Category: Daily Monitor

Want to find out where many members of Uganda’s chattering class on social media live? Camp on the timeline of the power distributor UEDCL any day and, soon enough, you will see the groans of despair over power surges destroying equipment, low voltage supply unable to run stuff, or just no power at all.

This is an old problem — before UEDCL, it was Umeme, the listed concessionaire, that Ugandans loved to hate — but an evolving one. If your lights went out 15 years ago, it was probably because of load shedding or power rationing. Today, it is likely to be down to a creaky last-mile distribution network, or an errant driver wrapping their car around an electricity pole and bringing down the line.

This is because we have, in the space of those 15 years, gone from an electricity deficit to a surplus after the commissioning of the 183-megawatt Isimba dam and the 600MW Karuma.

There is no justification for a country with a surplus of electricity to have routine power outages. In its ‘ode to joy’ note to shareholders as it rode off into the sunset, Umeme noted that power losses — in transmission and unpaid bills — had halved during its concession to around 16 percent. Significant, but still much higher than the industry average of 10 percent.

Given that most customers are now on pre-paid electricity metres, this persistently high loss factor suggests under-investment in the last-mile power grid under Umeme, which has now carried over into the new publicly owned distributor.

This is one of at least three power problems we must confront if we want to build a Uganda that works. Wasted electricity keeps the bills high for everyone because the power generated must be paid for, whether it is used or not. Irregular power also stymies economic growth, especially in small businesses, and even in larger ones, which must carry the additional expense of auxiliary power systems. To avoid wasting the current electricity surplus, we must quickly and rapidly upgrade the last-mile distribution network.

The second problem is the misalignment between where the power is generated and where it is used. Building industrial parks and heavy usage off takers nearer to the power generation sites would reduce the financial and technical cost of transmission. It will also create downstream economic opportunities and demand to end the current farce of power lines running above mud-and-wattle houses.

You need to manufacture stuff in Jinja and Karuma, then figure out a way to expand solar for the mostly domestic users upcountry. Figuring out how to assemble and then manufacture solar equipment locally will reduce the cost and accelerate electrification, with the bonus of saving what’s left of our trees (another topic, another day).

Our bigger problem with power, however, circles back to how much of it is available. On current projections, demand will match available supply in under a decade — shorter if extra heavy-duty industries, whose number has stagnated since before Covid, increase, including the entry of power-hungry data centres, or if rising incomes grow demand exponentially.

The problem is that it takes, on average, at least a decade to build a major power dam in Uganda, and they always come in way above budget, with technical snafus. Bujagali is a good example. First approved in 1994, it was not commissioned until 2012, by which time the cost had more than doubled to more than a billion dollars.

Opaque procurement processes lead to delays as rival bidders wrangle. It also leads to corners being cut (for example, the road over Isimba Dam that was conveniently ‘forgotten’) as adjustments are made to accommodate rent bills. They also lead to above-market prices.

For instance, the current price tag on the proposed 840MW Ayago hydropower project — which is already years behind schedule — is, according to one estimate, U$5 billion. This is roughly the same cost as Ethiopia’s Grand Renaissance Dam, which produces more than 5,000MW.

Even if the price tag drops, it will have to do so significantly to get back within the million-dollar-per-megawatt range that would make the power produced relatively cheap, and Ugandan producers using it competitive within the region and beyond.

So, as annoying as flickering lights are, we have a looming problem of powering Uganda’s economic growth by building bigger dams faster and better. There can be no economic growth, jobs and poverty reduction without cheap and reliable power. Of course, we have other problems with other forms of power, but electricity is one we do not have to leave for God to solve.

It was a breakthrough weekend for first-time winners Kruthum Nalumansi and Muzafaru Lubega, who capitalized on the absence of former champions Fadilah Shamika Mohamed Rafi and Augustus Owiny, who were abroad chasing glory at the Algeria and Egypt International Opens.

Nalumansi, a standout from CFK Academy, and Lubega, a Kampala Club prodigy, delivered thrilling performances, pocketing Shs1m each for their efforts in the lucrative Professional Category.

