Category: Daily Monitor

With a following of more than 570,000 and 7.7 million likes on Tik Tok, Aziz Kayihura, who goes by the moniker Shirtless Boss, is a force to reckon with on the streets of Kampala.

He is a deejay and talent promoter from Uganda known for promoting music talents from the ghetto and is also associated with the ‘ghetto talent search’.

His niche is interviewing people from the ghettos, freestyling on different instrumentals under the name Eno Nkambwe on Tik Tok.

Joining Tik Tok

Kayihura used to work downtown and used to see many people watching videos. Thinking to himself how he could also be the one people are watching, he gathered his friends who he used as a case study. ‘In 2020, I gathered some of my friends, asked them if they would be okay if we filmed them expressing themselves and they accepted. We started it as a joke but it kept on growing and this surprised us. This marked the beginning of my life on Tik Tok.

Creating a brand

Kayihura wanted something unique. He wanted something that stood out and having come from the ghettos of Kampala, being shirtless was what came to his mind.

‘People might see it as being abnormal but it represents something big. I represent the ghetto people. The people who are always ignored and if you notice, they are the people I am always hanging out with. So being shirtless shows that we don’t have anything,’ Kayihura explained.

Asked whether this is the perfect representation of the ghetto people, he said besides being homeless, lacking basic needs and using drugs, not having clothes or poor dressing is the other aspect and that is how he chose to represent his people. It is with this brand that he has also been able get an endorsement deal with Premier Distilleries as their ambassador.

‘Because my work involves dealing with local people, they found me as the perfect person to promote their Bikole Masavu promotion, which I have done for three months now. If it wasn’t for my shirtless brand, I doubt they would have approached me.’

Why the ghettos

He was born and raised in Katwe Kinyolo, suburbs of Makindye Division in Kampala, and because of this background, he feels people in the ghetto have a lot of interesting and untold stories, the kind of content he scouts.

‘I mostly visit different communities in the ghettos and people tell me about their challenges and I give them the chance to showcase their talents. There is a lot of content in the ghettos. That is why I took that direction,’ he says.

Earnings

Kayihura says Tik Tok does not pay and this is what people do not know. He, however, says Tik Tok is one of the avenues he uses for his content that spills over other avenues that help him get money.

‘I have other avenues like YouTube, Instagram and Facebook that pay. It is through those avenues that big brands approach us to work for them,’ he explains.

Life before TikTok

Before joining the platform, Kayihura was into music.

He had a recording studio where he recorded four dancehall songs, including Tuzilye and Makosa, but did not go further with his music career because of luck of financial support.

‘Music is expensive and I did not have the necessary support. I needed the push to progress but no one gave me a hand so I had to end that career prematurely,’ he says.

However, all was not lost because with his kind of work now, he uses that same studio for his video editing before posting on social media. It is not just him but other content creators like Shutter Empire also use the studio for their work.

He says the studio will not just stop at that as he looks into joining the movie industry, venturing into ghetto movies.He did not study past Senior Four and it was a personal decision. Asked why, the Tik Toker says the system is not supportive.

Because he was paying his own tuition from Primary Five by vending fruits around Owino market and later collecting scrap and selling it, no one could question his decision of dropping out of school.

Challenges

More recently, Shirtless Boss was in the news after burglars broke into his home and stole his valuable work equipment, including three laptops and a camera, among other things he uses in content creation. He says the things they stole had all the content he had short ever since he started out and this means starting afresh.

A notable and growing trend in East African football is the increasing number of talented players from Uganda’s West Nile region who are opting to represent the South Sudan national football team, affectionately known as the “Bright Star.”

This cross-border movement of talent, driven by a complex mix of geographical proximity, heritage ties, and potentially more attractive professional offers, has become a significant talking point and presents both a challenge and a call to action for the Ugandan football fraternity.

The West Nile region of Uganda shares a deep cultural and historical connection with South Sudan, with many communities and families straddling the border.

This shared heritage provides a natural pathway for players to secure South Sudanese nationality and eligibility under Fifa rules, which permit players to represent a country if they or their biological parents/grandparents were born there, or after a continuous residence period.

This relationship has been strategically leveraged by the South Sudan Football Association (SSFA) as they aggressively build and strengthen their national team with experienced and talented players, many of whom have honed their skills in the established Ugandan football league system.

The list of players with Ugandan origins, particularly from the West Nile region, who have been called up by South Sudan is a testament to this exodus. Some of the most recognizable names include; Tito Okello (formerly KCCA and Vipers) and Rashid Toha who was a defender at Arua Hill.

Others are Rashid Okocha, Geriga Atendele, Ivan Wani, Gadafi Wahab, Alfred Leku, Bida Ezra (Data Elly) and Francis Onekalit.

The continuous departure of talent has significant implications for the Federation of Uganda Football Associations (Fufa) and the country’s football ecosystem

The immediate and most apparent impact is the weakening of the pool from which the Uganda Cranes (Uganda’s national team) can select players.

The West Nile region is a traditional source of robust, high-calibre players, and losing them means a reduction in depth and quality for the national team and, by extension, the local leagues.

Ugandan clubs and academies invest time and resources in nurturing these young talents. When they switch allegiance, Uganda loses the potential return on this investment, both in terms of national team contribution and potential transfer revenue.

The influx of Ugandan-trained players directly improves the competitiveness of South Sudan, turning a less formidable neighbour into a stronger regional rival. This was evident when the two teams recently faced off in competitive fixtures.

This exodus serves as a stark signal that the Ugandan system may not be doing enough to identify, fast-track, and competitively compensate its best young talents. Players will naturally gravitate towards opportunities that offer better financial packages, regular international visibility, and a clear pathway to the senior national team.

Addressing this challenge requires a multi-faceted approach from Fufa, clubs, and the government.

Fufa and regional football associations must enhance talent identification and development programs in border regions like West Nile. This includes funding regional academies and ensuring a clear, appealing pathway from local leagues to the national team structure.

While financial parity with global standards is challenging, Fufa must ensure competitive and prompt compensation, allowances, and bonuses for national team players to make the Uganda Cranes a financially attractive option.

Promising young players must be integrated into the national team setup early (e.g., U-20 or Chan team) to earn their first caps. This is a crucial strategy to “tie” players to the country before they are eligible to switch allegiance, as per Fifa rules.

