this moment as an audition, not a coronation. The aim is to turn emergency cargoes into lasting customer relationships. That requires consistent production, transparent contracts, reliable ports and the ability to meet seasonal and environmental fuel specifications. Strategic relevance becomes lasting market access through operational credibility.

Belgium sits at the centre of the opportunity

The development has particular meaning in Belgium. The Amsterdam-Rotterdam-Antwerp region is one of the world’s most important centres for petroleum refining, storage, blending and commodity trading. Antwerp’s terminals and industrial infrastructure connect maritime cargoes to European markets. Belgium also sits within a dense network of airports, pipelines, logistics companies and chemical industries.

Until recently, the commercial question was often how European fuel suppliers could reach Nigerian and West African consumers. Now it is also how Nigerian products can enter and move through European supply systems. That creates opportunities in storage, blending, inspection, shipping, trading and distribution. Belgian engineering and industrial-service companies can also contribute to maintenance, efficiency, emissions management, water treatment and petrochemical development.

But Europe should not interpret partnership merely as an opportunity to sell more services to one successful Nigerian enterprise. A mature relationship would help build a wider Nigerian industrial ecosystem: local suppliers, engineers, laboratories, logistics operators, manufacturers and training institutions capable of participating in the value chain. Europe’s commercial role should evolve as African productive capacity evolves.

From supplier to strategic partner

Europe has increasingly organised economic policy around resilience. It speaks of energy security, strategic autonomy, diversified supply chains and reduced dependence upon individual countries or unstable routes. Yet Africa is still too often treated principally through development cooperation or migration management.

Nigeria’s aviation-fuel exports expose the inadequacy of that framework. A country capable of relieving part of a European fuel shortage is not merely an aid recipient or a market waiting for European goods. It is a potential contributor to Europe’s economic security. That does not eliminate the profound development challenges Nigeria continues to face. Nor does one refinery transform the entire economy. But international relationships should respond to demonstrated capability.

Europe should identify sectors in which African countries can strengthen supply resilience: energy, critical minerals, agricultural processing, pharmaceuticals, digital services, maritime logistics and manufacturing. Partnerships should connect African production with European technology, finance, standards and markets while retaining a fair share of value in Africa.

Nigeria must manage its new leverage carefully

Strategic relevance brings responsibilities. Nigeria must not confuse temporary European need with unlimited bargaining power. Nor should it allow the success of one privately controlled refinery to become a substitute for functioning institutions and competitive markets. The country requires transparent rules for crude supply, credible downstream regulation, adequate strategic fuel reserves and conditions that allow additional refiners and service companies to invest. It must also use present petroleum strength to prepare for an energy system that will gradually become less carbon-intensive.

Aviation is particularly important. Conventional jet fuel will remain essential for years, but Europe is introducing increasingly demanding sustainable-aviation-fuel and emissions requirements. Nigerian engagement should therefore extend towards renewable feedstocks, synthetic fuels, certification, traceable carbon data and cleaner refinery operations. The future opportunity is not simply to sell more fossil-based jet fuel. It is to build capability in the fuels and industrial systems that aviation will require during transition.

Bilateral resilience still needs multilateral rules

The World Trade Organization warns that the global trading system is at a critical juncture. Its 2026 World Trade Report estimates that fragmentation into geopolitical blocs could reduce global exports by 18.6% relative to its baseline scenario. Smaller and poorer economies would bear disproportionate losses.

Nigeria’s new position in European fuel markets demonstrates the value of strategic bilateral relationships. Yet it also demonstrates why multilateral rules remain essential. A crisis may create opportunities for a country possessing a needed product. But many African economies do not yet possess sufficient scale to negotiate with major blocs from a position of strength. They depend on rules that limit discrimination, constrain arbitrary barriers and preserve access beyond preferred alliances.