Tactical acumen

In the men’s singles final, Lubega’s precision smashes and tactical acumen overwhelmed highly-rated Reagan Michael Nsubuga, sealing a straight-sets victory 21-11, 21-6. Nalumansi, on her part, navigated a challenging draw including Awori Brenda, Zainab Wesonga, and Meble Namakoye, overcoming Namakoye in a three-game final 21-13, 18-21, 21-10 to lift the women’s crown.

Coach Simon Mugabi, also Uganda Badminton Association (UBA)’s CEO lauded the performance of all 1,118 players, noting the remarkable growth evident at the four-day long eighth edition, which also celebrated Linglong’s 50th anniversary.

National pride

The national shuttlers further cemented their dominance in the Nations Challenge, sweeping through Kenya and India with emphatic 2-0 wins to finish unbeaten.

Uganda’s perfect record of four points from the eight games won showcased tactical superiority and consistency, thrilling the home crowd and lifting the continental trophy.

Reddy rule

In the Asian Nationals category, the unstoppable pair Sruthi Reddy and Sunaina Reddy stormed to victory in the Women’s Doubles.

After defeating Raji Gudeti and Rashmi Kori in a tense three-game match, the sisters finished the competition unbeaten, claiming four points and a superior game tally of 87-67, demonstrating flawless coordination and power on court.

Corporate kings

Hosts City Tyres proved they could play as well as sponsor, dominating the Corporates Category. The top-seeded team advanced past Foodhub, City Oil, and Ruparelia Group before facing Supreme in a thrilling final.

After an intense five-game showdown, City Tyres emerged victorious 22-20, 21-18, 18-21, 25-23, 21-19, claiming both glory and bragging rights at their own event.

8th CITY TYRES EAST AFRICA BADMINTON CHALLENGE

WINNERS – PROFESSIONAL CATEGORY

Men’s Singles: Lubega Muzafaru

Women’s Singles: Kruthum Nalumansi

Men’s Doubles: Calvin Simiyu and Edwin Waitathu

Women’s Doubles: Olivia Nakajja and Meble Namakoye

Mixed Doubles: Muzafaru Lubega and Rajab Mbiira Shamsa

NATIONAL CHALLENGE CATEGORY

Winner: Uganda

Runner up: Kenya

Third Place: India

CORPORATES CATEGORY

Winner: City Tyres

COACHES CATEGORY

Unisex Doubles: Allan Nkire and Ronald Lule

VETERANS CATEGORY

Unisex Doubles: William Kabindi and Godfrey Kivumbi

ASIAN NATIONAL RESIDENTS’ CATEGORY

Men’s Doubles (20-45 Years): Mohamed Nowfal and Nazeem Nowfal

Men’s Doubles (Above 45 Years): Thomas Biju and Naveen Krishnan

Women’s Doubles: Sruthi Reddy and Sunaina Reddy

UNIVERSITY CATEGORY – TEAM EVENTS

Winner: Ndejje University

SCHOOLS CATEGORY – TEAM EVENTS

Boys Team Winner: Kinaawa High School Kawempe

Girls Team Winner: Mbogo High School

INDIVIDUAL EVENTS

U-10 Boys Singles: Sofian Nsubuga

U-10 Girls Singles: Agatesi Blessing

U-13 Boys Singles: Malik Juma Amjd

U-13 Girls Singles: Berindah Nakintu

U-15 Boys Singles: Abu Althaf

U-15 Girls Singles: Abigail Ndagire Mawanda (Seroma Christian High School)

U-19 Boys Singles: Mboowa Najjimu (Kinaawa High School Kawempe)

U-19 Girls Singles: Claire Namirembe (Kakungulu Memorial School)

Boys Doubles: Abdulrazak Mabuya and Kadoli Frederick (Kinaawa High School Kawempe)

Girls Doubles: Tricia Kyuuka and Bayat Nandagire (Mbogo High School)

Twelve environmental activists who were arrested during protests against the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP) in August 2025 have decried delayed justice after their fourth bail application was rejected.