While some players switch allegiance, Fufa could also focus on scouting and integrating Ugandan talents playing in other regions and the diaspora who may not have been previously considered, diversifying the talent pool.

Encouraging and enforcing higher standards of professionalism, better infrastructure, and competitive salaries within the Uganda Premier League will help retain players in the local ecosystem for longer, giving the national team selectors more time to work with them.

The allure of the Bright Star is a legitimate consequence of proximity, shared culture, and ambition.

For Uganda, it is an opportunity to re-evaluate its talent management strategy and ensure that its brightest prospects feel compelled, both emotionally and professionally, to stay and wear the cherished red, yellow, and black of the Uganda Cranes.

The government of Uganda has officially halted the registration of refugees from countries including Somalia, Ethiopia, and Eritrea, citing administrative and security concerns. The move comes amid growing public debate over the impact of migration on urban centres, housing, and employment, as well as a rising populist discourse among politicians.

Uganda has long been celebrated for its friendly tenor to refugees, with settlements housing hundreds of thousands of people fleeing conflict in the Horn of Africa. However, in recent months, registration has slowed, leaving many aspiring refugees in a state of limbo. Analysts say the decision may reflect political calculations as much as bureaucratic limitations.

‘Numbers matter in politics,’ says Ms Juliet Katusiime, a political analyst. ‘Refugee populations are visible in urban areas, and politicians have increasingly used migration as a populist issue to win support. The perception of strain on local services, housing, and jobs can be leveraged on the campaign trail.’

Populist tenor

In Makindye East, Kampala, the local population has voiced frustration over the impact of the growing migrant population. ‘Since these migrants came, rent prices have gone up. You cannot find affordable housing anymore,’ says Mr Vicent Tumusiime, a native resident. Similar sentiments have been reported in other urban neighbourhoods, where ordinary Ugandans feel squeezed by rising rents and competition for jobs. ‘With elections drawing near, the issue of immigration and security has become a rallying point for some politicians seeking to project strength and national control,’ Mr Timothy Chemonges, the Executive Director of the Centre for Policy Analysis (CEPA), notes.

He adds: ‘Intelligence briefings in recent months have pointed to rising cross-border movement, including reports of unverified foreign nationals entering through informal routes, particularly from conflict-prone neighbouring states.’ Coupled with growing public pressure over crime, housing shortages, and unemployment in urban areas, the government has moved to signal firmness. According to insiders, the suspension is intended to allow for a policy review, data verification, and tighter coordination among security and immigration agencies.

Mr Hilary Onek, the minister for Relief, Disaster Preparedness and Refugees, says Uganda cannot turn away people fleeing violence and conflict from neighbouring countries such as the Democratic Republic of the Congo. ‘International law does not allow us to do that. We register them as refugees,’ Mr Onek said, adding: ‘The only problem we have is with people who fly into Uganda for greener pastures-those from Eritrea, Ethiopia, and Pakistan. We don’t even have common borders with them. They come here looking for business opportunities, and in such cases, we have no justification to register them as refugees,’ he says.

Mr Onek says investigations revealed that some of these individuals had successfully established profitable businesses in Uganda.

‘People from Pakistan and Eritrea have made money here and become powerful,’ he says. ‘If you want to do business in Uganda, you must get a visa, usually valid for three months, and then apply for a work permit depending on your activity,’ the minister explains.

Line in the sand

Mr Onek reveals that Uganda currently hosts about 50,000 Eritreans, many of whom came for economic reasons rather than as refugees escaping persecution.

Local authorities, already stretched, fear that an increase in unregistered residents could complicate planning and strain relations between host communities and newcomers. Humanitarian groups have warned that this could fuel resentment and social tension, especially in Kampala, Arua, Gulu, and Mbarara, where migrant populations are significant.

‘The challenge now,’ Mr Chemonges emphasises, ‘is to craft a balanced, evidence-based policy that secures national interests without undermining Uganda’s international commitments’. He suggests long-term measures such as developing digital migration data systems to track movement without disrupting essential services, creating urban integration plans that link refugee support with local development, improving coordination among security, immigration, and social welfare agencies and strengthening community engagement programmes to reduce fear and misinformation around migrants.

Politicians have not been silent. During rallies and campaign stops ahead of the upcoming elections, several candidates have touched on migration, often with a populist tone. Some promise stricter controls and closer scrutiny of new arrivals, framing the debate as one of national interest and economic security, as witnessed with Mr Mubarak Munyagwa, the presidential flag-bearer of the Common Man’s Party. Humanitarian organisations have cautioned against the politicisation of refugee issues, warning that migrants remain highly vulnerable.

‘Stopping registration doesn’t make migration disappear; it just drives people into informal and potentially unsafe channels,’ says Mariam Abdi, a spokesperson for a refugee rights group in Kampala.

As Uganda navigates this delicate issue, the tension between political expediency, public perception, and humanitarian obligations is becoming increasingly visible. For voters and policymakers alike, migration is no longer just a regional matter-it is a domestic political flashpoint. ‘The withdrawal or reduction of support from partners such as the United States and UN agencies, particularly the World Food Programme, whose budget has been cut by a third or more, has weakened the government’s capacity to feed and support refugees,’ Mr Marlon Agaba, the executive director of the Anti-Corruption Coalition Uganda (ACCU), observes.

Mr Agaba notes that tensions are growing, especially among urban refugees. ‘When you look at the situation in Kisenyi and other urban areas, it’s still manageable. But in [the] West Nile [Sub-region], particularly Arua [District], the refugee population is rapidly increasing. This brings pressure on land and local resources, which could be part of the reason the government wants to suspend refugee registration.’ He adds that the long-term strategy should involve working with refugees’ countries of origin to ensure conditions are safe for their return.

Dutch deal

This comes as the Dutch government prepares to send dozens of migrants to Uganda under a deal similar to one struck by the Trump administration, despite possible legal and practical challenges. The Dutch Migration and Foreign Affairs minister, Mr David van Weel, told the Financial Times this week that a ‘transit hub’ in Uganda where people would be deported could start operating as early as next year. Mr Van Weel says the agreement was ‘in compliance with international law, with European law, with our national laws . . . But of course, this will be appealed in the beginning, and then we’ll see whether or not that holds up.’

Human rights were a central component to the agreement struck last month with Kampala, Mr Van Weel says, something that is not a priority for Washington.

