Category: Daily Guide Network

The National Anti-Illegal Mining Operations Secretariat (NAIMOS) has launched a sustained national enforcement campaign to protect major rivers from the destructive effects of illegal mining in the country.

The campaign, dubbed ‘Operation Water Shield’, marks a shift from intermittent raids to a sustained campaign designed to secure priority river systems from their source areas to downstream communities and water-treatment facilities.

Operation Water Shield will focus enforcement operations along some of the most threatened river systems, including the Ankobra, Tano, Bia, Pra and Offin rivers, as well as affected sections of the Black and White Volta.

Priority will also be given to strategic source areas and upper catchments whose degradation ultimately affects downstream water quality.

The operation will be intelligence-led and conducted in collaboration with relevant security and state agencies. Its broader mission is to protect critical water bodies, deny illegal miners access to strategic river corridors, disrupt the networks that support illegal mining, support investigations and prosecutions, and create the conditions for environmental recovery.

A statement issued by the Ministry of Lands and Natural Resources said Operation Water Shield would pursue six principal objectives, including protecting strategic river source areas; denying illegal miners access to riverbanks and waterways; dismantling mining logistics networks; disrupting the criminal and financial structures that support illegal mining; supporting the restoration of degraded water bodies; and establishing enduring monitoring and enforcement systems to prevent miners from returning to cleared areas.

According to the statement, NAIMOS would make enforcement ‘firm, sustained and uncompromising, within the law’.

‘So illegal miners operating on water bodies and riverbanks should expect their operations to be disrupted and their equipment seized, permanently and immobilised in accordance with applicable law and established procedures,’ it added.

The statement added that excavators, chanfang machines, water pumps, dredging equipment and other machinery used to destroy water bodies would remain key targets of enforcement operations.

It noted, however, that the campaign would extend beyond miners found at the riverbanks, adding that ‘NAIMOS will also target the broader network that sustains illegal mining, including facilitators and those who provide machinery and logistical support to illegal miners’.

‘Consequently, those who manufacture chanfang machines without authorisation and other equipment for illegal mining, as well as individuals and companies that rent or supply excavators, pumps and other machinery to illegal miners, will face increased scrutiny and enforcement action,’ it stated.

‘Operation Water Shield sends a clear message – Ghana’s rivers are not mining sites. They are not dumping sites for wastewater from mining activities.

‘NAIMOS will sustain pressure on illegal miners and the networks that support them until critical water bodies and river corridors are brought under effective protection and conditions are created for their recovery,’ it stressed.

The statement called on traditional authorities, Metropolitan, Municipal and District Assemblies, equipment owners, communities and the public to support the operation.

‘We also call on them to provide credible information on illegal mining activities and the individuals or organisations that finance, facilitate or supply equipment for such operations,’ the statement said.

Africa contributes less than four per cent of global greenhouse gas emissions. Yet when the effects of climate change are felt, the continent often pays a disproportionate price through the loss of lives, livelihoods, and critical infrastructure.

Ghana has experienced the devastating consequences of inadequate infrastructure firsthand. The June 3, 2015 floods and fire disaster in Accra claimed more than 150 lives and exposed serious weaknesses in the city’s drainage and urban planning systems. The disaster also raised difficult questions about the adequacy of drainage infrastructure, urban planning and engineering systems in the capital.

As the world intensifies efforts to address climate change, much of the convention focuses on reducing emissions. For Africa, however, adaptation must receive equal attention. The continent needs infrastructure capable of withstanding the effects of climate change that are already being experienced. We must build the infrastructure of resilience: climate-adaptive cities, renewable energy grids, clean water systems, sustainable transport, and food security systems that can withstand the pressures already upon us. Every single one of those is an engineering challenge.

Yet we continue to produce engineers who are not equipped to solve them. We are not educating them in a way that connects their technical training to the realities of the continent they are supposed to serve. If we are serious about Africa’s global relevance and climate accountability, we must confront a deeply uncomfortable truth: Africa’s development cannot be separated from engineering. Yet, the way engineering is taught does not always equip graduates to respond to the continent’s most pressing challenges.

Where Engineering Education Falls Short

‘We are not educating our youth to solve our problems!’ This statement by Prof Fred Mcbagonluri, President of Academic City University, captures a growing concern about the gap between what engineering education produces and what African societies need.