The presiding Senior Principal Grade One, Magistrate Winnie Nankya Jatiko, at Buganda Road Chief Magistrate’s Court, said the suspects’ case was in an advanced stage and therefore, there was no need to grant them bail despite the fact that they have spent nearly three months on remand.

The activists, most of whom are students from various universities in the country under their umbrella body, Students Against Eacop Uganda, an environmental pressure group, were arrested on August 1 after staging a peaceful protest near Stanbic Bank in Kampala, over what they described as the bank’s continued funding of the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (Eacop). They were first arraigned in court on charges of being a public nuisance and remanded to Luzira till September 5.

The suspects, who include Teopista Nakyambadde, Shammy Nalwadda, Dorothy Asio, Shafik Kalyango, Habibu Nalungu, Noah Kafiiti, Ismail Zziwa, Ivan Wamboga, Akram Katende, Baker Tamale, Keisha Ali and Mark Makoba, accused the bank of funding the ongoing construction of the 1,443km Eacop, claiming that the project is destructive to the environment.

They reappeared before the same court on August 18, and Ms Nankya denied them bail because some of them were perennial protestors who had repeatedly abused their bail terms.

She, on September 5, declined to hear their fresh bail application and adjourned the court session to October 1 after hearing evidence of three state witnesses.

Some of the state witnesses said they had seen some of the activists participating in more than one anti-Eacop protest.

Mr Kato Tumusiime, the lead lawyer for the activists, condemned the decision by the magistrate to rejects his clients’ bail application and described it as absurd and unfortunate.

‘Failing to entertain the bail application prejudices the rights of the accused guaranteed by our Constitution, and the same is not only harsh but also illegal and unacceptable. It suggests that the activists have been found guilty before even hearing their case,’ he said

He added, ‘This is unacceptable in our legal regime. We must fight for our judiciary to be independent and act in line with the law and not to please the people in power.’

The magistrate fixed November 6 when she will rule whether they have a case to answer.

Background

The activists have on several occasions protested in Kampala streets, including at Parliament, the French and Chinese Embassies, Stanbic and KCB Banks, over their substantial support for the Eacop project, which they say is harmful. This time, the bank announced its funding after key financiers withdrew.

However, the government and key stakeholders have dismissed the activists’ claims, defending their participation in the project, which is expected to transform the country’s economy once oil begins flowing.

The $5 billion (Shs18 trillion) EACOP project is a 1,443 km pipeline that will transport Uganda’s waxy crude oil from the oil fields in mid-western Uganda to Tanga port on the Indian Ocean in Tanzania.

The project is jointly owned by French oil giant, TotalEnergies (62 percent), the Uganda National Oil Company Limited (UNOC – 15 percent), China National Offshore Oil Corporation (CNOOC – 8 percent), and Tanzania’s Petroleum Development Corporation (TPDC – 15 percent) under EACOP Ltd.

At least 113 candidates have been nominated to contest for 10 parliamentary seats in Kampala, following the close of the two-day nomination exercise on Thursday evening.

According to Rashid Hasakya, the Kampala Returning Officer, nominations that started on Wednesday attracted a big number of aspirants seeking to represent the capital’s different constituencies in the next Parliament.

‘By close of today, we had nominated 67 candidates, and when added to yesterday’s total, the number stands at 113,’ Mr Hasakya told journalists shortly after concluding the exercise.

The nominations covered all the ten constituencies across the five divisions of Kampala.

Mr Hasakya said Makindye East recorded the highest number of aspirants with 22, followed by Kampala Central with 15, Makindye West 13, Kawempe South 12, and Nakawa East 12.

Others include Rubaga North 10, Rubaga South 9, Nakawa West 8, Makindye West 8, and Kawempe North 5.

Seven candidates were nominated for the Kampala District Woman MP seat.

‘We are finalising the breakdown by political party and independents, which will be released shortly,’ Mr Hasakya added.

He said candidates who have not yet submitted their tentative campaign programmes have until Monday, after which the Commission will harmonise schedules to avoid clashes.

