Policy challengers: Where to start?

Sri Lanka’s trade volume is virtually invisible when compared with the global scale or even the giants of Asia.

In 2023, our total trade value was roughly $ 32 billion, of which exports were around $ 13.6 billion while imports were $ 17.6 billion, leaving the country with a deficit of about $ 4 billion.

Our main exports were tea, rubber, apparels and spices. The commercial plantations introduced during the colonial era remain vital for the economy, while the apparel industry which came in the late 1970s has become a mainstay of our industrial output. Known as a poor man’s industry, apparels require a large labour pool, utilises basic technology, there are many competitors, and the margins are limited.

By way of comparison, our neighbour India has a trade volume of about 1.73 trillion (exports $ 820, imports $ 915 billion). It is distinctly embarrassing when we compare ourselves with tiny Singapore which has a trade volume of $ 1.23 trillion (exports $ 638 and imports $ 567 billion).

To round up, let us glance at much ravaged Cambodia, a country of 17 million people. It has a trade volume of $ 54 billion, exports 26 billion and imports 28 billion.

Our failure is gigantic indeed!

In this dismal backdrop, my interest was piqued by a recent YouTube of a discussion with the title ‘policy challenges of globalisation in Sri Lanka’. The title was from a book launched at that event by an economist by the name of Dr. Sarath Rajapathirana. The guest of honour at the event was former president Ranil Wickremesinghe. Clearly, both men are of advanced age; where other cultures consider senility, in our country this is the age of great wisdom.

Infinitely small our share of global trade maybe, we yet can talk about it. We may not manufacture a push-bicycle that could gain a market in the outside world, but we can hold a seminar on space exploration. Going by what has been happening in our so-called intellectual circles, seminars on extra-terrestrial matters at posh hotels in Colombo should not surprise us. Our learned speakers will expand on the space race, quote the various agreements governing these things (using acronyms to show familiarity) and of course end up with vague references to our ancestors escaping gravity to explore the universe!

But we cannot make that marketable bicycle!

There is a huge audience for nonsense.

The country is a mess

At every street corner in this sorry country, we meet know-all’s; concrete results are not important, a mere show of punditry will satisfy the audience! These pundits claim massive knowledge, but their actual performance is less than mediocre, the country is a mess! Politicians are not the only charlatans; our workmanship, productivity, competitiveness is below par, any job is only half-done, nothing up to world standards. For a country that has been managing its affairs for 70 years now, the economy is paltry, the trade volume is distressing and there is much to be desired socially; a mediocrity affirming its essence.

We are a nation in the grip of mid-summer madness. What Shashi Tharoor observed of India, ‘everybody is rushing about, but no one is on time’, fits us to a tee. In our common narration, Sri Lanka is blessed with superlative leaders, but our average annual economic growth rate has been a paltry 4% since independence! We learn every day that corruption has been the lubricant of nearly every design and project in this country. Corruption in various forms: bribes, kickbacks, gifts and patronage have made yesterday’s ‘nobodies’ into today’s ‘somebodies! To a culture with doubtful moorings, the only criteria is money, and money has made these new ‘somebodies’ look gigantic, giants in a Lilliputian land!

‘Policy challenges of globalisation in Sri Lanka’ suggests that we have a policy in globalisation, now facing headwinds. Clearly the main draw at the book launch was the former President Ranil Wickremesinghe who can claim nearly 50 years in public life, a good many of these deciding national policies. For reasons not difficult to discern, Wickremesinghe has had a charmed political career since 1977; when a junior MP he was made a minister of the government led by his uncle JR Jayawardena. He went on to hold many ministerial positions, Prime Minister several times and eventually was appointed President in 2022.

Our post-independence history displays an obvious poverty in the national leadership, no great nation builders, no true visionaries, a country performance emphatically mediocre. Any economic statistic will show the emptiness of the show. However, taken as individuals, we have had several politicians who were well-read, cosmopolitan and perhaps honest when handling public funds. In the early decades after independence many politicians were educated in English, thus open to the larger world. As was habitual then, they were avid readers and had eclectic interests.

Dudley Senanayake, J.R. Jayewardene, S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike, N.M. Perera, Colvin R. De Silva, Pieter Keuneman, Bernard Soysa, Ronnie De Mel and later even Lalith Athulathmudali, Gamini Dissanayake were intellectuals in a broad sense. By their side Wickremesinghe would have been unremarkable. As these leaders gradually moved out of the stage, there was a noticeable narrowing of our intellectual landscape. Now, the ordinary looks extraordinary, in the land of the blind, the one-eyed man can be king.