Across much of Africa, engineering education has traditionally focused on applying established solutions. While that knowledge remains important, today’s engineers must also be able to identify unfamiliar problems, understand their social context, and develop practical solutions. They can apply formulae flawlessly.

Yet, many struggle to connect those formulae to the sociological realities of a community without clean water, the ethical dimensions of a procurement decision that affects public safety, or the human factors in a digital system designed for users who have never interacted with technology before. This is not a failure of intelligence. It is a failure of how the discipline is designed and taught.

Consider the entry requirements for engineering programmes in Ghana. They are tight, competitive, and designed to filter. Such requirements can create the impression that only students with exceptional Senior High School grades can succeed in engineering. Yet academic performance at this stage does not always reflect a student’s potential to become a competent engineer. What that assumption misses is that a well-structured introductory engineering education can bring far more students into the pipeline than our current system allows. The gate should be rigorous competence, not prior privilege.

The engineers who will one day design and build flood-resilient drainage systems for communities in Accra, develop affordable solar microgrids for rural areas in the Northern Region, or turn agricultural waste in the Ashanti Region may already be among today’s students. They may be students with low grades in Elective Mathematics or Physics. We are selecting for a narrow band of prior achievement and then wondering why our engineering talent pool is insufficient to meet our massive infrastructure deficit.

What Engineering Education Should Deliver

Real engineering problems, from climate adaptation to digital infrastructure, do not respect disciplinary boundaries. A good engineering education must reflect this reality. It must scaffold learning, building from guided exploration to collaborative application to independent mastery. It must be grounded in context, using case studies and problems that are recognisable and meaningful to the students being taught.

In an African context, engineering ethics cannot be a standalone module to be endured; it must be the lens through which every design decision is examined. Engineering students should study landmark international cases such as the Challenger disaster and the Tacoma Narrows Bridge. But they should examine African experiences including June 3 floods in Accra, Cape Town’s water crises and the use of drones to deliver medical supplies in Ghana. Our students need to see that engineering failure and engineering innovation both happen across this continent, in conditions they recognise, with consequences that affect people like them.

These ideas also inform a textbook I am co-authoring with Professor McBagonluri, An Introduction to Engineering: A Project-Based Approach, which seeks to introduce students to engineering through practical projects and real-world problems, particularly within the African context.

Preparing Engineers for Africa’s Future

There is a recurring conversation in education policy circles about ‘training for the jobs of the future.’ It is usually framed around digital skills, artificial intelligence, and data literacy. These are real and important. But they are not sufficient.

The jobs that Africa needs over the next quarter century will not be limited to digital technologies. The continent will need people capable of designing and building power plants, water treatment facilities, road networks, hospitals, affordable housing, irrigation systems, ports, and manufacturing facilities.

These are the foundations of an economy capable of adding value to Africa’s resources rather than exporting raw materials and importing finished products.

Engineering is central to many of Africa’s development priorities. You cannot have a digital economy without electrical and computer engineers. You cannot have an energy transition without mechanical, chemical, and environmental engineers. You cannot have climate resilience without civil, environmental, and systems engineers. You cannot have trade and regional integration without the logistics, transport, and manufacturing infrastructure that engineers design and build.

When done right, engineering education provides a transferable way of thinking: problem framing, systems thinking, evidence-based decision-making, ethical reasoning, and the discipline to iterate until a solution actually works. These habits of mind are exactly what our public and private sectors need, not just in engineering roles, but in policy, governance, and business leadership.

The Urgency of Now

The urgency is clear. Climate Change will not wait. Neither will Africa’s infrastructure needs or the aspiration of its young population. The demographic dividend of Africa’s young population does not wait. Every year that we train engineers who are not equipped to solve African problems, and every year that we exclude capable students from engineering pathways because our entry systems are too narrow, is a year we cannot recover.

Africa’s development and industrialisation will depend, in part, on the quality of its engineers. That means rethinking how engineering is taught, connecting technical knowledge with the realities of African communities and giving students opportunities to solve real problems from the beginning of their education.

The challenge is not simply to produce engineers. It is to produce engineers equipped to build the resilient, innovative and industrialised Africa the continent needs.

Veteran Nigerian actor and film executive, Olu Jacobs, has died at 84.

The actor’s death was confirmed by his son, Olusoji Jacobs, in an Instagram post on Wednesday, September 16.

Olusoji described the late actor as a beloved husband, father, grandfather and uncle, while paying tribute to him as ‘The Lion of Lufodo’.