Africa should therefore pursue strong economic corridors without abandoning multilateralism. Deeper Nigeria-Belgium and Nigeria-EU cooperation should diversify supply and improve resilience. It should not become another closed arrangement in a world divided into rival commercial camps.

The meaning of a cargo

A cargo of Nigerian aviation fuel arriving in Europe represents industrial conversion. Nigerian crude has been processed at home, creating operating income, technical jobs, export revenue and strategic relevance before entering the international market. That differs from exporting crude and buying back finished fuel.

Nigeria must now multiply this logic across other sectors. Cocoa should lead to more processing and branded products. Gas should support power and industrial inputs. Minerals should feed manufacturing chains. Agricultural production should connect to storage, standards, logistics and food processing.

The principle is straightforward: resources create leverage when they become capabilities other economies value. Europe’s fuel shortage has given Nigeria an unexpected demonstration of that principle. When Europe faced a supply gap, Nigeria possessed a product it needed and the industrial capacity to deliver it. The task now is to make this more than a profitable consequence of crisis: evidence that a more reciprocal Africa-Europe economic relationship can endure.

African Travel Market, a Lagos-based leading travel and tourism event in West Africa, would once again participate at this year’s Magical Kenya Travel Expo (MKTE), which will be held in Nairobi this October.

Akwaaba, which will participate at the expo as an exhibitor, is the only international travel fair in West Africa in the last 22 years, and has consistently participated at several travel fairs around the world including: World Travel Market WTM London, EMITT Travel Expo Istanbul, Turkey, ITB Berlin, Germany, Magical Kenya Travel Expo, Kenya, Pearl of Africa Travel Expo POATE, Uganda, Kilifair Expo in Arusha, Tanzania, Sanganai in Zimbabwe, Travel Indaba in Durban, South Africa, among others. In 2025, Akwaaba made its presence at MKTE as an exhibitor for the first time and will again participate this year as an exhibitor. The 16th MKTE is set to take place from October 6-8, 2026, at the Uhuru Gardens National Monument and Museum in Nairobi, Kenya.

Akwaaba, targeted mainly at Africans promoting Africa to Africans, has successfully opened up intra-African travel, connecting Africans to each other. In its 22 years of existence, it has networked African tour operators, hospitality, aviation and other travel professionals. It attracts over 3000 tourism professionals from over 20 African countries. The three-day exhibition attended by delegates from all over Africa, will hold its 23rd edition from September 5-7, 2027.

In 2022, it received an award of excellence from the UN Tourism and the Nigerian Ministry of Tourism.

Many presidents and VIPs have attended Akwaaba, including President Olusegun Obasanjo, President Dawda Jawara of The Gambia, current President Bola Tinubu among others. It is the host of the annual Africa Travel 100 Awards, the African Medical Tourism Expo and the West African Jollof Rice war.

Ecocide is now feared in a community in Rivers state where gas leaks have persisted since October 2025. Now, Scientists have found heavy presence of methane gas, formalin, formaldehyde, hydrogen sulphide, sulfur oxide, carcinogens, and carbon dioxide said to be deadly to human organs.

These were found as the experts began testing water and air as part of their efforts in the Bille gas seepage crisis which began since October 2025.

The environmental scientists who went to Bille in Degema LGA of the state began testing to ascertain the types and grades of gases that have been leaking for about a year now.

Continuous seepage of methane and other gases had sparked a severe health and environmental emergency in the area. The situation escalated further in May 2026, when leaking gas ignited and erupted into fire at multiple spots, including an abandoned water mono pump.

Now, environmental and medical experts have urged the Rivers State Government to evacuate the residents and stop the leakage in the polluted Bille community said to be saturated with different gases.

Courage Nsirimovu, a lawyer and environmental rights advocate who is the coordinator of PILEX Centre for ‘Civic Education Initiative’ led experts and media people on a physical inspection in Bille town.

Courage, who was accompanied by a team of scientific researchers said the visit was necessitated by the need for the scientists to make all of the attribution concerning what is happening to people attending to gas spillage in the Bille area.