A strong elected executive

When introducing his Constitution (1978) J.R. Jayewardene argued that to achieve rapid development the country needed a strong elected executive who will be free of the pressures of parliamentary politics. Since the elected executive will come with a mandate of the people, he will command legitimacy. What happened in 2022 was the very opposite of such a mandate. Wickremesinghe, who had lost his seat at the parliamentary elections before that, had come to parliament based on the single bonus seat his party had earned. And, when in 2022 the sitting President Gotabaya Rajapaksa fled the country, the parliament in which the run-away president’s brother Mahinda Rajapaksa’s People’s Alliance held a majority, elected Wickremesinghe, supposedly from the Opposition party, President.

In the turbulence of those troubled days, although constitutional formalities of succession were followed, the spirit of democracy, the mandate to rule became secondary; there was no talk of a government by the people, for the people.

The ‘Aragalaya’ which forced Gotabaya Rajapaksa to flee the country had run its course. Forced to default on its debt Sri Lanka had to swallow the IMF prescription; get credit from the IMF, increase taxes on its citizens and devalue the currency. Perhaps made delirious by the tragicomedy unfolding in the tropical heat, this was hailed by some as a huge achievement.

After a couple of years as President, Wickremesinghe went for a Presidential election. He had a choice of holding the Parliamentary election first. Often in our leaders, hubris distorts their perception. He probably fancied his chances at a Presidential election. In the Presidential contest Wickremesinghe was a distant third; no presidential mandate to start with, no endorsement at the end of the presidency! To imagine that Wickremesinghe would have another bite at policy making seems like a mid-summer night’s dream. But then, anything is possible in a Lilliputian land when in the grip of mid-summer madness!

Why listen to a man on policy challenges, when he had the power to change them while in power? To claim mastery in all kinds of economic theories is pure conjecture, when previously Wickremesinghe was in office, there was no noticeable resurgence in the economy. After his 50 years of politics, Sri Lanka remains a tiny economy, and in comparison, to Asian tiger economies, backward. To the overrated Colombo windbags, there is no other man and there is no other way. While they look for leadership from a preordained family or fakes from our doubtful elite, the world caravan has moved on.

In the discussion that followed the launch of the book Wickremesinghe was at pains to establish his erudition, as he is wont to do. Commenting peremptorily on wide-ranging topics such as the Ganges River Civilisation, the Washington Consensus (a contentious title), American trade policy today, Western security concerns and the evolution of various economic groupings among fast growing economies of Asia (invariably using the abbreviated title).

Multi-faceted subjects open to varied interpretations

Such cavalier opinions were not meant to enlighten the listener, clearly, they were apocryphal in substance. A mere opinion by a person does not mean he understands all the ramifications of the matter himself. Even if the listeners were unaware of the specific issues, they would be intelligent enough to know that these are complex and multi-faceted subjects open to varied interpretations. His words however were not meant for that small gathering, he was addressing another audience, an audience who in Wickremesinghe’s mind constitute the majority in the country; an audience which thrills almost mechanically to digs at the West and bows reverentially to any reference to Buddhism.

Expanding on the Ganges River Civilisation, Wickremesinghe said that even in those faraway days there was globalisation (trade, ideas) but as Hindus they could not cross the seas until Buddha encouraged them to do so. There was no reference to his source. The missions which took Buddha’s message to various Asian realms happened a couple of centuries later. Among other things, his message was one of peace, wisdom, impermanence and of course the renunciation of selfish cravings, but not of seafaring.

Wickremesinghe then suggested a reason for Sri Lanka’s failure, we took advice from economists from the United Kingdom, a country in decline. Singling out those from the Sussex School of Development, he described some of these advisers from Sussex as funny creatures to the hardly suppressed giggles of the audience. The East Asians on the other hand, took advice from Harvard graduates.

A leader of a bankrupt country with an economy less than $ 100 billion, was passing judgment on a country with an economy of over $ 4 trillion. For thousands of Wickremesinghe’s countrymen, entry to the United Kingdom, a country in decline in his assessment, is their only path to a better life. While publicly bashing the United Kingdom, our elite do not hide their esteem for things British, especially British educational qualifications, even an honorary degree from Britain will be grabbed with both hands. They also eagerly attend the funerals, weddings and coronations of the British King, who after all is only a symbol of that nation, a figurehead.

To our leaders, British advisers may seem funny, how would our leaders look to the outsider?

Aging men, alternately hogging leadership positions for fifty years in a country which has gone to the IMF several times, an abject receiver of foreign aid, a passport universally disregarded; a country inefficient, nepotistic and corrupt!

Towards the end of the discussion Wickremesinghe challenged a young participant ‘where do you live, do you have running water, electricity, a proper roof over your house? Before 1977 many in my electorate did not have these amenities.’