The family said it was grateful to God for the life Olu Jacobs lived and the battles he fought throughout his lifetime.

The announcement comes after years of false reports claiming that the respected actor had died. Those reports were previously dismissed by his family, making Wednesday’s confirmation particularly painful for his loved ones and fans.

In announcing his father’s death, Olusoji appealed to bloggers and social media influencers to give the family privacy as they grieve.

Olu Jacobs was one of Nigeria’s most respected actors, with a career spanning theatre, television and film.

He also worked in British television productions and international movies before becoming one of the most recognisable and influential figures in Nigeria’s film industry.

His decades-long contributions to acting earned him widespread recognition and established him as a notable pioneer of the Nigerian film industry.

The news of his passing has triggered an outpouring of tributes from colleagues, industry players and admirers across Nigeria and beyond.

The Omanhene of the Eastern Nzema Traditional Area and President of the Eastern Nzema Traditional Council, Awulae Amihere Kpanyinli III, has accused the Member of Parliament (MP) for Ellembelle and Minister for Lands and Natural Resources, Emmanuel Armah-Kofi Buah, of ‘crossing the red line’ in an ongoing chieftaincy dispute in the area.

According to the Omanhene, the minister’s actions and public appearances have created the impression that he has taken sides in the dispute over the legitimate Paramount Chief of the Eastern Nzema Traditional Area.

In a statement, Awulae Amihere Kpanyinli III said the situation was no longer simply a disagreement between competing traditional actors, but had increasingly become a question of whether political power was being brought to bear on a traditional institution whose legitimacy should be determined by customary law, the Constitution and the appropriate chieftaincy institutions.

He said such legitimacy should not be determined by politicians, government events, public appearances or the influence of state officials.

Awulae Amihere Kpanyinli III stressed that the Eastern Nzema Traditional Area was not a creation of modern partisan politics and predated the modern electoral constituency.

‘The office of a Paramount Chief is not created by a Member of Parliament, a District Chief Executive, a Regional Minister or a Cabinet Minister,’ he said.

He added that representing people within an electoral constituency did not make an MP the traditional authority over them.

‘His position as MP does not confer upon him the power to determine who is Omanhene. His position as Minister for Lands and Natural Resources does not confer that power either. And no political office should be used, directly or indirectly, to create the impression that it does. That distinction is fundamental,’ he stated.

One of the incidents that had generated concern, the Omanhene recalled, was the appearance of the minister on a public banner for last year’s Kundum alongside a person whom his side disputes as the legitimate Paramount Chief of Eastern Nzema.

He said while such an appearance might ordinarily have little significance, the circumstances surrounding the chieftaincy dispute made it important.

‘Where there is an unresolved dispute over traditional legitimacy, the public appearance of a senior Cabinet Minister alongside one claimant can reasonably be interpreted as an act of recognition or political endorsement,’ he explained.

He said lawyers acting for him had already written to the minister and cautioned him about his involvement in the matter, particularly after his photograph was featured on a banner as the special guest of honour for the 2025 Kundum celebration.

Another incident that, he said, deserved public scrutiny was the alleged presentation of the disputed claimant as Omanhene during the National Democratic Congress (NDC) National Chairman’s thank you tour.

‘This is particularly significant because it allegedly involved a Member of Parliament and a District Chief Executive presenting the person to a senior national political official in the capacity of Omanhene. That is not a minor detail,’ he stated.

The Omanhene further argued that political interference did not always take the form of a formal letter, but could occur through public photographs, banners, invitations to official meetings and the handling of government delegations.

He said it could also manifest through who was introduced to national political leaders, who was excluded from engagements and the silence of public officials when a disputed narrative was repeatedly presented as fact.

‘When these things happen repeatedly, they can gradually create a new public reality,’ he said.

On the Adamus mining controversy, the Omanhene questioned which traditional authority the minister was engaging with and the basis for such engagement.

Assassination Attempt

The Omanhene also recalled an alleged assassination attempt on his life at his palace in early 2025, which resulted in his absence from the palace and, in his words, an abandonment of his traditional office.

He said state security considerations subsequently created circumstances in which another person occupied the palace, but cautioned that the development should not automatically be interpreted as a determination of traditional legitimacy.

He took exception to what he described as a lack of empathy from the minister when his life was threatened, while accusing the minister’s subsequent public appearances of creating the impression of support for a disputed claimant.