Tests and inspections conducted in various compounds revealed the presence of gas leaks and gas bubbling sound. Also a sample of sparkling colourless water turned into black after 15 seconds, indicating and confirming high intensity of gas leaks in Bille community.

Nsirimovu recalled with nostalgia the experience of their first visit, and the subsequent rallies done to that effect, all to inform and persuade the Government to evacuate the people, and mitigate the gas leakage but to no avail.

He expressed regrets that the gas leaks matter has lingered up to alleged gas explosion at a location known as Joy Amos.

He said: ‘What prompted us to come is the fact that we had been here before. We told the Government that the incident in the community is an ecocide, and if nothing is done about it, it could lead to strategic genocide. People may begin to die.

‘There is bio accumulation of this gas in the body of people. There is the fact that if people eat fishes in Bille community, they are ingesting the same methane or benzene. It is a form of carbon dioxide. It is dangerous to the body.

The PILEX Centre boss regretted the whole scenario and demanded full compensation for the victims of the incident and remediation of the environment.

In his submission, Eferegbo Fortune Uchenna, the environmental scientist gave his opinion on field observations which he said indicated possible gas seepage from the subsurface. He said this was characterised by continuous bubbling and audible emissions from the ground.

These, according to him, include methane gas, formalin, formaldehyde hydrogen sulphide, sulfur oxide, carcinogenic (which is cancerous) and carbon dioxide which are unhealthy to human organs.

Uchenna added: ‘Such toxins when inhaled for a long period could be bad for people whose immunity are already compromised especially the elderly and the little children whose lungs are not properly developed.’

He confirmed that the water in the area is polluted. ‘The people are drinking poison from the sample of the sparkling colourless water suddenly turning to black. This is ecocide that is strategically leading to genocide.’

He joined in calling for a state of emergency in Bille, saying; ‘This community is not a place where human beings should stay, even animals. If they come here and drink this water, they will die!’

He said the only solution at this point is to plug or stop the leakage. ‘For Bille people, they should be evacuated from this environment. That is the only way.’

The scientist has carried out many tasks including the assessment of the activities of Indorama fertilizer Company Ltd on human health and the environment 2026; investigation of the activities of oil companies on coastal communities in Ilaje local government Area of Ondo State 2025; and the environmental and socioeconomic assessment in Ibaa community in Emohua LGA of Rivers State 2023.

Earlier in his welcome address, Timothy Agunbade, the executive vice president of the Bille kingdom Youth Federation, lamented the current situation of the community. He said people in the community were experiencing signs consistent with a potentially contaminated and hazardous environment, including reported gas seepage, petroleum-like substances in ground water. According to him, this has affected social life and financial viability of the people in the community.

Also, educational growth progress of children in the community has been affected because of the gas bubbling in the school environment, which is up to 360 degrees spreading for hours in the community.

The only hotel, which was a recreational centre in the Bille community, has been abandoned.

Residents told newsmen thus: ‘This building has more than 30 rooms. If you came here before now, you’ll hear music and people enjoying themselves. The place is deserted now. This is what we are living with everyday.’

He called upon Nigerians to come to their aid by raising their voices for action to be taken to rescue the Bille people of Rivers State. ‘We want visits but we want it to translate to meaningful actions.’

Genocide: All words and no action?

There are reasons why most activists believe that genocide may have been initiated. When leaders fail to save lives or deliberately initiate deaths of a large population of people, it may be regarded as genocide.

The Bille gas leak first began in October 2025 when residents and fishermen in the area reported toxic gas bubbling to the surface in nearby rivers, swamps, and drinking wells.

The continuous seepage of methane and other gases sparked a severe health and environmental emergency in the area. The situation escalated further in May 2026, when leaking gas ignited and erupted into fire at multiple spots, including an abandoned water mono pump.

