Category: Daily Financial Times

The Finance Ministry has appointed Sunimal Weerasooriya to the Board of Bank of Ceylon as an Independent, Non-Executive Director.

The appointment was made based on the recommendations of a five-member special committee and approval of the Central Bank of Sri Lanka.

Weerasooriya is a technology professional with over 30 years’ experience across digital payments, logistics, automated clearing house/payment infrastructure, information security, BPO, cash management, investment banking, and production and training.

He specialises in technology strategy, digital transformation, technology management, technology transfer, business strategy and innovation.

He was the former Director General/CEO of LankaPay Ltd. and was instrumental in setting up LankaPay, the digital payments backbone infrastructure in Sri Lanka under CBSL guidance.

More recently Weerasooriya served as the Senior Vice President – Technology and Innovation at Transnational Group, Singapore and also functioned as the Country Director of Transnational Group of Companies in Sri Lanka as a seconded role.

He has served as Board Director of many companies in diverse sectors such as Transnational Technology Solutions Lanka Ltd., Transnational Lanka Ltd., Pronto Lanka Ltd., Mountain Hawk Express Ltd., MMBL Money Transfer Lt., MMBL CyberSkills Ltd., Hanwella Rubber Products Ltd., and Sri Lanka Computer Emergency Response Team.

Weerasooriya currently serves as Independent Non-Executive Director of Synapsys Ltd. He is also an Accredited International Mediator of Singapore International Mediation Institute, Sage Mediation, Singapore and IADRC, Sri Lanka.

He graduated with a First-Class Honours Degree in Engineering from the University of Peradeniya in 1992 and later obtained several post-graduate qualifications in multiple disciplines such as an MBA from Postgraduate Institute of Management, an MBA in Management of Technology form Asian Institute of Technology, Thailand and an MSc in Project Management from Curtin University of Technology Australia.

He is also a Fellow Member of the Chartered Management Institute of UK.

BYD together with its authorised distributor in Sri Lanka, John Keells CG Auto, marked a dual milestone with the opening of its sixth showroom in Moratuwa and the launch of the BYD SEALION 5 Plug-in Hybrid SUV.

The new BYD showroom in Moratuwa marks the brand’s third fully owned facility in Sri Lanka, joining Colombo and Kurunegala. This expansion enhances access to BYD’s growing portfolio of New Energy Vehicles (NEVs) for customers in Colombo’s southern suburbs. Supported by fully equipped service centres in Colombo and Wattala, BYD and JKCG Auto are steadily building a strong support ecosystem, ensuring customers receive reliable after-sales care and can confidently embrace advanced new energy mobility.

The BYD SEALION 5 joins BYD’s Sri Lankan line-up as a compact plug-in hybrid SUV built on the brand’s Super DM-i technology platform. Equipped with a high-efficiency 1.5L Xiaoyun engine paired with BYD’s Blade Battery, the BYD SEALION 5 offers a combined driving range of up to 1,030 km (NEDC). Beyond efficiency, the model has been developed with practicality and comfort in mind, featuring a spacious interior, advanced driver assistance systems, and design elements inspired by BYD’s ‘Ocean Aesthetics’ concept. Together, these features make the BYD SEALION 5 well-suited for both daily urban commutes and long-distance travel across Sri Lanka.

‘We are pleased to announce two milestone additions to BYD’s growing presence with the opening of our new BYD showroom in Moratuwa to better serve customers in the Colombo Southern suburbs.’

‘As part of our ongoing expansion strategy, we are also excited to introduce the BYD SEALION 5, an advanced hybrid SUV powered by BYD’s Super DM-i technology. This model represents our continued commitment to offering sustainable mobility solutions in Sri Lanka, ensuring that customers have access to the highest quality NEVs that combine performance, energy efficiency, and range for everyday driving,’ said John Keells CG Auto, CEO Charith Panditharatne.