‘We don’t deny a responsibility that human rights of people that we send there need to be respected. That’s clear,’ Mr Van Weel says, adding that they had asked the UN refugee agency UNHCR and the International Organisation for Migration (IOM) to manage the centres on the ground.

In August, the Trump administration entered into an agreement with Kampala to take in rejected asylum seekers from the US. But Washington does not seek the collaboration of any UN agencies in its deportation plans. The Ugandan Foreign Affairs ministry at the time said it would prefer to take in individuals from African countries, and that it would not accept those with criminal records or unaccompanied minors.

The Dutch deal, which still needs to be finalised, would have Uganda taking in people that the Dutch government has been unable to send to their home countries, per Mr Van Weel. He adds that LGBT+ people would not be sent to Uganda to protect them from its discriminatory laws, which punish being gay with life in prison or even death. ‘I think we have [a] responsibility for [the] people we send there,’ he said. ‘There’s also a responsibility from the Ugandan side.’

Mr Vincent Bagiire, the permanent secretary in Uganda’s Foreign Affairs ministry, says Kampala has proposed measures similar to the deal with Washington. This means ‘accepting persons without a criminal record and persons of African origin who shall not use Uganda for political activism’. He says: ‘Uganda hosts both the IOM and UNHCR, and we shall collaborate to benefit from their expertise in matters of migration.’

The Granular details

According to Eurostat, the Netherlands last year ordered about 19,000 people to leave the country, and returned some 4,200. There can be a lag between a return decision and actual deportation, mainly due to legal challenges. The top nationalities who could not be returned by the Netherlands were not from the region around Uganda, but from Ukraine, Turkey, Algeria, Morocco and Syria-countries with high numbers of asylum applications in general-raising questions about the effectiveness of the Uganda deal. Dutch Migration and Foreign Affairs minister David van Weel says ‘it’s not only about solving the immediate problem of these cases, it’s also about the signal that we’re sending out’ as a ‘deterrent’.

‘If you have been issued a negative return decision, you have to leave voluntarily, because if not, then you will go to Uganda,’ he explains, adding that people would ‘become more co-operative once they are already outside of Europe’. Rights activists and some migration experts have criticised such schemes over concerns about rights breaches. Critics also argue that it would be more efficient to invest in asylum infrastructure in Europe. Mr Weel declined to say how much the ‘transition hub’ in Uganda would cost. The minister says UN organisations were ‘positive towards the idea’ of managing the return hub, as they are ‘already very active in Uganda.’

The IOM says it was ‘engaging closely’ with European partners, including the Dutch government, in implementing the EU’s new asylum rules and ‘return processes.’ UNHCR says it had ‘not seen the details’ nor had any ‘formal discussions’ on the Dutch-Ugandan deal and that its potential role would be limited to advising governments that centres comply with rights standards.

On August 18, the Director General (DG) of Health Services at the Ministry of Health, wrote to the Chairperson of the Parliamentary Committee on Defence and Internal Affairs, of the Parliament of the Republic of Uganda and expressed a number of reservations on some of the aspects of the Bill.

To the DG, the title of the Bill needed to be revised to better reflect its scope, purpose and intent. The current title of the Bill, as it is, is extremely broad and does not synch with what it intends to achieve.

It was the recommendation of the Ministry of Health the Bill redefines what an analytical laboratory is and without this, the Bill risks creating confusion by attempting to regulate the scientific analysis of all samples. The Office of the Directorate of Public Prosecutions could not agree more as it independently raised this same issue.

The DG told the Committee that the issue of management of poisons falls under the Ministry of Health which already has systemic, institutional and structural capabilities in place for managing patients who are poisoned.

Putting the management of poisons under the Directorate of Government Analytical Laboratory would have the effect of duplication of services within the same government. And moreover this was a position agreed upon during the consultative process.

How and why a different position resurfaced in the Bill needs to be explained by the drafters of the Bill.

The opinion of the ODPP was that other suitable professional bodies like the Ministry of Health and other affiliated bodies are best suited to make comments on the subject matter of the Poison Control Centre. To the Ministry of Health poison management should be excluded from the Bill, as this function appropriately falls under its mandate.

The DG recommended that a dedicated committee of experts be drawn from the relevant stakeholders involved in the forensic field and constituted to provide oversight and regulation of forensic practice in the country. This is necessary considering the wide scope of forensic practice and the critical role of the multiple stakeholders.

Another stakeholder was of the opinion that Uganda’s most urgent need is of an independent body, by law established, to regulate and oversee the forensic services offered by the key stakeholders. Such a body will provide regulatory oversight to the forensic services offered by the Uganda Police, the Ministry of Health and the Government Analytical Laboratory.

There is a further suggestion that Uganda should establish a body known as The Independent Forensic and Scientific Services Commission with representation from, among others, the Judiciary and ODPP, the law enforcement agencies, Ministry of Health, professional associations and the Human Rights Commission.

Such a commission would provide for checks and balances of the services provided and prevent the concentration of regulatory power within a single Ministry.

In addition such a body would provide independent oversight for DNA databases as well as align the country with global trends in forensic governance. An independent body with input from the relevant stakeholders enhances impartiality, promotes human rights and builds public confidence.

In the United Kingdom the Forensic Service Regulator operates independently and reports to Parliament. It provides codes of conduct for forensic services but does not sit within a single Ministry. In South Africa, the National Forensic Oversight and Ethics Board, established under the Criminal Law (Forensic Procedures) Amendment Act, 2013, includes representation from police, forensic scientists’ civil society and lawyers.

The Ministry of Health further recommended that a benchmarking visit to selected countries within the region should be considered to study how their Analytical Laboratories operate and collaborate with other forensic service providers. It was most unfortunate that this Bill was drafted without benchmarking.

It will also be prudent to review the legal framework establishing Government Analytical Laboratories in these countries and other relevant laws regulating forensic practice. Uganda’s Forensic and Scientific Services Bill, 2025 may be the only one of its kind and risks entering unchartered waters considering the comments about the Bill by the various stakeholders.

On February 13, 2025, the Forensic Evidence Bill, 2024 was withdrawn on the floor of Parliament and the reason given for withdrawing the Bill was that after extensive consultations it had become obvious that some aspects of the bill needed to be reviewed and refined. The Forensic and Scientific Analytical Services Bill, 2025 has the same defects as previous Bill and must, therefore, be painfully withdrawn.