‘Campaigns for parliamentary candidates will officially begin on November 12, 2025 and close on January 12, 2026,’ he said.

Hotly contested divisions

Kampala Central

The Kampala Central seat has drawn several big names, setting the stage for one of the fiercest contests in the city.

Kampala minister Minsa Kabanda, who is running on the NRM ticket for the city’s Central parliamentary seat, has been nominated but faces stiff competition from National Unity Platform (NUP) Secretary-General David Lewis Rubongoya, who is seeking to ride on the party’s dominance in the capital.

Rubongoya said his focus will be on ‘giving the people of Kampala a representative who listens to them, not one who speaks for the powerful.’

Kabanda, on the other hand, pledged to consolidate ongoing government programmes in the city, saying her re-election ‘will ensure continuity and service delivery.’

Makindye East

Makindye East attracted the largest number of aspirants, with 22 people eyeing the seat currently held by Derrick Nyeko of NUP.

Kawempe North

In Kawempe North, the race is shaping up as a rematch between the NUP’s Elias Luyimbazi Nalukoola and NRM’s Faridah Nambi Kigongo. The constituency has historically been an opposition stronghold, but the ruling party is hoping to make inroads.

Ms Kigongo said her campaign will centre on service delivery.

‘Kawempe deserves better health facilities and better roads. That’s what I’m offering,’ she said.

Nalukoola, who won a by-election that was later nullified earlier this year, insists he remains the popular choice.

‘The people gave me a mandate, and I’m confident they will renew it,’ he said after nomination.

Nakawa East and Nakawa West

Both Nakawa East and Nakawa West have also attracted a mix of veteran and youthful contenders. Former MPs Michael Kabaziguruka and Fred Muwema are among those seeking to return, while several newcomers are promising to champion accountability and improved service delivery.

The Kampala nominations were part of the nationwide exercise that the Electoral Commission set for October 22 and 23. The process, which started Wednesday morning, saw hundreds of supporters escort their candidates to the EC offices in Ntinda.

Security was tight but calm throughout the exercise, with police maintaining order as supporters danced, waved party flags, and chanted slogans in support of their preferred candidates.

By Thursday evening, EC officials were packing up nomination forms, marking the official close of the process in Kampala. Mr Hasakya said the final list of nominated candidates would be gazetted in the coming days

‘We are satisfied with how the process went. The candidates were cooperative, and there were no major incidents,’ he said.

He urged aspirants to focus on issue-based campaigns once the official period kicks off next month.

‘We encourage all candidates to engage peacefully and follow the harmonised campaign schedule. The Electoral Commission will continue to guide them throughout the process,’ he added.

With nominations now concluded, Kampala braces for a heated campaign season. Analysts say the capital remains the heart of Uganda’s political contest, and its outcome often mirrors national political trends.

As parliamentary nominations kick off tomorrow, political tension is also mounting in Sebei Sub-region. The seats for Kapchorwa Municipality MP, Kapchorwa District Woman MP, and Tingey County MP have emerged as key battlegrounds.

In Kapchorwa Municipality, the race is expected to be tight. NRM flagbearer Martin Chemonges faces stiff competition from Independent candidate Patrick Kitiyo Solimo, who lost the party ticket in a re-election. Other contenders include Kalifan Chemutai (NUP) and Peter Poleman (Independent).

Campaign teams have intensified mobilisation efforts, with processions and door-to-door outreach. Police have warned against unlawful assemblies to maintain peace during the nomination period. In the Kapchorwa District Woman MP race, the incumbent, Ms Phyllis Chemutai, faces a strong challenge from the NRM’s Betty Cheptoyek Kaali, who won the party re-election primaries with 42.75 percent of the vote.

Other candidates include Harriet Simba (NUP).

Political analyst Fred Chemutai described the race as unpredictable, citing generational shifts and gender activism. In Tingey County, incumbent Fadil Twalla (NRM) is up against Kenneth Seiko Obama, who lost the party flag, along with Ashraf Chemonges (FDC) and Luke Cherop (Independent).