All these came to the young man only because of the enlightened leadership of the then Government of which he was a minister. Good things happen because the politician makes them happen. He is the beginning, and the end.

Are our leaders funny, or are they hilarious?

The proceedings at the book launch ended with author Sarath Rajapathirana speaking a few words. He wanted to thank with some ceremony three individuals who had assisted him in getting the book together, but he could not quite remember their names.

CSE sets new benchmark; ASPI closes above 23,000 points

Colombo stock market closed yesterday with the benchmark index reaching an all-time high.

ASPI closed up 0.69% gaining 158.99 points to 23,112.38 and the active S and P SL20 gained 0.98%, closing 60.98 points up at 6,310.26.

ASPI briefly crossed the 23,000-point threshold the previous session before closing slightly under it.

Turnover was over Rs. 6 billion on more than 187 million shares traded. Foreign investors were net sellers with a net inflow of Rs. 38.1 million.

First Capital Research said retail participation remained strong, while HNW activity was moderate. Key positive contributors to the index included SFCL, NDB, DOCK, JKH, and CTHR.

The Capital Goods sector led activity, contributing 28% to total turnover, followed by the Banking and Food, Beverage and Tobacco sectors, which jointly accounted for 28%.

’Mahinda Sulanga’, ‘Maha Jana Handa’ and Nugegoda mass rallies

A group of Sri Lankan Opposition parties – self-styled as the ‘joint Opposition – have announced that they would be launching a prolonged joint Opposition campaign of protest against the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna, (JVP)-led National People’s Power (NPP) Government of President Anura Kumara Disanayake.

The main Opposition parties involved in this exercise are the United National Party (UNP), Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) and the Pivithuru Hela Urumaya (PHU). The Chief Opposition Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) and other Opposition parties such as the Sarvajana Balaya (SB) and the Tamil Progressive Alliance (TPA) will not participate in the protest campaign.

The campaign would begin with a mass rally at Nugegoda on 21 November. The Nugegoda rally named as the ‘Mahaa Jana Handa’ (great voice of the people) would be followed by a series of mass rallies in different parts of the country. The Opposition would be highlighting issues of misgovernance, corruption and alleged suppression of Opposition parties by the NPP Government in their campaign.

The announced strategy and modus operandi of the Opposition campaign has evoked a sense of déjà vu. Comparisons are being drawn between the envisaged ‘Mahaa Jana Handa’ Nugegoda rally on 21 November 2025 and the ‘Mahinda Sulanga’ Nugegoda rally of 18 February 2015. It is even being said that the ‘Mahinda Sulanga (Mahinda Wind) rally is the inspiration for the current Opposition in launching the ‘Mahaa Jana Handa’ campaign.

It may be recalled that Mahinda Rajapaksa who had been president from 2005 November onwards was defeated by the common Opposition candidate Maithripala Sirisena at the 2015 January Presidential elections. The politically vanquished Mahinda fought back defiantly to regain lost ground. A political rally was held in Nugegoda a month after the Presidential election. The rally titled ‘Mahinda Sulanga’ was well-attended.

Thereafter a series of ‘Mahinda Sulanga’ meetings were held in different parts of the Island. These rallies mobilised mass support for Mahinda and brought about a Rajapaksa renaissance in politics. The Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna was launched in November 2016. The SLPP won the majority of Local authorities in the February 2018 Local government elections. The SLPP candidate Gotabaya Rajapaksa won the November 2019 Presidential elections. The SLPP romped home the winner in the August 2020 Parliamentary elections.

Since the venue of both the Mahinda Sulanga and Mahaa Jana Handa rallies is Nugegoda there is an ‘inaugural’ similarity. Also the current joint Opposition plans to follow up Nugegoda with more rallies elsewhere just as what had happened after the Mahinda Sulanga rally. However attempts to strike up a parallel between both could turn out to be a superficial analogy.

The Mahinda Sulanga mass rally at Nugegoda in February 2015 was a unique phenomenon. It was conceived and implemented at a different time against the backdrop of a peculiar political environment.

Many political observers who keep referring to that rally in the present context seem to be unaware or ill-informed about what exactly happened a decade ago. It is in that context therefore that this column focuses – with the aid of earlier writings – on the Mahinda Sulanga rally at Nugegoda on 18 February 2015 and its impact.

Mahinda’s defeat

Mahinda Rajapaksa erred grievously in calling for premature Presidential elections in January 2015 in a bid to be elected President for a third term. He suffered bitter defeat at the hands of the SLFP general secretary turned common Opposition presidential candidate Maithripala Sirisena.