The defects in the Forensic Bill 2025 are the misdeeds and mischief’s of the team that was to review and refine the previous Bill. The team simply repackaged the old bill without incorporating the changes that the stakeholders had recommended. This was probably because of conflict of interest and other ulterior motives.

It would be prudent that the Ministry of Internal Affairs engages the Law Reform Commission (ULRC) to take the lead in drafting a law to regulate forensic practice and the Commission will, in turn, consult and hire relevant experts to draft this law. The ULRC is a constitutional body established under Article 248 (1) of the constitution of Uganda and the mandate of the Commission is to study and keep under constant review the laws of Uganda.

The ODPP raised a fundamental issue; that a law that is enacted should address a specific mischief meriting regulation by statute. Neither the memorandum of this Bill nor the text of the Bill itself has clearly spelt out the mischief this law is intended to cure. That there are challenges in regulation and provision of forensic services in Uganda is not in question.

The question is what type of law we need to cure these defects. A law may be regulatory or administrative. The framers of the Forensic Bill 2025 should have interrogated the needs of the country in as far as forensic services are concerned before coming up with this Bill, which Bill is both regulatory and administrative.

The major issues in forensic service delivery in Uganda today include credibility of results of forensic examinations and tests, capacity building, logistical challenges and coordination of the services. Forensic and Scientific Analytical Services Bill 2025 has not and will not address these endemic challenges. The root causes of these poor services needed to be have interrogated even before such a bill was drafted.

Many of these issues may be addressed through administrative measures including internal and external quality control and establishment of a regulatory body.

The Forensic and Scientific Analytical Services Bill 2025 is basically about the services provided by the Government Analytical Laboratory, to the exclusion of the services offered by other stakeholders. A question that begs to be answered is what value this law will add to the quality of services that the DGAL will provide.

Forensic services are crucial in justice delivery and these services are provided by, among others, the Uganda Police Force, the Ministry of Health and the Government Analytical Laboratory. These sectors technically play distinct roles.

No single administrative law can harmonise the roles and responsibilities of these key stakeholders. It is only a regulatory law that will bind these service providers and without such a law things will continue to fall apart.

In a powerful joint statement, 28 World Food Prize Laureates, together with world-renowned chef and humanitarian José Andrés, made an urgent call to double investment in emergency food assistance and sustainable agriculture. They declared that hunger is a collective challenge that demands engagement from every corner of society.

Issued in honour of the late Dr Norman E. Borlaug, founder of the World Food Prize, the Laureates stated that while progress has been made since the world first affirmed the human right to food more than 75 years ago, hunger continues to exact a heavy toll globally.

Over 700 million people still go hungry, more than two billion lack reliable access to food, and nearly one in four children suffer from stunting.

The Laureates called on governments, international organisations and civil society to urgently strengthen support for emergency food relief, especially in conflict-affected regions such as Gaza, Sudan, Yemen and Haiti. They also urged long-term investment in agricultural innovation to help farmers produce more with fewer resources, ensuring food systems remain resilient amid climate and economic shocks.

‘Let us double down-not in words, but in action,’ the statement reads. ‘We must double emergency food assistance and double investments in sustainable agricultural development.’

Among those to endorse the statement were 2017 World Food Prize Laureate, Akinwumi Adesina, recognised for driving agricultural transformation across Africa and the 2009 World Food Prize Laureate, Gebisa Ejeta, who was honoured for his research in creating sorghum hybrids that are resistant to both severe drought and the destructive parasitic Striga weed.

The signatories also included the 2020 World Food Prize Laureate and leading soil scientist, Rattan Lal, whose work on carbon sequestration has shaped global climate-smart agriculture and Cary Fowler, joint 2024 World Food Prize Laureate and founder of the Svalbard Global Seed Vault, known for championing crop diversity and global food resilience.

The Laureates and Chef Andrés are urging world leaders to take four decisive actions:

Prevent famine by sustaining and scaling support for emergency food relief, especially in conflict zones such as Gaza, Sudan, Yemen, and Haiti.

Confront long-term food insecurity by accelerating sustainable agricultural productivity through bold investment in transformative innovation and locally led systems.

Promote shared prosperity by creating policies that allow science, trade, and innovation to flourish.

Foster a culture of shared responsibility, ensuring that governments, industry, and individuals play their part in ending hunger.

By uniting humanitarian action with sustainable development, the Laureates reaffirmed their shared vision of a world where hunger is history and the right to food is realised for all.

Kampala is no stranger to international cuisine and themed nights, but what unfolded at Emin Pasha Hotel during the celebration of Día de la Hispanidad felt refreshingly unique and different. It was a cultural showcase of living, breathing reunion of worlds, led by Chef Álvaro Useleti, and embraced by a colourful guest list representing not just Spain, but Latin America, Uganda, and beyond.

From the moment the first pan of paella began to simmer, guests were drawn in by the aroma and conviviality that Spanish gatherings are known for. It was more than a Spanish event. It was a celebration of the global Hispanic spirit, which naturally extends to communities from Mexico, Colombia, Chile, Argentina, and Cuba, many of whom were present and proudly representing their culinary and musical influences.

Ugandan guests, food lovers, and international residents mingled freely, plates in hand, discovering that culture tastes even better when shared family-style. Chef Álvaro cooked and shared some narratives with the curious ones. As the giant paella pan sizzled with saffron, seafood, and paprika, he offered small culinary anecdotes, tracing the dish’s Moorish influences and its journey from Valencia to the world.

Some guests compared the flavours Ugandans noted with delight how the smokiness of the chorizo echoed familiar luwombo firewood notes.

This spontaneous exchange of cultural references was perhaps the most authentic celebration of the day- food as conversation. It was heartwarming to watch nations mingle and unlike formal embassy receptions, Día de la Hispanidad at Emin Pasha felt deeply personal. The Latin American community in Kampala, though small, turned out in colourful style, bringing with them a generosity of spirit.

Ugandan guests reciprocated with curiosity and warmth, proving once again that Kampala remains one of Africa’s most welcoming cultural crossroads.

In a city where global influences often arrive through commercial gloss, this event felt delightfully human; laughter over paella, new friendships formed over sangria, and a gentle reminder that culture, when unboxed from formality, becomes a shared emotion.