A re-election was ordered in the entire district by the NRM’s Electoral Commission chairperson, Dr Tanga Odoi, during the party primaries, following reports of vote rigging and violence. The revised results saw Kaali, Chemonges, and Twalla declared flagbearers for their respective constituencies.

In Bukwo District, the Woman MP race is shaping up to be one of the region’s most competitive. Incumbent Evelyn Chemutai, who lost the NRM flag to Chelangat Evelyn, is running as an Independent alongside Dr Margaret Fabay. Analysts say the rise of independents is reshaping voter behaviour, with performance and community engagement now outweighing party loyalty.

Local voter Mary Achiro said: ‘We want leaders who understand our challenges. It’s not just about party politics, it’s about who can deliver.’ Sebei is poised to have one of Uganda’s most closely watched electoral seasons.

After nearly 15 years of strained relations between the Kooki Chiefdom and the Buganda Kingdom, a moment of shared grief has opened a path toward reconciliation. Last week, Namasole Rovence Namatovu Mazinga, mother of His Royal Highness Kamuswaga Apollo Ssansa Kabumbuli II’s death, brought together royal officials from both institutions in a rare display of unity and mutual respect.

Loss that touched two kingdoms

Namasole Rovence Namatovu Mazinga passed away on the evening of Wednesday, October 15, at around 9pm in Kampala, after a long battle with cancer.

Her death deeply impacted the royal family in Kooki and resonated throughout Buganda, underscoring the enduring cultural and historical ties between the two institutions. In a condolence message delivered by Mr Patrick Luwaga Mugumbule, Speaker of the Buganda Lukiiko (Parliament), the Kabaka (king) of Buganda, His Majesty Ronald Muwenda Mutebi II, expressed his sympathy to the Kamuswaga and the people of Kooki.

‘We thank the Lord for the life of the late Namasole Rovence Namatovu Mazinga and for enabling her to fulfil her duties as a mother and guiding figure to the Kamuswaga,’ the letter stated. ‘We also thank all those who cared for her during the illness,’ it added. The letter was read during the burial ceremony held on Sunday, October 19, at the Kooki royal tombs in Serinya Village, Byakabanda Sub-county. Also in attendance was Ms Gertrude Ssebuggwawo, Buganda Kingdom’s official representative in Kooki, alongside other senior Buganda officials. Their presence was widely interpreted as a symbolic gesture of goodwill and a possible turning point in the long-standing rift between the two cultural entities.

Historical ties

To appreciate the weight of this gesture, it’s essential to understand the historical bond between Kooki and Buganda. Located in present-day Rakai District in southern Uganda, the Kooki Cultural Institution dates back to the 18th century, founded by Prince Bwohe who broke away from the Bunyoro-Kitara Kingdom.

Over time, Kooki evolved into an independent kingdom with its own identity and the Kamuswaga as its traditional leader.

In 1896, Kooki signed an allegiance agreement with Buganda, recognising the Kabaka as the overall sovereign while retaining internal autonomy. This pact, later upheld by the British colonial administration, allowed Kooki to maintain its own leadership and cultural structures within the larger Buganda framework. For many decades, relations remained cordial. But in recent years, disputes over recognition and autonomy frayed this long-standing relationship.

Years of strained relations

Tensions escalated notably around 2010, when Kooki began agitating for greater autonomy, some even advocating secession. Kooki leaders cited the 1896 agreement as a basis for self-governance, while Buganda insisted Kooki remained one of its 18 traditional counties (Amasaza). Incidents followed. In January 2022, four Buganda officials, including Ms Gertrude Nakalanzi Ssebuggwawo, were arrested in Kooki for allegedly ‘trespassing’ and installing sub-county chiefs without Kamuswaga’s approval.

Earlier in 2018, demonstrations erupted when Buganda Kingdom Prime Minister Charles Peter Mayiga attempted to visit Kooki to promote the ‘Emmwanyi Terimba’ (Coffee Doesn’t Lie) campaign. Though initially blocked, he was eventually allowed entry with added security. That same year, Kooki authorities announced a formal break from Buganda, citing persistent marginalisation and disrespect. They demanded direct engagement between the Kabaka and the Kamuswaga before any reconciliation could be considered.