The UN Committee on Enforced Disappearances (CED) on Tuesday issued its findings on Sri Lanka during the ongoing session of the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC).

In its report, the Committee said it was concerned about the lack of a comprehensive register of disappeared persons and the limited progress in clarifying their fate and whereabouts, noting that the Office on Missing Persons (OMP) had only traced 23 disappeared persons out of the 16,966 received cases.

It also stated its concern about the high level of impunity, reflected in the lack of progress in the investigation and prosecution of alleged enforced disappearances, including those that occurred during the armed conflict.

The Committee also said it was concerned about the accidental discovery of at least 17 mass graves which underscored the limited forensic capacity among competent authorities and the absence of centralised ante-mortem and post-mortem databases as well as a national genetic database.

It urged Sri Lanka to strengthen the capacity of competent national institutions to locate and identify mass graves, seek and conduct exhumations, and develop a comprehensive strategy for the search for, identification, excavation, and investigation of identified burial sites.

This comes days after the UNHRC adopted a new resolution on Sri Lanka without a vote to extend for two more years the mandate of the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR). This means the Government will have two years before a comprehensive review of how it addresses human rights issues in the country.

The reality for any party that takes power in the country is that it has to address human rights issues that remain unaddressed for decades. It is not the doing of one government or of a few individuals, this is an issue that the citizens of the country need to collectively come to understand as one that cannot be sidestepped forever, if there is to be genuine interest in reconciliation in the country.

The NPP Government which won overwhelmingly at the Parliamentary election from the North and East of the country promised to address human rights violations/disappearances, etc. but so far not much has changed.

There were promises to replace the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) but other than appointing an expert committee to review the law, it remains very much in place and people continue to be detained under the PTA.

There was also the pledge to set up an independent prosecutor office which too has made little headway.

The Government, during its submission to the UNHRC was firm that it will only be through the domestic process that human rights violations will be investigated, and those found guilty punished. Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath who addressed the meeting said State institutions have already been de-politicised and strengthened and there is more scope for independent and fair investigation in the country than ever before.

The problem with this position is that neither the UN nor the countries that have been calling for international investigations into Sri Lanka are willing to take it seriously. They see a lack of credibility in the domestic process as well a lack of faith in the system by families of victims of alleged war crimes/disappearances.

Hence for the Government both convincing international partners as well as the family members of victims to keep faith in the local system is a challenging task.

Successive Governments have used the UNHRC sessions to buy time, but justice has not been delivered. The NPP, unless it acts with sincerity and firmly, will tell the UNHRC the same story two years down the line with little to show for progress.

Sarvodaya Development Finance PLC’s (SDF) Rs. 2 billion listed debenture issue was snapped up on its opening day yesterday.

SDF issued 10 million Tier 2 listed, rated, unsecured, subordinated, redeemable, five-year (2025/2030) high-yield Sustainable Bonds of Rs. 100 each to raise Rs. 1 billion, with an option to issue an equal amount in the event of an oversubscription of the initial issue.

SDF said it received applications for over Rs. 2 billion and, accordingly, the issue has been oversubscribed.

The basis of allotment will be notified to the Colombo Stock Exchange in due course.

Global hotel operator Minor International Group yesterday emphasised Sri Lanka’s recovery depends on brand building, better service, and a clean break from discount-led tourism.

Minor International Group CEO Dillip Rajakarier used his keynote at CA Sri Lanka’s 46th National Conference to explain his own journey at Minor, the company’s near-failure during COVID-19, and how it rebounded, then mapped the country’s opportunity and the friction points holding the industry back.

Minor International (MINT) is a global company focused on two core businesses: hospitality and restaurants. MINT is a hotel owner, operator and investor with a portfolio of 643 hotels under the Anantara, Avani, Oaks, Tivoli, NH Collection, NH, nhow, Elewana, Wolseley, Four Seasons, St. Regis, JW Marriott and Radisson Blu brands in 65 countries across Asia Pacific, the Middle East, Africa, the Indian Ocean, Europe and the Americas.