Food and music experience

It was a celebration of the global Hispanic spirit, which naturally extends to communities from Mexico, Colombia, Chile, Argentina, and Cuba, many of whom were present and proudly representing their culinary and musical influences.

It was a cultural showcase of living, breathing reunion of worlds, led by Chef Álvaro Useleti, and embraced by a colourful guest list representing not just Spain, but Latin America, Uganda, and beyond.

Candidate Yoweri Museveni this week concluded his barnstorms of Acholi, confident that he will poll higher than the 58.491 percent average mustered across the sub-region’s eight districts during the 2021 presidential poll. Two broad issues have in recent times come to capture the imagination of the sub-region’s constituents. Firstly, there are the related issues of the depletion of natural forest cover and degradation of gazetted river catchment areas in east Acholi districts.

Experts say such human activities are central to both issues. If it is not the increased demand for charcoal as a major source of energy, then it is the extraction of sand and gravel that leaves behind open spaces with borrow pits. In the districts of Kitgum, Lamwo and Agago, key rivers, including Pager, Aswa, Aringa and Orom, have not been spared by the devastation.

The major rivers include Pager (running from the hilly areas of Mt Moroto and Orom mountain rangers and Aringa (running mainly from the hilly areas of Agoro hills), among other small streams. These form the bigger Aswa Catchment Management Area that is managed under the Ministry of Water and Environment’s Upper Nile Water Management Zone programme.

According to the Kitgum District’s Development Plan 2021-2025 document, natural resources have been degraded over time. ‘It is common that people are cultivating inside the river banks and penetrating wetland areas during the dry season to cultivate rice and vegetables. As a result, most parts of these major rivers are now getting silted,’ the document states in part.

For the case of mountains/hills, cultivation of crops in the foothills is a common phenomenon as is the extraction of gravel for construction activities. Kitgum boasts a combined 30,704 hectares of forests gazetted as central forest reserves under the National Forestry Authority (NFA). Only 16 hectares of local forest reserves are managed by the district.

‘We have five local forest reserves, all of which are unfortunately located within rapidly developing sub-counties. One of the reserves is in one of the divisions within Kitgum municipality, and the division headquarters and a market are sitting inside the reserve,’ Mr Martin Anywar, the Kitgum District forest officer, said in an interview. Authorities decided to allocate Labongo-Layamu Local Forest Reserve in Labongo-Layamo Sub-county to developers on the assumption that it was an empty and vacant land. Elsewhere, Matidi local forest reserve in Kitgum-Matidi Sub-county is 100 percent encroached, Mr Anywar disclosed.

‘In 1986, our tree cover was 20.7, but in 2002, the forest cover came down to 13. Then, in 2021, it increased a little by, I think, 0.2 or 0.3; there was a little bit of increase in that forest cover. But when you look at agriculture, which was around 0.2 percent of our land cover in 1986,’ Mr Anywar noted.

Lost in the woods

In Amuru District, the NFA has continued to struggle amid stiff resistance from communities to restore, protect and preserve forest cover. As a result of the continued human activities, over 1,000 acres of forest reserve land in Keyo, Wii-Ceri and Labala have been lost with about 60 percent of tree cover depleted, majorly due to settlement, agriculture and commercial charcoal burning and logging, it is established.

Several attempts to open boundaries of reserve lands in the district have been futile, with the majority of community members violently rejecting the process.

Mr Michael Lakony, the Amuru District chairman, however, blames the continued encroachment into forest reserves and the rapid depletion of tree cover from the forest reserves in the district on the ‘inactive’ presence of NFA on the ground. He is not the only critical voice. Ms Paska Kerren Alanyo, Amuru District forest officer, says: ‘When I came here three years ago, I went to that reserve and I failed to trace it because there was no single tree; instead, some buildings, crop plantations sat on it. It is 100 percent lost.’

Ms Alanyo says their efforts to reclaim the reserves from encroachers are continually curtailed by underfunding, which makes their operations ineffective.

As a result, commercial charcoal dealers have destroyed all the tree cover in the villages of Coro, Aker, Luro, Apaa, which was a resettlement camp, Goro B, Kalacut, Acut, Zoka, and Kamdini, among others, in Amuru. Commercial charcoal production in Acholi Sub-region has nearly doubled after the issuance of the Presidential (Executive) Order in May 2023.

New strides

Currently, central forest reserves manned by NFA occupy up to 1,265,741 hectares, constituting 64 percent of Uganda’s permanent forest estate (PFE), with the rest of the estate being managed by Uganda Wildlife Authority (UWA). ‘With the fourth highest population growth rate globally of 3.3 percent, there is a high demand for agricultural land, construction materials (timber, poles, sand, etc), and energy sources (firewood and charcoal), the refugee population (estimated at 1.8 million in 2025) adds to the population pressure, a challenge to safeguarding the forest estate,’ NFA states in its 2025-30 corporate strategic plan.

To restore depleted forest cover in the Acholi Sub-region, NFA has invested in the generation of tree nurseries aimed at regenerating critical indigenous and commercial species. These include Shea (Vitellaria paradoxa), Tectona grandis (Teak), Mvule (Milicia excelsa), and Warburgia ugandensis, a rare medicinal tree.

These nurseries are expected to supply seedlings for forest restoration, community planting, and enrichment of degraded forest reserves, according to Mr Aldon Walukamba, NFA’s communications and public relations manager.

Despite the present efforts, Mr Walukamba says the severity of encroachment on central forest reserves manned by NFA remains a challenge in the Acholi Sub-region, where vast areas have been targeted for farming, settlement and charcoal burning. ‘NFA has stepped up efforts to protect and restore central forest reserves in Acholi and Lango sub-regions, with notable progress in several central forest reserves. These interventions are part of a broader strategy to safeguard Uganda’s forests against rising threats of encroachment, illegal charcoal production, and unsustainable land use practices,’ he told Saturday Monitor.

NFA, in collaboration with other government agencies, has enforced the Presidential Directive on charcoal, targeting large-scale illegal commercial production that has devastated Shea tree populations in northern Uganda, he added.

Balaalo issue

Away from forest encroachment, the Acholi Sub-region has found itself grappling with the issue of the Balaalo herdsmen. Their battles with Lamwo landowners are well documented. The battles moved to court this year, with High Court judge Justice George Okello dismissing the herdsmen’s claims on account of them not having any property rights.