Gov Sim Fubara approved the ?100 million relief fund for the Bille community on April 1, 2026. The intervention was announced by Dagogo Wokoma, the Secretary to the State Government during an on-the-spot assessment of the community. The funds were provided as immediate palliative support to mitigate the impacts of persistent gas emissions and seepages that had been affecting the community’s land and water sources.

As inaction continued for months, the Youths and Environmental Advocacy Centre (YEAC-Nigeria) announced that a fire incident occurred in Bille.

On Wednesday, May 13, 2026, the Centre said it received a report from the community that the gas leaking and bubbling from the ground in and around Opu Dah Community in Bille caught fire on an abandoned mono pump head.

Keg of gunpowder:

YEAC-Nigeria said it had repeatedly warned in previous press statements and media advocacy that Bille was sitting on a keg of gunpowder because of these hazards. ‘Unfortunately, that warning has now materialized as the ‘keg of gunpowder’ has caught fire, putting lives, property, and the environment at immediate risk.

YEAC-Nigeria led by Fyneface Dumnamene Fyneface demanded for declaration of state of emergency in Bille, saying the scale and duration of the gas leaks required urgent executive action to protect residents and prevent possible loss of life.

Other demands included temporarily relocating the residents, saying this should be done after the emergency declaration to prevent further inhaling of gas and poisonous hydrocarbon-related chemicals by the residents, as well as possible impending larger fire incidents triggered by cooking and other domestic activities. Fumigation should also be carried out.

YEAC also called for the deployment of marine fire service teams and tugboats, saying there was the need for the government to urgently deploy and station marine fire service units and patrol tugboats from the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA), Nigerian Maritime Administration and Safety Agency (NIMASA) and the Navy firefighting unit in Bille and its environs to respond to any further fire outbreaks.

They also called on the Federal Government, Rivers State Government, New Cross, and all other oil companies operating in Bille to treat this situation as an emergency and take concrete steps to stop the gas leaks, secure abandoned facilities, and prevent recurrence of not just the gas leakages but the reported fire incident.

There was the call for the National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA) to act fast and urgently rise to the occasion and distribute relief materials to affected households in Bille to cushion the impact of the ongoing disaster.

YEAC-Nigeria promised to continue to monitor the situation and hold all responsible parties accountable until the safety of Bille residents and the environment is guaranteed for human habitation.

In June 2026, Gov Fubara pledged swift action to tackle the gas leakage and environmental pollution in Bille. Fubara gave the assurance while addressing a group of peaceful protesters who were at Government House in Port Harcourt to draw government’s attention to the plight of the Bille people and other oil and gas bearing communities across the Niger Delta.

The delegation comprised members of two non-governmental organisations namely, the Pilex Centre for Civic Education Initiative, (PCCEI), and Lekeh Development Foundation, (LDF).

The governor, who was represented by Honour Sirawoo, the Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of Information and Communications, assured the demonstrators that their grievances would receive immediate attention, considering the impact of the gas leakage on their environment and the livelihoods of the people.

Gov Fubara commended the protesters for maintaining peace and orderliness in spite of the environmental challenges in their community and the economic hardships the situation has imposed on them.

He acknowledged that the challenges facing the community were enough to provoke violent demonstrations, and commended them for choosing the path of peace.

Be assured that the Rivers State Government has a responsibility to protect the lives and property of our people and this issue is not one that will be swept under the carpet,’ he said.

According to Gov Fubara, safeguarding the environment remained a top priority of the government as that was the only way farming and fishing, which are the main stay of the local economy in these coastal communities, can be sustained.

Nsirimovu had stressed that Bille was not alone as several other communities including Rukporkwu, Ebubu, and Elelenwo were also suffering from similar environmental issues because of spread effect through tidal waves.

The delegation demanded the immediate relocation of the people of Bille from the polluted environment, just as they called for total transparency regarding the application of remediation funds under the Petroleum Industry Act.