Rajakarier became CEO of Minor Hotels in 2011 and Group CEO of Minor International in early 2020 as the pandemic hit. Today, he oversees more than 530 properties in 56 countries, along with food and retail businesses of about 2,500 dining outlets and nearly 400 points of sale. His finance and IT background pushed digital transformation across operations and strategy.

The defining test was the 2018 acquisition of NH Hotel Group. ‘At the time, we had around 120 hotels and we set out to buy 385 more. It looked like the best deal in 2018 and became the worst deal in COVID,’ he said. With hotels and restaurants shut, Minor lost about a billion dollars in 18 months.

‘It is not how you fall, it is how fast you rebound,’ he said, noting the company delivered record results by 2022 and is now expanding NH brands into new markets. Minor has roughly 85,000 rooms and hosts about 85,000 guests a day, which he framed as the payoff for thinking global and taking calculated risks. ‘To take risks and fail is not a failure. If you do not take risks, you fail.’

He told Sri Lanka to build clusters that link tourism with IT, logistics, and agriculture, and to move from being a producer to a brand builder. He cited Minor’s food play in Thailand, which shifted from franchising a global pizza chain to creating The Pizza Company, localised for Thai tastes and later franchised abroad. The lesson, he said, is to own the brand and the story.

Tourism should be Sri Lanka’s springboard, but not by chasing volumes. ‘We talk about 2 million tourists. That does not add to GDP unless it is value tourism,’ he said. He pointed to Thailand’s ‘soft power’ boost from the White Lotus series, filmed in Minor hotels, which helped lift rates by more than 40%. By contrast, Sri Lanka is positioned as one of the cheapest destinations, where a room can be had for about $ 60. ‘For $ 60, I cannot travel from London to Birmingham,’ he said.

He called for a national brand that is consistent, powerful, and aspirational. ‘Tourists do not buy hotels. They buy a story.’

He described Sri Lanka as a living museum, wellness sanctuary, and adventure playground that can win on authenticity if the service chain works. A recent fast-track arrival in Colombo still took him about an hour because the business-class lane doubled for airline crews.

‘This is not seamless tourism. This is painful tourism,’ he said.

His prescription was simple. Invest in infrastructure and people. Train for service. Make airports and roads work. Remove frictions that kill the premium the country seeks.

Sustainability, he said, must be strategy, not marketing. The next wave of travellers will choose destinations that enforce it. Sri Lanka can lead in eco-tourism, community tourism, and wellness. Get this right and tourism brings foreign exchange and rebrands the nation as authentic and resilient.

The Asia Pacific Motorsport Championship (APMC) 2025 concluded at the SpeedBay Circuit, Bandaragama, Sri Lanka, from 26 to 28 September, drawing 210 competitors from 17 nations across the region.

After a thrilling weekend of competition across karting, autocross, eSports, and gymkhana disciplines, the Philippines emerged as the overall champions, while Sri Lanka secured second place and Hong Kong, China, finished third.

The event marked several historic firsts: the unveiling of the FIA Cross Car, locally designed, engineered, and built under the FIA’s Affordable Cross Car initiative; the first-ever Cross Car event in the region; the debut of 4-stroke Karting Endurance; and an Auto Gymkhana run using locally assembled Hyundai Grand i10s.

Meanwhile, a returning discipline included Karting Sprint, which saw the region’s best talent across the Cadet, Junior, and Senior categories take to the tracks. Karting Slalom, meanwhile, managed to pull in over 40 regional competitors who battled it out over a tight and twisting slalom course which testing driver’s memory, precision, and speed.

Winners in the eSports category received Next Level Racing F-GT Lite rigs, highlighting the growing importance of virtual racing in developing grassroots motorsport. The event was organised by the Ceylon Motor Sports Club (CMSC), a member of the Fédération Internationale de l’Automobile (FIA).