It all started on November 11, 2021 when Simon Timbigamba, Petero Bashaijja, John Bosco Kamanzi, Moses Gakumba, George William Katozi, Emmanuel Tayebwa, and others sought legal redress. They sued Palabek chiefdom, Palabek Kal Town, Palabek Gem, Palabek Kal, Palabek Ogili, Palabek Nyimur, Palabek Abera Sub-county and ten others for illegally evicting them from the land on which they kept their cattle. According to the court, while the herdsmen claimed, in their suit, to have rented and purchased land through formal arrangements with several persons within Lamwo District for pastoralism.

They further claimed that the accused held meetings and resolved to irregularly evict them from the land irregularly. The herdsmen also expressed contempt for being called ‘Balaalo’ a term they deemed defamatory. To understand the weight of the standoff, you have to go back to October 25, 2021. Back then, the Palabek Chiefdom summoned a meeting. The meeting involved all lower local governments, including lawmakers. Up for discussion were concerns over the intrusion of large numbers of herdsmen in Palabek County.

The intrusion, according to the chiefdom, was an undesirable trend that could not be left to persist unchecked and unregulated. The meeting is said to have discussed how the herdsmen manipulated vulnerable and unaware locals to ‘fraudulently obtain’ documents. According to a memo authored by Palabek chiefdom, presented as evidence before the court, since they were alleged to have caused marital issues in households by using their money to entice locals’ wives and young girls, the leaders during the meeting ordered the herdsmen and their cattle to vacate the area.

‘No new inflow of cattle into Palabek by the Balalo shall be allowed forthwith; all clans must ensure they take effective control over their customary lands to avoid individuals grabbing and disposing them off; persons who are said to have sold off or leased customary lands or any other land in Palabek are asked to devise ways of remedying and or redeeming the transaction otherwise such transaction is considered null and void,’ the memo reads in part.

In his judgment, Justice Okello averred that while Mr Timbigamba, one of the applicants, hired 300 acres of land from Mr Oryem Lodoviko Atoya in 2020, he did not suffer any deprivation of property by the respondents’ acts but mere contract rights given his status as a mere tenant. ‘The 300 acres appear to have remained the property of Atoro Obori Shirinus’ family with the right to deal in purely regulated by the customary law of the area, which Mr Oryem Lodoviko Atoya, the head of the family, ought to follow in case of any dealings.’

Whereas Mr John Bosco Kamanzi told the court that he rented 1,280 acres of land for five years from Mr Jimmy Odoko-pira and family for Shs11m, the court ruled that he did not acquire any property right or interest in the 1,280 acres of land but a mere contractual right which the accused was right to reject. Mr Museveni has found himself sucked into the dicey issue. In Executive Order 3, issued on May 19, Mr Museveni banned all Balaalo from northern Uganda, labelling them as undisciplined. His ruling NRM party has found itself having to stress that position, mindful that it is one of the hot button issues heading into the 2026 poll.

Anita Among’s reelection to Parliament has opened a Pandora’s box, with Opposition leader Robert Kyagulanyi, alias Bobi Wine, saying the Speaker of the 11th Parliament is the beneficiary of exhibition of dark arts. Among was on Thursday elected unopposed as the Bukedea District Woman Representative (DWR) in the 12th Parliament.

Bobi Wine stopped short of saying there was foul play after two aspirants his party intended to have on the ballot were mysteriously unavailable on the final day of nomination of candidates in parliamentary races. The developments mean, just as was the case during the immediate past electoral cycle, Among heads to the House unopposed.

People installed within Among’s sanctum have told Saturday Monitor that Among intends to ramp up her mobilisation of votes for candidate Yoweri Museveni as he looks to extend his presidency. The Opposition say this is only half of the story.

Dark arts?

In every general election cycle, a National Resistance Movement (NRM) party cadre, who isn’t bogged down in their constituency, assigns himself or herself the role of undoing the work that the Opposition has done. This assignment includes organising rallies where the Opposition’s leading presidential candidate has just held their campaigns and parading Opposition supporters alleged to have decamped to the NRM.

During the 2021 election campaigns, it was Mike Mukula, unburdened by choosing not to vie for a parliamentary seat, who assigned himself the role of rocking the boat of Bobi Wine, the National Unity Platform (NUP) presidential flag-bearer. Mukula used a helicopter to crisscross eastern and northern Uganda, making what he christened as ‘clandestine’ manoeuvres. Then the NRM’s Vice Chairman for eastern Uganda, Mukula declared his intention to dismantle any semblance of structure that Bobi Wine had put in place.

Mukula’s tactic was to go wherever the NUP presidential candidate had completed campaigning and talk to his agents to decamp to the NRM side. The NRM stalwart was confident that following his manoeuvres, NUP wasn’t going to win any parliamentary seats from West Nile, Acholi, Lango, Sebei, Busoga and Bugisu. The former Soroti Municipality MP’s methods basked in the glory of limiting NUP to only two successful parliamentary victories in eastern Uganda-John Baptist Nambeshe, who won Manjiya County in Bugisu Sub-region and Manjeri Kyebakutika, who won the Jinja City Woman Representative slot.

For the 2026 elections, Among has assigned herself the role of trying to undo the inroads made by the Opposition. After soundly defeating Rebecca Kadaga for the coveted position of the NRM’s Second Female National Vice Chairperson, sources say Among has been ‘under pressure’ to prove that she is a performer. To get the better of Kadaga, whose strength was her seniority, Among styled herself as the great mobiliser. ‘Yes, I’m new, but I come with new ideas and new vibrancy. The mobilisation that I’m doing for this party… I have over 10 Members of Parliament here that I have brought from the Opposition to the NRM, and here they are,’ Among said during the NRM delegates conference held in August.

With Museveni slowing down as any octogenarian would, Among has taken the role of being his chief campaigner. Observers say she has been eager to reach all precincts of the country where her boss can’t reach. Yet to effectively reach every part of this country, sources that preferred anonymity told Saturday Monitor that the outgoing House Speaker doesn’t want to be bothered with any notion of the Opposition in her Bukedea backyard where she has been the DWR for two terms.