Awulae Amihere Kpanyinli III said his position was not that politicians should stay away from Eastern Nzema.

Rather, he said, he expected government to intervene in addressing development challenges in the area, including roads, schools and other infrastructure.

He, however, warned the minister and other political actors against treating Nzema as a ‘pilot ground for political experimentation in chieftaincy.’

The Bretton Woods (International Monetary Fund and World Bank Group) order is fraying. Sanctions have weaponised reserves, debt distress has crippled commodity exporters, and persistent inflation has eroded confidence in fiat anchors.

From Washington to Nairobi, central bankers are asking the same question: What can credibly back our currencies in a fragmented world?

Ghana has built a bridge. And its architect is Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia.

Dr. Bawumia is not a theorist sketching ideas from the sidelines. Oxford-trained economist, former Deputy Governor of the Bank of Ghana, and Vice President who led Ghana’s digital transformation, he has spent two decades turning monetary theory into operational policy.

Faced with a dollar shortage and an IMF programme that capped direct dollar intervention at $80m, Ghana could have collapsed. Instead, under his stewardship, Ghana pioneered two instruments at scale: The Domestic Gold Purchase Programme and Gold-for-Oil.

The results were tangible. Gold reserves rose from 8 tons to over 31 tons. Gross International Reserves hit over $9 billion for the first time in the history of the country, exceeding IMF targets by the end of 2024, creating the buffer that allowed the cap to be lifted effectively in 2025. The cedi found an anchor when dollars were scarce.

The IMF itself has acknowledged both the reserve gains and the high balance-sheet costs – proof that the instrument is powerful enough to matter.

In doing so, Dr. Bawumia settled an old debate: Gold is not a relic. It is infrastructure.

What is the Bawumia Doctrine?

It is not a return to the rigid gold standard of the 20th century. It is a hybrid, built on three principles:

Flexibility Over Fixity. Classical gold standards failed because they fixed exchange rates to a finite metal stock. Bawumia’s model uses gold as a backing instrument and liquidity buffer – a 5-15% tranche of reserves and a medium for strategic commodity settlement – while preserving floating rates and independent monetary policy. Credibility without handcuffs.

Digitisation and Transparency. As the architect of Ghana’s digitalisation of government and payments, Dr Bawumia understands that a modern gold framework must be auditable, tokenised, and interoperable. Trust is engineered through code and independent verification, not just vaults.

Development-First Design. For commodity-producing nations across Africa, Latin America and Asia, this is a path to monetise natural wealth without Dutch disease.

By channeling domestically produced gold into reserves, countries reduce external borrowing costs, dampen currency crises, and retain value onshore. For all economies, it is a hedge against over-reliance on any single reserve currency.

Why the World Should Listen Now

Three global shifts make this doctrine urgent:

First, de-risking reserves. In a world of sanctions and freezing of sovereign assets, gold held domestically and digitally verified offers jurisdictional safety.

Second, stabilizing commodity trade. Energy importers need settlement mechanisms immune to FX whiplash. Ghana’s Gold-for-Oil pilot offers a template.

Third, anchoring monetary innovation. As central banks explore digital currencies, a calibrated gold tranche provides a credibility bridge for adoption, especially in emerging markets.

Africa’s Contribution

For too long, monetary innovation has been exported to Africa, not from it. Dr. Bawumia reverses that flow. This is thought leadership measured not in citations, but in reserves purchased and volatility reduced.

The Bretton Woods order may be fraying, but the next order is being drafted. Ghana has shown that the blueprint can include gold – not as nostalgia, but as stability. Not as constraint, but as sovereignty.

The bridge has been built. It is time for policymakers to cross it.

If this Bawumia Doctrine of Gold-backed stability is followed stricto sensu, it removes the monetary reason for IMF bailout. What remains is only the _fiscal_ reason – overspending.

If we combine gold-backed reserves with the fiscal discipline Dr. Bawumia has always advocated – zero tolerance for unbudgeted expenditure and strict adherence to the Fiscal Responsibility Act – then yes, Ghana can credibly exit the boom-bust-IMF cycle for good.

Ghana has had a good year for women’s rights on paper. On July 30, 2026, Parliament ratified the African Union (AU) Convention on Ending Violence Against Women and Girls (CEVAWG), making Ghana the second AU member state, after The Gambia, to do so.