Medal Tally (Top Three)

Philippines – 2 Gold, 2 Silver, 2 Bronze (6 total)

Sri Lanka – 2 Gold, 2 Silver, 1 Bronze (5 total)

Hong Kong, China – 2 Gold, 1 Silver, 2 Bronze (5 total)

Highlights of podium results

Cross Car Autocross: Gold – Ashan Silva (Sri Lanka), Silver – Ricardo Enrique Montelibano (Philippines), Bronze – Mohd Shafic Bin Samsudin (Malaysia)

Auto Gymkhana (Male): Gold – Ashish Bharati (India), Silver – Kum Yao Tseng (Chinese Taipei), Bronze – Richard Gallardo (Philippines)

Auto Gymkhana (Female): Gold – Corrine East Johnston (Australia), Silver – Tarushi Vikram (India), Bronze – Dina Mukhametzianova (Kazakhstan)

Karting Endurance (Team): Gold – Kyrgyzstan, Silver – Pakistan, Bronze – Uzbekistan

Karting Slalom (Junior): Gold – Evan Samarajiwa (Sri Lanka), Silver – Sophia Zara Binti Mustaffa Kamal (Malaysia), Bronze – Shenuka Nithin Wijayaesekara (Sri Lanka)

Karting Slalom (Senior): Gold – Carlos Inigo Anton (Philippines), Silver – Yu Kuan (Chinese Taipei), Bronze – Chen Xuan Wu (Chinese Taipei)

Karting Sprint (Cadet): Gold – Mason Alexander (Hong Kong, China), Silver – Carson Choy (Hong Kong, China), Bronze – Sum Mei Alice Lo (Hong Kong, China)

Karting Sprint (Junior): Gold – Axel Nocom (Philippines), Silver – Tehan Amarasiri (Sri Lanka), Bronze – Hyungi Min (South Korea)

Karting Sprint (Senior): Gold – Yu Ka Po (Hong Kong, China), Silver – Aaran Dean (India), Bronze – Zarif Wakra (Malaysia)

eSports iRacing: Gold – Sota Muto (Japan), Silver – Nabil Azalan (Malaysia), Bronze – Russel Reyes (Philippines)

eSports Assetto Corsa: Gold – Naquid Azian (Malaysia), Silver – Luis Moreno (Philippines), Bronze – Yim Ching Kit (Hong Kong, China)

FIA Secretary General for Sport, Valerio Iachizzi, said: ‘It has been a huge challenge, with fierce competition and rivalry, but more than this, what I want to highlight is the fact that you have created memories and friendships, and this is something you will carry with you for your entire life. It’s important for me to acknowledge the tremendous work of the Ceylon Motor Sports Club (CMSC) and thank the entire organisation. On behalf of the President of the FIA, I warmly thank the working groups and everyone who dedicated so much time and effort to make this event happen. It’s a real honour for me to be here representing the entire federation, the staff, and everyone involved. I’m here to say congratulations to all of you.’

The championship was powered by an esteemed roster of partners: Hyundai Abans Auto – Official Automobile Partner, Westlake Tires – Gymkhana Tire Partner, Eastwind Logistics – Logistics Partner, Next Level Racing – eSports Title Sponsor, Chama Computers – Technology Partner, Akbar Tea – Official Tea Partner, and Meguiar’s – Coverage Partner.

Talks between the Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB) and the Government over the ongoing restructuring process have broken down, prompting electricity trade unions to intensify their month-long work-to-rule campaign.

Union representatives said they have decided to suspend all cooperation with officials from the Ministry of Power, the CEB Director General, and others involved in the restructuring initiative.

‘We will not take part in discussions or participate in any activity connected to the restructuring process. Despite our continued trade union action for more than a month, the Government has neither resolved the issues nor held meaningful talks with us. Our campaign will continue and be further intensified until the authorities respond,’ a union spokesperson told the media.