It’s in this context that, sources say, all possible challengers to her seat in Bukedea, including Marion Mercy Alupo (NUP), Hellen Odeke Akol (Independent), and Susan Norma Otai (Forum for Democratic Change), found themselves off the voters’ register. NUP described the circumstances as dubious.

Barred

It all started when Zipporah Akol, who works at Parliament, where Among is the Speaker, dragged Alupo, Odeke and Otai to court. She said the three hopefuls should be barred from being nominated as candidates for the Bukedea DWR slot. It was further alleged that none of the three originate from Bukedea. The Electoral Commission (EC) would later file an affidavit in the High Court in support of Akol’s case, confirming that indeed the names of Among’s rivals had been deleted from the register following a recommendation from a tribunal.

‘The Commission, upon review of the tribunal’s decisions, established that no evidence was lodged with the tribunals to challenge its decisions recommending deletion of the first [Alupo], second [Odeke], and third [Otai] respondents during the 10 days of natural justice,’ said Richard Kamugisha Baabo, the EC’s acting secretary.

The three women who were removed denied ever appearing before the said tribunal. ‘To fool or expose themselves, they deleted the names, they called us at the EC office in Kampala, then constituted the committee whose mandate had expired, to probe us,’ Otai explained. While Among’s opponents were chained, she was combing Busoga, which had been covered by Bobi Wine. Once Bobi Wine exited Buyende District, where the Speaker’s husband, Moses Magogo, is a native, Among dashed there telling NRM supporters to start a door-to-door campaign in which they would ask people to vote for Museveni on the grounds that ‘he believes in God.’

‘Ask each person to please support the man who believes in God, President Museveni. I say he believes in God because he assented to the Anti-Homosexuality Bill,’ Among said. Among also went to Bugiri and Namayingo districts, which Museveni lost to Bobi Wine in 2021, telling them to vote yellow-the NRM colour-if they want their leaders to be appointed ministers by Museveni in the next Cabinet. ‘The Speaker [Among] comes from Teso. The ministers come from Teso. They are about five or 10 from Teso. Why, because people from Teso voted for Museveni. Are you ready to give President Museveni your votes so that you get ministers here?’ Among asked the Bugiri voters.

On the offensive

From Bugiri, Among took her crusade to Bugweri, another district in the Busoga Sub-region that Bobi Wine won during the 2021 presidential poll. In an effort to see that Museveni retakes Bugweri, Among brought on board the area’s long-serving legislator, Abdu Katuntu, who promised to spearhead efforts to see that the area is turned to the yellow column. ‘Those who know that I’m their captain should organise quickly such that we meet and strategise on how the president [Museveni] wins this area,’ Katuntu, who is for the second time standing as an Independent, said.

Katuntu also claimed that he had decided to support Museveni because when Bobi WIne campaigned in the district, he allegedly asked voters to throw him out on account of working with the NRM. ‘When he [Bobi Wine] campaigned here, he told voters that he doesn’t like me. So, since he said that he doesn’t like me, then what can I do? I’m left with no option but to go where I’m liked,’ said Katuntu, who has been in the House since 2001, forging alliances with Kadaga before dropping her for Among.

Throwing her weight behind Katuntu to be re-elected means Among is sidelining the official NRM flag-bearer, Sadala Wandera, who has the support of Kadaga. This is not the only sub-plot preoccupying Among’s mind. To curtail her movements, NUP decided to replace Alupo with Florence Asio. ‘Anita Among, using the Electoral Commission and the courts recently had the NUP candidate, the FDC candidate and an Independent candidate removed from the voters’ register in order to block them from running against her in Bukedea,’ Bobi Wine wrote on social media this week.

He added: ‘None of those candidates were ever invited for any tribunal hearing until they were informed that the Parish Tribunal had decided to remove them from the register! While we filed a court case, which is still ongoing, we have this morning unveiled comrade Florence Asio as the NUP candidate for Bukedea Woman MP.’

He concluded: ‘We hope that Among will not shamelessly seek to block her as well. The people of Bukedea now have an opportunity to choose between an internationally sanctioned thief of public funds and a young, vibrant leader who will speak for them.’ Asio, however, disappeared at the 11th hour, with Bobi Wine revealing on Thursday evening that ‘her phone numbers, as well as the phone numbers of the comrades she was travelling with from Soroti to Bukedea for her nomination, were all off!’ To many, this was the stuff of movies. Not Bobi Wine, who whined that ‘shamelessly, after committing all these crimes, Anita Among is chest-thumping that she is unopposed!’

Sour grapes?

Mr Chris Obore, the director of communications at Parliament, told Saturday Monitor that NUP should be advised that trying to capture State power through ‘hateful and tribal theatrics’ is unhealthy for Uganda’s national cohesion. ‘Let them also be advised that Anita Among, whom they hate so much, is cherished in Bukedea,’ Obore said. ‘They should appreciate that the NRM is strong and growing stronger in Bukedea and the Teso Sub-region in general. If they want to make political inroads into Teso and other areas, they should leave hatred and blackmail in Kampala and approach other places with honesty and humility.’

He added that NUP has invested heavily in hating and blackmailing the Speaker, yet thousands of women in Bukedea have allowed her to go unopposed because ‘she is their political treasure.’

Mr Obore further added that even NUP’s own candidates in Teso asked the Speaker for forgiveness, confessing that the party had deceived them and only taught them to hate. ‘They informed her that they were summoned to NUP headquarters and asked to pay for their own nomination fees, which most of them refused. Only one candidate in Bukedea was nominated after contributing one million shillings to NUP,’ he said.

According to Obore, the Speaker forgave them and advised them to either join the NRM or learn to avoid ‘politics of insults and blackmail.’

Mr Julius Mucunguzi, the spokesperson of the Uganda Electoral Commission (EC), said during or after elections, any person with a complaint should petition the EC for intervention.

He explained that the Commission has a clear process to handle electoral grievances. ‘If anybody has a complaint, he or she should petition the EC. The Commission will receive the petition and make a determination after hearing from all the parties involved,’ Mr Mucunguzi said. He advised all aggrieved candidates and political parties to follow the lawful procedures and channel their concerns through the EC rather than resorting to public confrontations.

Uganda’s agriculture sector must move away from fragmented project planning and embrace complete value-chain development if farmers are to reap the full benefits of their labour, the Minister for Agriculture, Animal Industry and Fisheries, Mr Frank Tumwebaze, has said.