Mahinda Rajapaksa was in a beleaguered state after facing defeat on the night of 8 January 2015. Bleak prospects were in store for him in a post-defeat situation. These ranged from legal action for alleged offences in domestic tribunals to punitive censure in International fora. There were however three silver linings in the dark cloud of defeat that was threatening to envelope him.

Three silver linings

Firstly the victorious Maithripala Sirisena had failed to win the numerical majority of the ethnic majority. It was estimated that 55% of votes cast by members of the Sinhala community had been in favour of Mahinda Rajapaksa. On the other hand estimates said 81% of voters from the three ethnic minorities namely the Sri Lankan Tamils, Muslims and Indian Tamils had polled for Maithripala Sirisena.

This had helped offset the disadvantage suffered by Sirisena in the Sinhala constituencies and entitled him to overall victory. Though the final result had favoured Sirisena, he was unable to win over the majority of the Sinhalese. Since the Sinhalese comprise 74% of the total population and Rajapaksa had won over half of the ‘Sinhala’ votes, Medamulana Mahinda therefore could not be easily written off politically. Even though some applied a racist veneer to this support, it was indeed a strong point in Mahinda’s favour and granted him considerable political clout despite his defeat.

Secondly the United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA) and its premier constituent the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) had been firmly opposed to the ultimate victor Maithripala Sirisena. Individuals and parties from the SLFP and UPFA may have thrown in their lot with Sirisena at the hustings but the SLFP and the SLFP led UPFA were organisationally intact and firmly behind Mahinda Rajapaksa.

It was anticipated earlier that the ‘Vaasi Pathata Hoiya’ syndrome would prevail after the Sirisena victory and that Parliamentarians would desert the SLFP/UPFA in large numbers. Several MP’s did cross, but the bulk of MP’s did not. The expected large scale desertion did not happen mainly because the election result had demonstrated that the majority of Sinhala voter support was still with Mahinda. Thus most MPs opted to stay put with Mahinda rather than hitch their wagon to the Maithripala star.

Thirdly and perhaps most importantly the results of the Presidential election was not accurately reflected in the then Parliament. It was a minority government that was in power under Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe. The chief Opposition United National Party (UNP) was ensconced in power as the Government while the SLFP which still retained the bulk of seats in Parliament was in the opposition. Parliament was entitled to continue till 2016 April. This was a unique situation where the ruling regime was in actuality a lame duck government.

Mahinda Rajapaksa was obviously angry about the bulk of Tamil and Muslim voters rejecting him at the polls. He used it to his advantage by going public with the charge that the minorities had defeated him. More spice was added by saying that the pro-Tiger Tamil Diaspora had conspired against him. Thereafter many SLFP and UPFA stalwarts spread the story that the hero who won the war and prevented the country from splitting had been penalised by the minorities at the elections. This anti-minority card was played effectively by Mahinda and his political minions.

Political retirement

Despite his defeat, Mahinda was at that time the single most popular mass figure among Sinhala political leaders. In spite of this advantage, Mahinda did not directly engage in confrontational politics. Mahinda ceded the leadership of the SLFP to Maithripala without resistance and seemingly embarked upon a life of political retirement and religious contemplation. He withdrew to his residences in Medamulana and Tangalle. Mahinda also visited places of Buddhist worship. It was very necessary then for the defeated ex-president to project an image of being disinterested in political office and politics. It was as if he wanted to retire from politics.

While this optical exercise was maintained at one level, a different initiative was launched on another level to mobilise public opinion in support of a Rajapaksa re-entry into politics. However it was important that Rajapaksa should not be perceived as hankering after political office so soon after the Presidential debacle. He had to be seen as a retired statesman being re-drawn into politics reluctantly due to popular demand.

Visits by people

This was initially done by arranging for people from all parts of the country to visit the ‘Lion of the Ruhunu’ in his traditional dens at Medamulana and Tangalle. The trips were subsidised and free but the people concerned made the choice freely to avail themselves of an opportunity to cross the Bentara River and travel down south and return home. No one was forced to make the trip. People decided for themselves.

What must not be lost sight of is the fact that most people who did undertake such ‘pilgrimages’ to see their fallen hero were from the lower economic strata in rural areas. Even the election results showed that Mahinda retained much support within this segment of Sri Lankan society. The feelings displayed by these rural sections visiting Mahinda were rustically genuine in contrast to the sophisticated hypocrisy of the urban upper classes. When the visitors returned home the feedback generated was positively in favour of ‘Apey Mahinda’.