Electricity sector unions have been protesting against the restructuring of the CEB, claiming the process is being carried out without transparency or consultation with employees.

The latest Human Rights Council Resolution on Sri Lanka (60/L-1/Rev-1) was adopted without a vote in Geneva on the 6th of October 2025, despite Sri Lanka’s strongly stated rejection of it. What happened there and why was it adopted ‘without a vote’?

At its simplest, it was adopted that way because a call for a vote on the resolution was consciously passed up by Sri Lanka, which could have requested a member state such as China, to call for it.

Immediately after Sri Lanka’s Permanent Representatives at the UN in Geneva, Himali Arunatilleka’s speech rejecting the Resolution, the Chair of the UNHRC asked the Council if anybody would like to call for a vote on the Resolution, since there was clearly a difference of opinion on it, including those of China and Cuba which had disassociated themselves from what was seemingly a consensus on the Resolution earlier.

Despite the rejection of the resolution by Sri Lanka, there was deadly silence in the Council. The Chair then gavelled it through as adopted without a vote, indicating no serious objections by any country to its formal adoption. Clearly, Sri Lanka had not arranged for a friendly member country to call for a vote on its behalf.

This decision not to call for a vote, deliberately taken by Sri Lanka, presumably had some logic. One was articulated on TV the next day by a government representative, who explained that there was nothing the UNHRC could do to us, so we didn’t bother with a vote. Could the government then explain why the Foreign Minister, who didn’t go to some important international summits such as the BRICS and SCO, actually made the effort to fly to Geneva and speak there on this Resolution?

There could be far more credible reasons for this decision than this possible cover-up. The last time Sri Lanka called for a vote on the OSLAP at the UNHRC in 2022, it got 7 votes, and the mechanism of the Accountability Project was actually strengthened and extended through the Resolution it lost.

Was the government worried that it may not gather even that number of votes (which was the lowest thus far) in favour of the country and thereby expose to Sri Lankan citizens, its lack of skills in building global support for its position at international forums?

Or was the Govt not serious about challenging the legitimacy of the Accountability Project and the ‘rejection’ was simply throwing a bone to Sri Lankans anxious back home, an eyewash for public consumption, a show of bravado, which they never meant to follow through?

Slapping the OSLAP

Ambassador/Permanent Representative Himali Karunatilleka’s statement was clear. She said that Sri Lanka had fundamental objections to the Resolution due its reference to the Office of the Sri Lanka Accountability Project (OSLAP) set up within the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), the mandate of which had been extended in 2022 via subsequent Resolutions, and further extended this time in October 2025.

She explained to the Council that the issue was with ‘the external evidence gathering mechanism on Sri Lanka within the OHCHR, which, in our view is an unprecedented and ad hoc expansion of the Council´s mandate.’ She further stated that Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath had ‘reiterated that Sri Lanka does not accept the external evidence gathering mechanism set up by the OHCHR.’

This mechanism set up in 2021 and strengthened and extended in 2022 according to the OHCHR website, and was established ‘to strengthen the capacity of the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) ‘to collect, consolidate, analyse and preserve information and evidence and to develop possible strategies for future accountability processes for gross violations of human rights or serious violations of international humanitarian law in Sri Lanka, to advocate for victims and survivors, and to support relevant judicial and other proceedings, including in Member States, with competent jurisdiction”.

This alludes to Universal Jurisdiction, which means that unlike in the case of the International Criminal Court, one’s country (in this case, Sri Lanka) doesn’t have to have signed up to the Rome Statute to be prosecuted for such crimes in another country which decides to take up the case for prosecution in their own jurisdiction.

What could be done?

Since the current government objects to this prospect, what options were available in order to achieve a favourable outcome for Sri Lanka? It had an entire year to think about this and to exercise at least one option freely available to it, since this mechanism already existed for a few years.