Speaking during a World Bank Mission hosted by the National Agricultural Research Organisation (Naro) at the National Livestock Resources Research Institute (NaLIRRI) in Nakyesasa, Wakiso District, Mr Tumwebaze emphasised that poorly designed, stand-alone agricultural initiatives often fail to deliver impact because they neglect market linkages and value addition.

‘It’s dangerous to plan for production alone without a lens on markets because agriculture can only thrive when we look at the entire value chain from inputs and production to processing, storage, and marketing. Through this, our projects will be more impactful and farmers will find greater sense in doing agriculture,’ he said.

He cited the case of vanilla production, saying while the crop was widely promoted, it lacked proper planning for market access and processing capacity, leaving farmers stranded when global prices dropped.

‘We must learn from that experience. Every proposal should integrate production, research, market systems, and farmer incentives,’ he added.

Tumwebaze also called on project proposal teams under the ministry and research agencies to synchronise their programmes with agricultural seasons, saying mismatches in input supply and planting cycles continue to undermine productivity.

‘A good project that delivers inputs after the planting season loses its value and we must plan in alignment with the rhythm of our farmers,’ he said

He commended Naro for its growing research potential and assured the scientists of continued government support, which has emphasised the centrality of agricultural research in Uganda’s economic transformation. Mr Fan Qimiao from World Bank expressed admiration for Naro’s contribution to agricultural development, revealing that it was one of the reasons for his visit.

‘It’s because of the wonderful work you are doing that I have visited this institution and I have been impressed by the dairy zero-waste model. This is exactly the kind of long value chain we want to build,’ he said.

He highlighted the transformative potential of agriculture to create decent jobs and raise household incomes, noting that Uganda’s average maize yield of 2.3 metric tonnes per hectare could easily be tripled with better technology, inputs, and infrastructure.

‘If Uganda can reach yields of six to seven metric tonnes per hectare, farmers’ incomes will double or triple. That’s why the World Bank continues to prioritise agriculture. It is key to inclusive growth,’ he said.

Qimiao reaffirmed the World Bank’s support for Uganda’s national development strategy, which seeks tenfold economic growth by 2040, expanding the economy from $50b to $500b. The plan hinges on four pillars: agro-industrialisation, tourism development, mineral development, including oil and gas, and science, technology, and innovation.

He emphasised the need for climate-resilient agriculture, high-yielding seeds, irrigation, and access to fertilisers, alongside investment in rural roads and electricity to improve market connectivity. ‘Infrastructure is the backbone of successful agriculture. Without roads and energy, even the best research cannot reach the farmer,’ Qimiao stressed.

Naro’s Innovation Footprint

Dr Yona Baguma, the Naro Director General, detailed the organisation’s extensive work in developing high-yielding, drought-tolerant, and disease-resistant varieties of key crops such as coffee, banana, maize, beans, rice, cassava, groundnuts, sweet potato, millet, sorghum, wheat, and potato.

These innovations, he said, have not only boosted food security but also supplied raw materials for Uganda’s emerging agro-industries. ‘Our goal is to make research relevant to every farmer,’ Dr Baguma explained.

‘The technologies we develop must strengthen resilience to climate change, improve productivity, and enhance competitiveness.’

However, Dr Baguma cautioned that while Uganda’s research foundations are solid, more effort is needed to align innovations with market demands and expand private sector partnerships.

‘The next phase is to scale adoption with World Bank and other partners to work with us in commercialising technologies that improve productivity, create jobs, and position Uganda as a leader in agro-industrial transformation in Africa,’ he said.

Mr Tumwebase added that agriculture must move from projects in isolation to programmes that connect farmers to value and prosperity.

‘When we plan holistically, farmers benefit, markets grow, and Uganda wins. That is the future we are building as agriculture sector that works for every Ugandan.’

The plan

Qimiao reaffirmed the World Bank’s support for Uganda’s national development strategy, which seeks tenfold economic growth by 2040, expanding the economy from $50b to $500b.

The plan hinges on four pillars: agro-industrialization, tourism development, mineral development including oil and gas, and science, technology, and innovation.

The Wednesday morning news that at least 46 people had been confirmed dead and several others injured following a four-car crash on the Kampala-Gulu Highway left the nation in mourning. The crash at Asili Farm in Kitaleeba Village in Kiryandongo District, according to police’s preliminary report, involved two buses of different transport companies, a lorry truck and a Toyota Surf.

But the tragic accident is a stinging indictment of our failure to enforce basic road safety. The head-on collision between two buses is not an ‘accident’, but rather a predictable result of negligence and unchecked recklessness. For too long, Uganda has quietly accepted a horrific level of road carnage. Year after year, the numbers climb, from 4,534 fatalities in 2022 to more than 5,100 in 2024. The victims are not statistics; they are parents, children, and productive citizens lost to a preventable epidemic.

According to the Uganda Police Force’s most recent annual crime report, a total of 25,107 road traffic crashes were recorded in 2024, reflecting a 6.4 percent increase from 2023. The Wednesday crash, the Force’s initial reports say, was caused by two bus drivers attempting careless overtaking manoeuvres simultaneously. This is not new. Police data confirms that careless overtaking and speeding account for nearly half of all crashes. Our roads are narrow, often poorly marked, and frequently used by heavy-goods vehicles, fast buses, and vulnerable pedestrians.

It is our appeal that we move beyond the cycle of tragedy, momentary outrage, and swift forgetfulness. The President’s pledge of Shs5 million assistance to the bereaved families is appreciated, but the most important assistance the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) government can offer is the guarantee of safety on public roads.

To do this, police must enforce the traffic laws, regardless of who is occupying the car or who it belongs to. We suffer from a culture of impunity where a section of road users, especially the ‘connected’ and those driving government cars, flout traffic laws because they are seen as untouchable. All violators of the law should face severe penalties.

The government should ensure all cars are roadworthy. The government must immediately re-establish and enforce a mandatory, rigorous vehicle inspection system to pull cars in dangerous mechanical condition off the roads. Also, transport companies must be held directly responsible for the conduct of their drivers. Any operator whose vehicles are involved in fatal crashes due to reckless driving should face sanctions, including the permanent suspension of their license.

Until the government demonstrates a strong commitment to transforming road discipline, the bodies will continue to pile up. This week’s tragedy should be the final wake-up call.