It’s the continent’s first legally binding treaty dedicated exclusively to ending violence against women and girls, obligating states to criminalise Gender-Based Violence (GBV), fund victim support, and collect the kind of evidence needed to actually address the problem rather than guess at it.

That ratification lands exactly two years after another major gender-rights milestone for Ghana: The Affirmative Action (Gender Equity) Act 2024, passed by Parliament on July 30, 2024 and signed into law in September 2024. After more than a decade stuck at the committee level, the act now mandates 30% female representation in public decision-making roles and political-party structures by 2026, rising to 35% by 2028 and 50% by 2030 – a serious jump from the 14.5% of parliamentary seats women currently hold.

Two landmark laws. Same July anniversary, two years apart. That’s a genuinely notable run for a country’s gender-rights agenda.

The Public Was Already There

Here’s what’s easy to miss in the celebration: Ghanaians didn’t need convincing.

Afrobarometer’s Round 9 survey, conducted in April 2022 – two years before either laws were passed – found that more than eight in 10 Ghanaians (85%) already believed that it is ‘never’ justified for a man to use physical force to discipline his wife.

Nearly two-thirds (64%) already said that domestic violence should be handled as a criminal matter, not a private family affair.

The public consensus that the AUCEVAWG enshrines in continental law, and that lawmakers debated for a decade before passing the Affirmative Action Act, was sitting in the data well before either bill reached a vote.

That’s not a knock on the legislative process – laws take time, coalitions take longer, and both of these took sustained pressure from advocates like the Affirmative Action Coalition and ABANTU for Development to finally cross the line. But it’s a reminder that Ghana’s gender-rights legislation has largely been catching up to public opinion, not leading it.

The Gaps That Laws Alone Won’t Close

If citizens were already this convinced, where does the resistance to change actually lie? The same survey suggests that resistance is not in what people believe but in what they’re willing to risk to act on it.

Despite Ghanaians’ overwhelming condemnation of violence, more than four in 10 respondents in the same survey said it is ‘somewhat’ (24%) or ‘very’ (18%) likely that a woman would be criticised, harassed, or shamed for reporting GBV to the authorities. Only about a third (35%) considered such a backlash unlikely. And this view persisted even though most Ghanaians (86%) already trusted the police to take GBV cases seriously.

Read that again: It’s not that people doubt that the system will respond. It’s that they doubt that their community will forgive them for using it.

That’s precisely the gap no ratification ceremony can close on its own. The AUCEVAWG’s emphasis on shifting social norms – engaging families, communities, and ‘positive masculinity’ alongside legal reform – exists because its drafters understood the same thing Ghana’s own data show: Criminalising violence and building institutional trust are necessary, but they don’t automatically make it safe to speak up.

Two laws, A Common Implementation

Ratifying the AUCEVAWG and passing the Affirmative Action Act are genuine wins, and they deserve to be treated as such. But both now face the same test: domestication. The convention needs Ghana to deposit its ratification instruments and translate continental obligations into enforceable national law. The Affirmative Action Act needs the tools it mandates – quotas, budgeting, enforcement mechanisms – to actually show up inside ministries, political parties, and boardrooms between now and 2030.

Neither of these next steps will generate headlines the way a ratification vote does. Both will matter just as much.

GOVERNMENT AUTHORITIES on September 13, 2026, began a major demolition exercise at Laboma Beach in Accra to clear unauthorised structures within the protected buffer zone of the Kpeshie Lagoon.

The exercise, carried out by the Post-Flood Mitigating Task Force, the Ghana Armed Forces, and local police, is aimed at restoring the natural water flow of the lagoon as well as curbing severe flooding in the capital.

But management of Laboma Beach Resort has rejected claims that the facility is responsible for flooding in Accra.

Speaking in an exclusive interview with the paper, Business Development Manager, Nee Lante Bruce, said there is no independent scientific hydrological study linking Laboma Beach to the floods. ‘We don’t think it’s because of Laboma. There is no independent scientific hydrological study that has established that,’ he said.

Mr. Bruce accused authorities of pushing a narrative to make Laboma a scapegoat. ‘You push the narrative because you want a scapegoat and say Laboma is responsible,’ he stated.

He said management was given only a one-day notice before the demolition, despite writing a petition to the President and engaging government on the matter. ‘We wrote a petition to the President and tried to engage government. We are not against flood control; we are not against environmental protection. That will be in our interest,’ he explained.