While these regular visits certainly boosted Mahinda’s sagging morale they did not serve him well in a larger political sense. Busloads of people journeying to ‘kurakkan country’ to visit their ex-president was not enough to capture the national imagination or international attention. Excursions to Hambantota are of little consequence in the broader canvas that is Sri Lanka. Hence there was a need for a broader strategy.

Since the reins of the SLFP were no more in the hands of Rajapaksa ‘officially’, the elements favourable to Mahinda within the United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA) were activated. The Pro-Mahinda movement was launched without the overt involvement of the SLFP.

‘Bring Back Mahinda’

Four trusted captains from constituent parties in the UPFA were entrusted the task of launching and promoting a ‘Bring Back Mahinda’ movement. They were Dinesh Gunewardena (MEP), Vasudeva Nanayakkara (NSSP), Wimal Weerawansa (NFF) and Udaya Gammanpila (then in JHU). This quartet of three parliamentarians and one provincial councillor were the prime movers and shakers who organised the first ‘Bring Back Mahinda’ rally at Nugegoda.

The Nugegoda rally demanding the return of Mahinda Rajapaksa to politics was the opening gambit in a planned series of political chess moves by the ‘bring back Mahinda’ movement. It was a pioneering political experiment! The organisers had carefully selected the location.

They did not dare to hold it within Colombo city regarded in those days as the citadel of the United National Party (UNP) and chose to stage it elsewhere but within Colombo district for demonstration effect. The venue was on the outskirts of Colombo in proximity to the Colombo district Sinhala majority electoral divisions of Maharagama, Kotte, Homagama and Kottawa where there was greater support for Mahinda Rajapaksa as opposed to the multi-ethnic Colombo city electoral divisions.

Two-fold test

What was sought to be accomplished by the Nugegoda rally was a two-fold test. The first objective was to gauge the public mood and see whether the ground conditions were suitable to begin sowing the seeds of the campaign demanding Mahinda’s re-entry into active politics. The second was to assess the political pulse of President Sirisena in his new transfiguration as Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) leader and see how he responded to the challenge posed.

In keeping with the Indo-Sri Lankan practice of ‘Contrived crowds’ where crowds for meetings are brought by organisers, busloads of supporters were transported to the venue to make up a large crowd at the Nugegoda rally. Since the meeting was the first of its kind after Mahinda’s political defeat on 8 January, the organisers could not rely upon people attending on their own volition alone.

A poor crowd at the preliminary rally would have been a political disaster. So thousands of people were brought to the venue. But what exhilarated the Mahinda movement organisers was the unexpectedly large voluntary turn out. The ‘contrived’ crowd was outnumbered by the people who came on their own. The organisers exaggerated the numbers as being in the range of six figures. That was not so! The attendance was in five digits. This by itself was quite impressive and sufficient to cause shock waves in the anti – Mahinda camp.

Like evangelical rallies where there is whipped up devotional fervour, there was much orchestrated frenzy at the Mahinda movement rally too. Mahinda himself did not make an appearance but his message was read out to the nation with gusto by academic cum ex-diplomat Dayan Jayatilleka.

Rajapaksa renaissance

The Nugegoda rally succeeded in ‘shocking and awing’ the nation. By a well-executed demonstration at Nugegoda Mahinda Rajapaksa was able to prove that he was not a spent force and that he was a force to be reckoned with yet. It was the harbinger of a Rajapaksa renaissance in politics. The downside to this was the overt and covert anti-minority campaign conducted. The appeal was to the Sinhala majority alone. As a result the majority of Tamil and Muslim voters were not supportive of the Rajapaksas.

As stated earlier the twin objectives of the Mahinda Sulanga Nugegoda rally were to gauge and demonstrate the political popularity of Mahinda Rajapaksa on the one hand and pose a defiant political challenge to the authority of the new President and new SLFP leader Maithripala Sirisena on the other. It was in a sense a test to see how Sirisena conducted himself under pressure.

The Nugegoda rally was a success from the point of view of the organisers. A very large crowd both contrived and voluntary had converged at the venue. More importantly a large number of SLFP parliamentarians, provincial councillors and local authority representatives attended the event without mounting the stage.

Acid test for Maithripala

The defiance displayed by these MPs and councillors from the SLFP was a direct affront to the new party leader Maithripala. This was the acid test for the president. How would he react? Would he sting like a bee and show who the boss was?

President Sirisena did not sting like a bee! If at all he did sting, it was like a butterfly. Empty warnings and feeble threats were issued. None of which were taken seriously. No punitive action followed. Sirisena was perceived as a weak leader. The Mahinda movement tasted blood. A series of mass rallies followed at regular intervals in places like Kandy, Ratnapura, Matara, Kurunegala, etc.