A moment of reflection and unity

The death of Kamuswaga’s mother, however, appears to have shifted the tone. For the first time in years, senior Buganda officials visited Kooki not to negotiate, but to mourn, sending a powerful message of empathy and shared identity. Political analysts interpret the Kabaka’s message as more than a condolence, it was a quiet yet deliberate signal of reconciliation. Mr Isaac Byamugisha, 67, an elder in Kooki and former minister in the Kamuswaga’s cabinet, expressed optimism about a renewed relationship.

‘I have known both the Kabaka and the Kamuswaga since my youth,’ he said. ‘We have always loved and respected both as our leaders. This is the time for unity, not division. When leaders fight, it’s the people who suffer.’ Other local leaders in Rakai echoed his sentiments, noting that prolonged hostility had negatively affected community development and joint initiatives between the two institutions. Mr Israel Kazibwe Kitooke, Buganda’s Information minister, emphasised the familial bond between the Kabaka and the Kamuswaga.

He said: ‘Those who try to create conflict between them are misguided. The Kabaka’s letter, delivered by the Lukiiko Speaker, is a strong signal of enduring friendship.’ The Kooki’s spokesperson, Mr Stanley Ndawula, welcomed the gesture as consistent with Kamuswaga’s long-held stance. ‘We’re not surprised. We’ve always said that if our culture is respected, we’re open to collaboration with Buganda. The Kabaka’s message affirms that,’ he said.

While reconciliation won’t happen overnight, this moment has reopened dialogue. Sources close to both institutions suggest that quiet, informal conversations are already underway, exploring ways to redefine the relationship while honouring Kooki’s unique heritage. Cultural commentators argue that peace between Kooki and Buganda would not only benefit their royal houses but also their people who share a common language, traditions, and economic interests.

About kooki

Kooki Chiefdom in Rakai District, joined the Buganda Kingdom in 1896 through a formal agreement that preserved its cultural autonomy. However, in recent years, the chiefdom has demanded recognition of its special status, seeking privileges such as a throne for the Kamuswaga in Mengo’s Lukiiko hall, and elevation above other county chiefs.

Some demands remain unmet. In 2016, the Kooki Council banned the singing of the Buganda anthem at schools and official functions under its jurisdiction and adopted English as the primary language in council meetings. Today, Kooki uses its own flag and anthem, asserting its distinct identity. In grief, the two institutions have been reminded of what unites them: blood, culture, and the enduring hope for unity.

The general tenor of an October 20 statement, issued by Uganda’s Secretary to the Treasury after the 2025 International Monetary Fund/World Bank Annual Meetings cleared the country to partake of the lenders’ concessional financing, tells its own story.

Ramathan Ggoobi, who is also the Finance ministry’s Permanent Secretary, purred over the World Bank’s disbursement of up to $2 billion in concessional loans across the next three financial years. The money, he added, will be used ‘to finance our development.’ As will the patient capital that the International Finance Corporation (IFC) extend to, among others, ‘private sector investors in the minerals, renewable energy and agro-industrialisation.’

There are also strong indications that should Uganda come through the 2026 General Election without running into difficulties, negotiations with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) for a new Extended Credit Facility (ECF) will be met with a certain degree of acceptance. We do not intend to rain on the parade of the policy wonks at our Finance ministry.

It would, however, be very remiss of us not to underscore the fact that unsustainable debts are driving a development crisis across the global south. It is not lost upon us that most global south countries in debt distress have run into a brick wall, thanks to non-concessional loans. While this explains the tone of glee in Mr Ggoobi’s October 20 statement, it is also becoming increasingly clear that only with great difficulty will Uganda be able to extricate itself from non-concessional loans.

The government is, for instance, currently desirous of getting parliamentary approval to borrow from commercial lenders. It wants to get pound 342.5m (Shs1.4 trillion) from Standard Chartered Bank to finance the construction of the 400kV Karuma-Tororo double circuit transmission line, associated substations, and the 132/33kV Ntinda substation.