According to him, the resort had plans to construct a modern bridge to improve water flow and had shared designs of the intended project. ‘We actually shared pictures of what we intended to do. It was to construct a modern bridge and beautify the area. This is a tourist attraction,’ he said.

Mr. Bruce lamented the scale of investment and jobs lost to the demolition. ‘We are by far the biggest and most developed beach resort in the country. We have employed so many people – guards, cleaners and others. People’s livelihoods have been lost. Thousands, millions, if not billions, have been invested here,’ he said.

He revealed that management had commissioned an independent hydrological study of the entire area and had been in contact with authorities on the way forward. ‘We had approached government and written a petition indicating we had commissioned an independent hydrological assessment. We were in close contact with authorities. They told us what to do. We brought in machines and spent a lot of money to do dredging,’ he said.

He stressed that what was needed was a scientific approach, not overnight demolitions. ‘Just imagine if government had conducted a hydrological study and the findings were published that indeed some buildings in Laboma were impeding water flow and had to go. Do you think we would have a problem? You do stakeholder engagement. You don’t wake up overnight and destroy people’s lives. This is very sad,’ he added.

Mr. Bruce also questioned claims by the 48 Engineer Regiment that the exercise was not political. ‘Is he not a politician? Did the 48 Engineer Regiment just get up on their own to come and demolish buildings?’ he quizzed.

He further disputed claims that Laboma was not permitted to put up concrete structures. ‘If we were not allowed to put up concrete structures, how did we finish those structures and the government regulatory bodies found it expedient to come and collect taxes? Ghana Revenue Authority (GRA) has its staff here daily collecting taxes,’ he argued.

According to him, management had planned a press conference to inform the public but was asked to hold on because behind-the-scenes discussions were ongoing. ‘We wanted to do a press conference to let the public know exactly what was happening. We were asked to hold on, not to inflame passions, that discussions were ongoing. Only for you to come in the middle of the night like thieves to do this to people. It’s unconscionable,’ he said.

Mr. Bruce described the exercise as inhumane, noting that structures far from the lagoon, including a hospital facility, were also destroyed. ‘It’s inhumane because if you destroy a hospital, a hospital which is very far away from the lagoon – you’ve seen where the lagoon is located. If you want to do a buffer, maximum 50 meters should be okay,’ he said.

‘What they did was unconscionable. They destroyed about 12 to 16 completed storey buildings,’ he added.

According to him, the demolition team went beyond its mandate and continued destroying property even after their commander had ordered them to stop. ‘They were destroying things they were not even supposed to destroy. Their commander had asked them to stop, but they were still demolishing. They were given an order to stop at dwarf walls, but walls that had nothing to do with the lagoon, those dwarf walls towards the side, were still demolished,’ he alleged. He accused the team of acting with an agenda.

‘They were using hoodlums to just run through. Even a small ticketing office, they destroyed. The guy just wanted to destroy. It’s like somebody came here with an agenda just to cause mayhem. It’s pure evil,’ he said.

Mr. Bruce said management is waiting to see what happens next. ‘It’s early days. We’ll let you know what happens. We live to see. As the days go by, whatever has happened, we will know. But we are waiting,’ he said.

The Minority Caucus on Parliament’s Foreign Affairs Committee yesterday refused to participate in a closed-door meeting briefed by the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Samuel Okudzeto Ablakwa, on the evacuation of Ghanaians from South Africa.

In a statement signed by the Ranking Member of the Committee, Samuel A. Jinapor, Member of Parliament (MP) for Damongo, the Minority said its decision follows the Ministry’s failure to provide full disclosure on the expenditure incurred.

The Minority said it supported the government’s decision to evacuate Ghanaian nationals whose safety was threatened by xenophobic attacks in South Africa, noting that the protection of citizens abroad is an important responsibility of the state.

It, however, said that support does not dispense with the government’s obligation to account for public funds.

According to the statement, on August 17, 2026, the Minority submitted a formal request under the Right to Information Act, 2019 (Act 989), with reference number MP/BF/RTI/2026/007, requesting comprehensive records relating to the cost and financing of the evacuation, which the Minister had indicated was funded by the government and ‘Ghanaian partners’.

The request was received by the Ministry on August 25.

The information sought included detailed expenditure, funding sources, identities and contributions of private partners, expenditure on flights, accommodation, feeding, medical services, reintegration payments, as well as procurement and payment records.