The participation of SLFP parliamentarians and councillors increased in numbers. Some even took to the stage. Some months later the ‘iron butterfly’ Hirunika Premachandra was to observe that had President Sirisena cracked down hard on SLFP elements in the aftermath of the Nugegoda rally, the other rallies may not have occurred.

That however did not happen as President Sirisena was found wanting. Instead of fizzling out the ‘Bring back Mahinda’ movement continued to dazzle. Ultimately the Bring Back Mahinda movement achieved its goal of bringing back Mahinda to ‘Temple Trees’!

Govt. in dominant position

Apart from the similarity of venue, the Nugegoda rallies of Mahinda Sulanga and Mahaa Jana Handa are totally different. The JVP/NPP Government seems to be in a dominant position vis a vis the Opposition. President AKD is currently the single most popular mass figure in Sri Lankan politics. There is no one of equal stature among Opposition leaders.

The NPP popularity may have eroded at the local authority elections but the fact remains that the Compass won the bulk of seats at the polls as opposed to the Opposition. The Government has not lost much support in the country. Though rumblings of discontent are discernible, there is no massive roar of protest by the people at large against the Government.

The issues likely to be raised by the Opposition parties are of little consequence at present to the public. Furthermore there are many who feel that the Opposition politicians are panicking due to the fear of being penalised through the anti-corruption campaign conducted by the Government.

Moreover despite some internal tension, there is overall unity within Government ranks. As such there is very little chance of the opposition promoting dissension within the Government at the present time. In contrast there is much disparity among and within the Opposition.

The chief Opposition party led by the accredited leader of the Opposition keeps aloof from the protest campaign. It is like the Ramayana being staged without Lord Rama. Furthermore the fragile semblance of unity among Opposition parties is likely to shatter if and when provincial council elections are held.

‘Time will tell’

It is clear therefore that the ‘Mahinda Sulanga’ Nugegoda rally and the proposed ‘Mahaa Jana Handa’ Nugegoda rally are vastly different. The political ecosystem in which the former was held does not apply to the latter. It is premature at this juncture to assess whether the envisaged 21 February rally at Nugegoda would be a success or not. Time will only tell!

Festive spirit comes alive at The Kingsbury, Colombo’s annual cake mixing ceremony

The Kingsbury, Colombo, has officially welcomed the most wonderful time of the year with its annual cake mixing ceremonyheld at The Winchester. The lively and spirited event marked the traditional start of the festive season at the hotel, bringing together colleagues from across departments for an evening filled with laughter, music and merriment.

The ceremony was led by Executive Chef Manjula Wickrama, who, together with his talented culinary team, guided the celebration with the joyful preparation of the rich, aromatic cake mixture that will soon become part of The Kingsbury’s signature festive treats. The event was graced by General Manager Nandana Wirasinghe, Heads of Departments and members of the hotel’s culinary and service teams.

Adding to the festive atmosphere, the event featured live music as staff donned cheerful Santa hats and joined in the seasonal fun. The Winchester came alive with the warmth and camaraderie that have come to define The Kingsbury’s celebrations.

Executive Chef Manjula Wickrama said, ‘The Kingsbury is the best place in the city, to experience the joy of the festive season. Every year, our team pours passion and heart into making Christmas at The Kingsbury a time to remember.’

As one of Colombo’s most iconic five-star hotels, The Kingsbury continues to uphold its tradition of celebrating the season with grandeur, joy and heartfelt hospitality, inviting guests to once again experience the heart of Christmas at the city’s most beloved five-star hotel.

Lion Nation Foundation and Melting Point champion sustainability at the Presidential Environment Awards 2025 | Daily FT

The Presidential Environment Awards 2025, held recently, celebrated the achievements of Sri Lankan entities championing environmental responsibility. However, unknown to many, the event also captured the spirit of innovation and sustainability symbolized in the very trophies presented.

This year’s Gold, Silver, Bronze, Merit and Special Jury Award trophies bestowed at the Presidential Environment Awards were crafted by transforming approximately 141 Kilograms, i.e., 12,600 used aluminium cans, into bespoke creations, thereby reinforcing the importance of circularity.

Bringing the ‘Can to Craft’ vision to life at the Presidential Environment Awards, Lion Nation Foundation (Guarantee) Limited (LNF) and Melting Point have once again demonstrated how innovation and responsibility can turn discarded materials into lasting symbols of achievement. It also emphasizes the importance of partnerships between the public and private sectors in driving meaningful change.