Since Sri Lanka declared that the new mechanism was an ‘unprecedented and ad hoc expansion of the Council´s mandate’, setting out a generic criticism of the Office of the High Commissioner for exceeding the mandate, it would have been the logical thing to do to as a member of the United Nations, to convince as many members of the Council as possible of the dangers of such a precedence and the implications of it for all countries, and to convince them to oppose it for their collective benefit and of the UN system.

Since our diplomats are stationed in Geneva permanently, did the government instruct them to pursue this option? These efforts take time. Or did the government, including the Foreign Minister, simply pay lip service to these objections only at the very last session?

Did the Foreign Minister take this up with member countries of the Council when he visited Geneva in September? Did he take it up with his counterparts in other countries when he attended the High-Level Segment of the Human Rights Council in February/March 2025, with Ministers, Heads of State and other High Officials attending the sessions? Did Sri Lanka make a concerted effort to remove what they find so objectionable, from being further extended? Or were Foreign Minister Herath and the government unaware that this was a course of action available to them?

What does it say about the efficacy of their diplomacy as they opted to watch helplessly, unable to gather a minimum number of states to support them in their objections and rejection?

What really happened?

The truth may be more complex than it appears. China and Cuba, both influential at the Council and at the UN in general, also objected to this mechanism and disassociated themselves from the resolution on Sri Lanka. Why did the Sri Lankan government not use the leverage of these friendly states to garner support from other members of the Council?

Sri Lanka did not articulate any objections to or rejection of any other item in the Resolution. It had largely undertaken to do many of the things in the previous resolutions: Repeal the Prevention of Terrorism Act and appoint a committee to examine its repeal; amend the Online Safety Act, the reopening of investigations into some cases of human rights violations and the Easter Sunday bombings; to establish an independent public prosecutorial body, among other things.

In promising the Independent Public Prosecutor’s Office, they went much further than any other government to date, with the public yet unaware as to its contours, much like the (at least) 7 agreements signed with India by the Govt.

Therefore, the Govt had a good hand to play with, in any negotiations. Even after the Resolution was presented for consultations at these sessions (which is a mandated step in the process), was the Sri Lankan delegation unable to gather support for a debate at least on the one item (OSLAP) that they objected to? Obviously, the consultations with other states went cordially, as our Ambassador thanked them for their cooperation, positive suggestions and even amendments.

On behalf of Sri Lanka, our Ambassador questioned the ‘credibility, transparency of how this office was set up, its work and the budget.’ She said after 4 years, there had been no benefit to the people of Sri Lanka. She said it only served ‘those with vested interests’ and would ‘create division within the communities in Sri Lanka and will be counter-productive.’ She said nationally owned processes were best suited to ‘address matters related to human rights’.

Having said all this and on that basis rejected the Resolution, why not have a member state which had already objected to this mechanism (China, Cuba), call for a vote on this ‘counter-productive’ item on our behalf?

Inept at the international

The impression this course of action has left on the populace about this administration is one of incompetence and ineptness in dealing with the international community, inability to build a like-minded group of friends at UN forums, to gather their support to fight against one’s legitimate grievances in the international system. A TV station usually very supportive of this government, showed a member of their panel of journalists ask the government representative why they couldn’t secure a single vote for Sri Lanka.

This failure to negotiate their own preferred outcome for Sri Lanka, was predictable when this government decided not to attend the BRICS and SCO summits where they could have made or renewed contacts with the leaders of the emerging powers of the global South and lobbied their support in times of need. They are many, and wield great influence as a bloc and as individual member states at the United Nations.

It was also sadly predictable when Sri Lanka deviated from its traditional stance of standing up for others in their need, their visible, irrefutable and dire need such as in the case of Palestine, opting for vague and utterly bland language to call for peace at the UN General Assembly in reference to the raging war on Gaza, with many other leaders calling it a genocide. Sri Lanka showed itself to be playing safe and selfish, a bit player, in contrast to the time when it punched way above their weight, assuring support for itself in its own time of need.