The Minority said on September 7, 2026, the Minister announced that almost GHS50 million had been expended on the evacuation and reintegration of 1,964 Ghanaians, but the Ministry has not furnished the itemised account and supporting documentation requested.

‘The expenditure of public funds carries with it a corresponding duty of accountability. Government must be prepared to account, not only for the total amount spent, but also for how that expenditure was incurred,’ the statement said.

‘In these circumstances, the Minority does not consider it appropriate to participate in a closed-door meeting intended to discuss the same subject matter while its formal request for the underlying expenditure records remains outstanding.’

The Caucus said it will not participate in the meeting unless and until the Ministry provides the itemised account and supporting records.

‘We reiterate our call on the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to make full disclosure of the expenditure relating to the evacuation exercise,’ Mr. Jinapor said, adding that the Minority will remain resolute in demanding transparency and accountability in the use of taxpayers’ funds.

Meeting Rescheduled

Meanwhile, Parliament’s Foreign Affairs Committee has rescheduled its planned meeting with Foreign Affairs Minister Samuel Okudzeto Ablakwa after the Minority declined to participate in the briefing.

Chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee, Dr. Alfred Okoe Vanderpuije, said the meeting was rescheduled to ensure all committee members are present for the Minister’s briefing.

‘We scheduled a meeting for the Minister to come and brief the committee. Unfortunately, the Minority decided that they will not be participating. I, as chair, decided that we must do whatever it takes to have all the committee members be part of the meeting with the Minister,’ he said.

There is no letup in the sense of apprehension which has beclouded the country.

A piece of this fear has gripped the staff of the Abrefi Hospital in Techiman and for justifiable reasons. A senior nursing officer of the facility, Salomay Bafoh Awiti, has gone missing and state actors are suspected to be behind the state abduction of the mother whose children are said to be traumatised because they do not know the whereabouts of their mother.

For the umpteenth time, we express concern about this heightened state hooliganism occasioned by the midnight abductions of persons of interest to the national security system.

As pointed out earlier, there is no good reason behind such abductions when indeed suspects can easily be invited over to the National Security Secretariat of any location of their choice. Such suspects can even be arrested during the day so the uncanny ghostly arrests can be avoided.

Armed men in balaclava storming one’s residence at midnight can trigger life-threatening situations such as heart attacks for those who easily get frightened.

Unless those who order such operations do not care whether such life-threatening situations occur and even lead to death.

To think that a country which has advanced appreciably on the rung of democracy and human rights by the end of 2024 has descended to this low within a year and a half is heartbreaking.

Ghanaians chose democracy to, as it were, protect their human rights, not to have the state security apparatus to be misused to hound citizens.

All of a sudden those who witnessed the dark days before the February 24, 1966 overthrow of President Kwame Nkrumah, especially how suspected anti-Convention People’s Party (CPP) persons were hounded, arrested and detained at the Nsawam Prisons not knowing when they would be released, are reliving those scary moments in our history.

History is doubtlessly being repeated.

The Techiman incident calls for reflection by the President and his team, unless the reality is that he does not care.

The senior nursing officer was abducted and possibly brought down to Accra on suspicion that she is Ghana Jollof, the equivalent of Kevin Taylor on the other side of the political aisle in the country.

She appears to be Ghana Jollof and so should be abducted the way she was. Goodness! What has befallen Ghana at the hands of those at the throttles of state today?

Those who institutionalised insults in our body politic must bow their head in shame as this canker devours our values.

The only difference between Ghana Jollof and Kevin Taylor is that the former insults the ruling party and the latter the opposition.

One day when this segment of Ghana’s history is compiled, this dark side of the chronology will be attributed to the man Kevin Taylor says employed him to be hurling insults at his political opponents.

Poor Salomay and others hounded and their human rights abused, weep not for time changes and one day this too shall pass.

Like the WWII German Enigma code, Ghana Jollof remains a conundrum for the National Security apparatus to crack.

When Nancy Agyeman Duah’s name was announced as the Overall Best Graduating Student of Ho Technical University’s Class of 2025, it marked the culmination of years of determination, sacrifice, and perseverance.

She had graduated with a CGPA of 3.96 out of 4, earning a Bachelor of Technology in Hospitality Management and finishing at the top of her university.

Behind that remarkable achievement, however, was a family that had worked hard to keep her education on track, a father who repairs engines, and a mother who sells sachet water.

Nancy’s journey from Abuakwa in the Ashanti Region to the top of her graduating class is also a story of how financial support can change the course of a young person’s education.