With the House’s clearance, another pound 192.9m (Shs779b) will be taken out from Citi Bank to finance the first phase of the Enhancing Agricultural Production, Quality, and Standards for Market Access Project. Not to mention another pound 115.8m (Shs468b) from Standard Chartered Bank intended to bankroll construction of the so-called oil roads.

The high interest rates that such non-concessional loans attract have left the government spending, studies show, up to three times as much on servicing its debts. The advocacy group Development Finance International (DFI), says debt servicing costs gobble up 45 percent of government revenues. That number shoots up to 70 percent for low-income countries.

At any rate, this is troubling. Whereas access to concessional loans will, in a sense, ease the pain for Uganda, we cannot stress enough the importance of shedding superfluous expenditures. This continues to be a clear and present danger even as the country operates within straitened circumstances.

The policy wonks at the Finance ministry might thin the fog of rage if they devote considerable energy and time to ensuring the public administration budget does not remain huge. Promises that money-moreover borrowed money-will not be spent on consumptive activities have to be kept. Short of that, Uganda will be strangled by debt.

Government has invested heavily in infrastructure. From roads and dams to energy installations and public buildings. But without a professional framework to manage these assets, the longevity and value of these assets remain a challenge.

Public infrastructure accounts for a significant portion of government’s investment portfolio.

The Ministry of Finance puts the infrastructure stock at more than Shs200 trillion, spanning roads, power facilities, hospitals, and water systems. Yet many of these deteriorate long before their lifespans.

‘We have roads meant to last 20 or 30 years, but due to . lack of structured management, some fail within a decade,’ said Mr Chris Kakyo Kaganda, an asset management expert.

‘We build, but we do not plan for the entire life cycle of these assets,’ he added, noting that while asset management exists in some form, the practice remains largely informal.

‘Without clear structures, we cannot track performance, evaluate outcomes, or improve sustainability.’

The absence of structured asset management has turned public investment into a costly cycle of construction, degradation, and reconstruction.

Roads, power systems, and water facilities often fall short of their expected lifespans, affecting millions of Ugandans who rely on them every day.

‘Uganda is at a point where we must think beyond construction and focus on sustaining assets for generations,’ said Mr Horace Muhamya, the founding president of the Institute of Asset Management (IAM) Uganda Chapter.

‘Embedding structured management, life-cycle planning, and data-driven decision-making into infrastructure oversight will improve reliability and ensure investments deliver their intended benefits.’

The comments were made on Monday ahead of a November conference, in which more than 300 delegates from government, utilities, the private sector, and academia will discuss maintenance best practices, digital tools, and long-term planning frameworks, featuring case studies from the electricity subsector and the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP).

For EACOP, now 72 percent complete, effective asset management is critical.

The 1,443-kilometre pipeline, stretching from Hoima in Uganda to Tanga in Tanzania, is one of the region’s largest energy infrastructure projects and will require decades of careful maintenance.

‘As construction progresses, sustainability and local capacity are central to our approach. We are working with IAM and our tier-one contractor, Cohesive Africa, to ensure Ugandan professionals understand the full scope of managing large-scale assets.” said Ms Merian Ahabwe, the EACOP national content manager.

Experts agree that adopting a structured approach to asset management could help Uganda avoid recurring maintenance crises, reduce wastage and improve service reliability.

From roads and power stations to pipelines and public facilities, planning for the full life cycle of assets ensures that public investments deliver value well beyond their construction phase.

‘If Uganda applies a structured, professional approach to asset management,’ Kaganda said, ‘we can expect fewer breakdowns, more reliable infrastructure and higher returns on public investment.’

City traders, under their umbrella body Kampala City Traders Association (KACITA), have announced plans to close their shops during the first week of November to protest what they describe as an unfair tax regime imposed on ordinary traders.

The traders say they are also protesting the growing competition from petty foreign traders, high rental fees, and the government’s failure to respond to their long-standing grievances.

KACITA spokesperson, Mr Isa Sekitto, said previous engagements with government officials had yielded no tangible results, leaving traders with no option but to take industrial action.