As Sri Lanka transitions from economic stabilisation towards a path of accelerated, inclusive growth, with a renewed emphasis on private sector-led development, Day 2 of the Sri Lanka Economic and Investment Summit 2025, organised by the Ceylon Chamber of Commerce, will host a dedicated session titled ‘Why Sri Lanka – Investor View’.

The session will examine how strategic investments, and export expansion, among other key strategies, can contribute to increasing national output and per capita income, and how investors view this trajectory, and will open with a keynote address by IFC South Asia Regional Director Imad Fakhoury.

He oversees IFC’s strategic investments and advisory interventions in South Asia, leveraging the World Bank Group (WBG) to promote sustainable private-sector led growth and accelerate the region’s transition to a greener, more inclusive, and resilient development model. Fakhoury focuses on innovative products and transformative technologies, encouraging global and regional integration, strengthening capital markets, and increasing competitiveness.

A panel discussion following the keynote will bring together leading voices from diverse industries to share practical insights on the investment climate and what it will take to attract and sustain long-term capital.

Joining Fakhoury in the discussion will be Axiata Group, Berhad Group CEO/MD Vivek Sood, Variosystems Ltd., Managing Director Thevan Satheeswaran, Unilever Sri Lanka Chairman/CEO Ali Tariq, and CHEC Port City Colombo Ltd., Deputy Managing Director Thulci Aluwihare. The session will be moderated by 5-hour International Corporation Ltd., COO Kasturi C. Wilson.

SLEIS 2025 will take place on 2-3 December at the Shangri La Hotel Colombo.

Cosmetics.lk, has been honoured with the title ‘Most Popular Website in Sri Lanka’ in the E-Commerce Category at BestWeb.lk 2025, organised by the LK Domain Registry.

BestWeb.lk is Sri Lanka’s premier web competition, recognising and rewarding excellence in web presence, creativity, technical quality, user experience, and innovation.

Among hundreds of entries across multiple industries, Cosmetics.lk stood out for its strong digital presence and the overwhelming support it received from its growing community of customers nationwide.

Cosmetics.lk Founder Lasantha Gunawardena said: ‘We are truly honoured to receive this recognition. This award reflects the trust and loyalty of our valued customers who continue to choose Cosmetics.lk as their go-to platform for authentic, high-quality beauty, wellness, and personal care products. It also motivates us to keep innovating and delivering the best shopping experience in Sri Lanka.’

Cosmetics.lk has built its reputation by offering a wide portfolio of premium international and dermatologist-trusted brands to the Sri Lankan market.

Among the many names available on the platform are CeraVe, The Ordinary, Cetaphil, Neutrogena, Loreal, Palmers, Aveeno, La Roche-Posay, and popular Korean skincare brands such as Anua, SKIN1004 Centella, Medicube, COSRX, and K-Secret SEOUL. In addition to skincare and cosmetics, Cosmetics.lk also offers a carefully curated range of supplements and wellness products from globally trusted brands, including Centrum, NOW, Vital Proteins, Perfectil, Neocell, and Relumins. All products are directly imported from Canada, the USA, the UK, France, Italy, Germany, New Zealand, and other leading European nations, ensuring Sri Lankan consumers have access to authentic, high-quality beauty, wellness, and personal care essentials that meet international standards.

What truly sets Cosmetics.lk apart is its dedication to customer care and convenience. Shoppers

With plans to expand its retail footprint further in the coming years, the brand is set to strengthen its presence as a leading force in the beauty and personal care industry. From winning the Gold Award for Best E-Commerce Website at BestWeb.lk 2022 to being crowned the Most Popular Website in 2025, Cosmetics.lk has consistently proven its strength in Sri Lanka’s digital retail space. Each recognition marks not just an achievement, but a reflection of the brand’s ongoing journey to innovate, expand, and put customer satisfaction at the heart of everything it does.