As MTN Ghana marks 30 years of operations, its experience is one of the stories that reflects the impact of its investment in education and young people.

Pure water and engine grease

Nancy grew up in Abuakwa, where her parents worked hard to provide for their family. Her father is a mechanic, while her mother sells sachet water. Their livelihoods were modest, but they remained determined to give their children opportunities through education.

As Nancy progressed through school, however, the cost of education became increasingly difficult for the family to manage.

By the time she entered university, the financial pressure had become acute. Tuition and other expenses were a constant concern, while her parents, now in their later years, had limited financial capacity to shoulder the cost of her tertiary education.

But they never asked her to give up. Instead, they encouraged her to remain focused and trust that things would work out. ‘My parents always encouraged me not to worry about finances but to trust that God would provide. Although the burden was heavy at times, I stayed committed to my studies,’ she said.

With that encouragement, Nancy enrolled at Ho Technical University to pursue a Bachelor of Technology in Hospitality Management.

She remained focused on her studies, determined not to allow her family’s financial circumstances to define her academic journey.

A scholarship at the right time

Nancy first heard about the MTN Bright Scholarship through a friend’s group chat. Her brother-in-law also encouraged her to apply.

She did, and when the news came that she had been selected, it became a defining moment for her family. ‘Between my tears of joy and my mom’s screams of thanksgiving, I can truly say it was one of the best days for my family and me,’ she said.

For Nancy, the scholarship meant more than financial assistance. It eased the pressure on her parents and allowed her to concentrate more fully on her education without the constant worry over how her fees and other academic expenses would be met.

The support also gave her a sense of affirmation that her efforts and potential were worth investing in. ‘The MTN Bright Scholarship was more than a scholarship for me; it was a bridge between potential and possibility,’ she said.

The support came through the MTN Bright Scholarship, which was launched in 2017 to provide brilliant but needy students with the opportunity to complete tertiary education. For Nancy, the results of that opportunity would eventually go far beyond simply completing university.

Finishing at the top

Nancy graduated in November 2025 as the Overall Best Graduating Student of Ho Technical University’s Class of 2025. Her CGPA of 3.96 out of 4 placed her at the top of the institution, a remarkable outcome for a young woman whose education had once been threatened by financial constraints.

Her achievement also became a source of pride for her parents, whose daily work had helped keep her education alive through difficult times.

From a home sustained by engine repairs and sachet water sales, their daughter had become the best graduating student of her university. For Nancy, the achievement is proof of what can happen when determination is matched with opportunity.

After the cap and gown

Since graduating, Nancy has continued to pursue her ambitions. She has built a beauty business offering hair braiding and lash services, keeping her financially active while preparing for her next goal, a transition into Law.

The experience has strengthened her belief that education can open doors that may initially appear out of reach. She also hopes her journey will encourage other young people facing financial challenges to remain committed to their education. ‘In my community, my story serves as encouragement to younger people who may also face challenges. It shows them that with determination, excellence, and the right support, their dreams are achievable,’ she said.

A story beyond one family

Nancy’s journey is one of the testimonies emerging from MTN Ghana’s 30-year journey. For her family, the significance of the Bright Scholarship was not simply that it helped pay for university. It meant that a daughter whose parents were struggling to meet the rising cost of tertiary education could remain in school, complete her degree, and graduate at the very top of her class.

Her story illustrates the difference that targeted support can make when financial barriers threaten to stand between a young person and their potential. And for Nancy, the achievement is not the end of the journey. It is the foundation for what comes next.

The MTN Bright Scholarship

Since its launch in 2017 to mark MTN Ghana’s 20th anniversary, the Bright Scholarship has supported 1,220 brilliant yet needy students in completing their tertiary education. The scholarship covers tuition, accommodation, a laptop, and a stipend for books and study materials.

Over nine years, the programme has reached students across 18 tertiary institutions nationwide, including the Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology, the University of Ghana, and the University of Cape Coast, as well as colleges of education and health training institutions.

The programme’s academic outcomes have also been notable. Seventeen Bright Scholars have graduated as valedictorians or best students at their universities, while 299 have graduated with first-class honours, 47 with second-class upper, and 16 with second-class lower honours.

For students like Nancy, those figures represent more than statistics. They represent opportunities, and, in her case, the opportunity to turn the sacrifices of a mechanic and a sachet water seller into a university success story.