Since this pledge on June 29, 2026, nothing has been heard from neither the oil companies/NNPCL nor from the government.

After four days of thought-provoking conversations, bold ideas, and meaningful connections, the curtains have fallen on the 58th International Conference and Exhibition (ICE) of the Chartered Institute of Personnel Management of Nigeria (CIPM), leaving thousands of HR professionals with a renewed commitment to create measurable value and lasting impact in their organisations.

The conference brought together over 4,000 physical delegates and over 1,000 virtual delegates from across Nigeria and beyond, reinforcing its position as Africa’s largest gathering of human resource professionals.

Delivering his closing remarks,

Mallam Ahmed Ladan Gobir, the President and Chairman of the Governing Council of CIPM, reflected on the journey of the conference and the significance of the conversations that shaped the event.

‘We came, we learned, we networked, and we connected,’ he said, capturing the essence of a conference that brought together business leaders, HR professionals, policymakers, academics, and global experts around the theme, ‘Repositioning for Value and Impact.’

Mallam Gobir noted that while the conference sessions had come to an end, the real work was only beginning.

‘The real conference begins when we return to our boardrooms, leadership teams and organisations. What we have learned here must be translated into action, measurable value and lasting impact,’ he charged.

According to him, the conference succeeded in providing delegates with more than just knowledge.

‘This conference has given us knowledge and memories to take home. The challenge before us now is to ensure that the lessons learned become catalysts for transformation in our workplaces and institutions,’ he said.

Expressing appreciation to participants, speakers, sponsors, exhibitors and partners, the CIPM President acknowledged the vital role delegates played in making the event a success.

‘There is no conference without the people, and you all brought this one to life. We are grateful to every delegate who travelled from different parts of Nigeria and the world in search of knowledge, collaboration and professional growth,’ he added.

Throughout the conference, delegates engaged in insightful discussions on some of the most pressing issues shaping the future of people management, including human-centred leadership, public sector transformation, organisational performance, governance, workforce productivity, artificial intelligence, human capability, HR standards, career development and the evolving expectations of business leaders from the HR profession.

A major highlight of the conference was the announcement of a growing international recognition of CIPM and its commitment to advancing global standards in people management.

Mallam Gobir noted that the Institute continues to deepen its global footprint through mutual recognition and strategic partnerships with leading professional bodies, including the Chartered Institute of Personnel and Development (CIPD), Chartered Professionals in Human Resources (CPHR), the Society for Human Resource Management (SHRM) and the World Federation of People Management Associations (WFPMA).

He described the partnerships as a testament to the growing influence of Nigerian HR professionals on the global stage and a reflection of CIPM’s commitment to ensuring that its members remain globally competitive.

In another significant announcement, the CIPM President revealed that the Third African Human Resource Summit will be held alongside the 59th International Conference and Exhibition (ICE 2027) next year, a development expected to further strengthen collaboration among HR practitioners across the continent and consolidate Africa’s voice in the global people management ecosystem.

The conference featured an impressive lineup of renowned speakers, business executives, public sector leaders and HR thought leaders who challenged participants to rethink conventional approaches to people management and embrace innovation, data-driven decision-making and value creation.

Many delegates described the conference as one of the most impactful editions in recent years. They praised the quality of the speakers, the relevance of the sessions and the diverse networking opportunities that enabled meaningful exchanges among professionals from different industries and countries.

As delegates departed Abuja with fresh insights, new partnerships and renewed inspiration, the closing message remained clear: the success of the conference will not be measured by the number of sessions held or contacts exchanged, but by the value created and the impact delivered in workplaces, organisations and communities.

With the curtains drawn on the 58th International Conference and Exhibition, CIPM has once again reinforced its position as the leading voice of people management in Africa, leaving participants with a renewed commitment to reposition themselves and their organisations for greater value, relevance and impact in an increasingly dynamic world of work.