‘Traders have unanimously resolved that come November 4, 2025, if government doesn’t come out to resolve issues that have been pending for long, they are going to close shops until our concerns are addressed,’ Mr. Sekitto said during a crisis meeting held in Kampala on October 22.

He added, ‘The traders have taken such a tough decision because of the pain they have endured for quite some time. I call upon all traders, including street vendors and shop attendants, to join us.’

The announcement comes barely two months after traders called off a similar strike that had begun in August over the same concerns. That strike, which was sparked by high taxes, foreign competition, and what they termed as unfair trade policies, was suspended after a meeting between KACITA leaders and the Prime Minister, Ms Robinah Nabbanja.

Mr Sekitto said one of the most contentious issues raised during discussions with the Prime Minister was the taxation system on textiles and garments, especially those taxed by weight, which traders say is exorbitant and unfair.

In response, the Minister for Kampala and Metropolitan Affairs, Hajat Minsa Kabanda, appealed to traders to abandon plans for the strike, assuring them that government was already addressing their concerns.

‘The Ministry of Trade and other responsible government agencies are handling their issues. I request the traders to continue doing business as their concerns are being addressed,’ Ms Kabanda said.

While meeting her supporters at Nakivubo Blue Primary School after her nomination, Ms Kabanda also pledged to advocate for improved city infrastructure and better trading conditions.

‘I will work with city authorities and the central government to improve roads and secure more trade spaces for our business community,’ she said.

In the Ankole Sub-region, Isingiro South constituency in Isingiro District, stands out as a major hotspot following deadly clashes during the July NRM primaries. The incumbent, Mr Alex Byarugaba Bakunda, lost the NRM party primaries to his rival, Mr Maali Mujuni Assensio, with two deaths and several injuries recorded. Mr Byarugaba, citing irregularities in the primaries, however, has declared he will not contest as an Independent.

Another heated race is shaping up in Bukanga North County, Isingiro District, where incumbent Nathan Byanyima (NRM) faces Mr Kamurali Jeremiah Birungi, who lost in 2021 but has since crossed from the NRM to the Democratic Party (DP). The Woman MP seat race for Mbarara City is already turning into one of the region’s most closely watched contests. Incumbent Rita Atukwasa Bwahika, who lost the NRM flag to a newcomer, Charity Kibaju, has declared she will run as an Independent candidate. Ms Atukwasa said she remains loyal to the NRM despite contesting outside the official party ticket ‘I am a living example. I have served the people of Mbarara City as an Independent, NRM-leaning candidate, and I haven’t betrayed my party. I have served it with commitment, resilience, and results. Anyone who knows President Museveni should not even question why he meets Independents,’ she said on Friday.

Kigezi flashpoints

Kabale District – Ndorwa West Constituency, State Minister for Trade, Industry and Cooperatives (Industry), Mr David Bahati, has announced he will contest as an Independent after losing in the NRM primaries. Mr Bahati, who also serves as Kabale District NRM chairperson, polled 23,759 votes, narrowly losing the party flag to Mr Eliab Naturinda, who garnered 25,027 votes. A seasoned politician, Bahati has represented Ndorwa West in Parliament since 2006 and previously served as State Minister for Planning in the Ministry of Finance before assuming his current role.

In Rubanda East constituency, Rubanda District, the State minister for Finance (General Duties) Mr Henry Musasizi, the incumbent MP and NRM flagbearer, faces a familiar rival Mr Joogo Kenneth Biryabarema. Biryabarema, who served as Rubanda District chairperson, is determined to reclaim what he describes as a ‘stolen victory’ in NRM primaries. He polled 18,832 votes against Musasizi’s 22,538 votes. This rivalry is a continuation of the 2021 contest, when Biryabarema ran as an Independent after rejecting the 2020 NRM primary results. In the 2021 General Election, Musasizi narrowly won with 17,502 votes against Biryabarema’s 16,892 votes. Rubanda East has a history of post-election violence, with reports of clashes and intimidation between supporters of rival camps, a situation local authorities hope to avoid this time around.