LNF initiatives operate under three key pillars namely Water, Waste and Knowledge. The Melting Point initiative is supported under LNF’s Waste Pillar, which is dedicated to transforming waste management in Sri Lanka through education, segregation, innovation, and sustainable community-led action. Since its inception, Melting Point has worked to empower local artisans, promote upcycling, and create visibility for sustainable craftsmanship through projects ranging from community clean-ups to the creation of iconic trophies for national events. The latter includes the Presidential Environment Award trophies for 2024 as well as the Lanka Premier League T20 2023 Champion Trophy and the 24 ‘Man of the Match’ trophies for the same tournament.

JVP Minister slams welfare dependency as ‘legal begging’

Industry and Entrepreneurship Development Minister Sunil Handunneththi, a senior member of the leftist Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), the dominant party in the National People’s Power (NPP) coalition, has criticised Sri Lanka’s welfare culture, calling the acceptance of Aswesuma benefits ‘legal begging’ and urging citizens to reject long-term dependency on State aid.

Speaking at a public meeting, Handunneththi said poverty eradication must come from sustainable, productive solutions rather than recurring welfare handouts.

‘Aswesuma beneficiaries should be ashamed. It is like begging legally. If we want to develop as a nation, we must move away from this dependency mentality,’ he said.

The Minister said the Government, led by a left-leaning coalition, does not intend to sustain the Aswesuma program indefinitely or exploit it for political gain.

‘The goal should be to end Aswesuma through a clear program and plan. I would be happy to see the day when this subsidy no longer exists,’ he said.

Handunneththi added that the transition away from welfare should not be abrupt or coercive. ‘It is up to the people to decide. Will poverty always exist, or will we challenge it and move forward?’ he asked.

Beyond congestion: Urgent need to reform Colombo’s port operations

Every delay at the Port of Colombo now comes at a heavy price. For Sri Lanka’s apparel industry, time is not just money it’s trust. The recent reports of ships failing to call at Colombo because of potential delays in the Port of Colombo, are a major concern for exporters who depend on reliability to stay competitive in global markets.

Over the past few months, several shipping lines have started bypassing Colombo, sometimes just a day or two before arrival. Typically, these are vessels from the Far East containing raw materials required by the industry. When this happens, containers carrying fabric, zippers, buttons, or trims are either unloaded at another port or arrive days later. For manufacturers working on tight schedules, even a small delay can cause missed production deadlines, late deliveries, or the need to airfreight finished goods at much higher cost to meet deadlines agreed with customers

Colombo has long been the heart of Sri Lanka’s export logistics. But that reputation is now under strain. While vessels bypassing the port is the visible problem, the real issue lies in how the port operates. Delays in moving containers between terminals, outdated manual systems, and slow coordination between port agencies have all combined to create a serious bottleneck.

This affects every part of the supply chain. When shipments of raw materials are delayed, exporters face downtime on the production floor, contract penalties, and frustrated buyers. For small and medium apparel exporters, who run on tight margins, even one missed shipment can wipe out weeks of earnings as they are called on to airfreight goods to meet contracted dates of delivery.

While Sri Lanka struggles with inefficiency, our regional competitors are moving ahead. India’s new Vizhinjam Port and others in Singapore and Dubai now offer seamless digital coordination, faster vessel turnaround, and fully automated systems. As a result, some of the transshipment traffic that once came through Colombo is now being diverted.

Sri Lanka still handles a large volume of regional cargo-around 7.7 million containers this year but slow processes and red tape are making the system less attractive. Even today, exporters face extra costs and delays because authorities insist on re-testing imported raw materials locally instead of accepting international certifications.

Reform over expansion

Expanding port berthing capacity alone will not solve the issue. Inter Terminal Transfer (ITT) and yard capacity issues need to be addressed. What Sri Lanka truly needs is a port system that is smarter, faster, and more transparent. JAAF calls on the Government and the Sri Lanka Ports Authority to focus on operational reform streamlining digital pre-clearance, improving cargo tracking, and ensuring seamless coordination between terminals. The Port of Colombo needs to be the port of choice of vessel operators. Only through these practical, efficiency-driven reforms can Colombo regain its standing as a dependable regional trade hub.

Protecting our reputation

Sri Lanka’s apparel industry has built a global reputation for quality, reliability, and ethical manufacturing. But that reputation depends on our ability to deliver on time. If shipping lines continue to lose confidence in Colombo’s efficiency, the consequences will go far beyond the apparel sector.

JAAF stands ready to work with the Government, port operators, and other stakeholders to find solutions. With the right reforms, Colombo can regain its standing as South Asia’s preferred logistics hub. But time is running out and for an export-driven nation like ours, every delay at the port is a delay in progress.

Verité Research flags risk to potential $ 70 m debt relief

Verité Research, in a post on social media, has warned that Sri Lanka risks losing $ 70 million in debt relief under its Governance-Linked Bond (GLB) because of a fiscal planning oversight.

The think tank explained that Sri Lanka would qualify for the relief only if it meets two specific revenue targets: 15.3% of GDP in 2026, and 15.4% the following year. However, the Government’s fiscal strategy projects revenue ratios slightly below the thresholds required to unlock the benefit at 15.2% of GDP in 2026 and 15.3% in 2027.

The Government’s projections are aligned with the IMF’s latest expectations but fall short of the GLB requirements.

Verité Research offered the solution: ‘Adjust the revenue targets in the Budget to match the GLB targets.’

Beyond beautiful: Cosmic by Citrus redefines luxury events and evening escapes

Citrus Leisure unveils Cosmic, an extraordinary new concept designed to elevate luxury events and evening escapes to unprecedented heights. Crafted for those with discerning tastes and an eye for refinement, Cosmic transcends the ordinary to create immersive experiences where beauty, elegance, and sophistication converge. With an exclusive seating capacity of 280 guests, this intimate yet grand setting ensures every moment is infused with personalised luxury and unforgettable atmosphere.

Rooted in Citrus Leisure’s dedication to excellence, Cosmic is more than just an event, it is a celebration of the finer things in life. Whether hosting an intimate gathering or a grand soirée, Cosmic delivers a meticulously curated ambiance that inspires awe and delights the senses. Each element is thoughtfully designed to resonate with the sophisticated and aspirational lifestyle of today’s elite clientele.

Cosmic is our commitment to redefining what luxury means in the realm of events and evening escapes. We believe luxury is not just about opulence but about crafting meaningful moments that linger in memory. Cosmic embodies that philosophy, blending exquisite design, impeccable service, and an inviting atmosphere that feels both exclusive and warmly welcoming.

From stunning venue aesthetics to bespoke culinary experiences, every facet of Cosmic is tailored to evoke wonder and elevate social gatherings to artful expressions of style and grace. This innovative approach ensures that each event is a seamless blend of grandeur and comfort, allowing guests to immerse themselves fully in the magic of the evening.

Cosmic by Citrus invites patrons to step beyond the conventional and indulge in an experience where luxury is redefined through creativity, attention to detail, and heartfelt hospitality. It is the ultimate destination for those who seek not just to attend an event but to live an unforgettable story.

Sarvodaya Development Finance rating upgraded to BBB- with Stable Outlook

Lanka Rating Agency Ltd., (LRA) has upgraded the entity rating of Sarvodaya Development Finance PLC (SDF) to BBB- with a Stable Outlook, from BB+ with a Stable Outlook.

The LRA said SDF is a Licenced Finance Company (LFC) with strong rural outreach, supported by its longstanding affiliation with the Sarvodaya Movement, although its size remains relatively small.

It said the ratings upgrade reflects the company’s notable improvement in financial performance, strengthened capital position, and continued prudence in asset quality management, supported by its growing footprint in the Micro, Small and Medium Enterprise (MSME), leasing, and gold loan segments.

SDF’s loan portfolio grew by 25.4% to Rs. 24 billion in the six months of FY26 (FY25: approx. Rs. 19.2 billion), while profitability improved to approx. Rs. 340.5 million during 6M FY26 (FY25: approx. Rs. 473.8 million), supported by lower funding costs, strong portfolio growth, and stable spreads.

The sustainability and quality of earnings is critical and will be closely monitored, alongside other key performance indicators, to assess the company’s ability to maintain its improved financial profile.

SDF demonstrated improvement in asset quality, as reflected by the lower gross Non-Performing Loans (NPLs) ratio to 6.0% as of 6M FY26 (FY25: 7.9%), below the industry average. Following the issuance of Tier II debentures amounting to Rs. 2 billion, SDF’s capitalisation remains robust and well above the regulatory requirement, with a Capital Adequacy Ratio (CAR) of 25.9%. This capital buffer is expected to provide adequate headroom for the envisaged portfolio growth, facilitating the achievement of its FY26 projected growth.

The company’s deposit base grew by 2.7% to approx. Rs. 10 billion during 6M FY26, which makes up 43% of the funding mix. The rating remains constrained by the company’s modest market position within the LFC sector and relatively lower profitability, as reflected by its asset base, which constituted around 1.13% of total industry assets as of 3M FY26.

The LRA also said the rating is contingent upon SDF’s ability to strengthen its relative position within the sector and maintain asset quality with NPLs below industry averages. Enhancing profitability, maintaining a healthy CAR ratio (at or above industry average), and expanding market share will be critical to maintaining SDF’s rating. Any significant lapse in these indicators will have an adverse impact on the rating, the LRA added.