Category: Daily Monitor

In a few days, Kampala will hum with a different kind of conversation – not the usual noise of polarised political campaigning, but talk of neural networks, machine learning, and big data. On October 30-31, 2025, Speke Resort, Munyonyo, will host the Global AI Innovation Movement and Evolution (GAIME) Conference, billed as Africa’s largest gathering on artificial intelligence. The GAIME website says more than 5,000 delegates are expected – scientists, dreamers, inventors – all drawn by one question: ‘What can Africa make of AI, and what can AI make of Africa?’

It’s a good time to ask. Across the continent, artificial intelligence is no longer a distant tale from Silicon Valley. Yet, sceptics still think it’s all smoke and mirrors. They demand proof – ‘bwino’, as we say – the receipts. Some of the best receipts come from the January 2024 report, ‘AI in Africa: Meeting the Opportunity,’ an interesting collection of real African innovations, which I have mined many times before.

1. Eyes in the forest: Green Guardians

Deep in Kenya’s highlands, a group of university interns built something extraordinary – a mobile app that listens to the forest. Using satellite data, sound sensors, and on-ground images, it detects illegal logging in real time. When chainsaws roar, the system flags the sound, pings forest rangers, and pinpoints the spot.

2. The clerk that doesn’t sleep. Still in Kenya, the Association of Kenya Insurers faced a different jungle – one made of paperwork. Processing claims could take weeks or even months. Fraudulent cases and duplicate entries clogged the system. Now, digital tools scan thousands of claims instantly, spotting patterns of fraud and fast-tracking genuine ones. What once took days now happens in minutes.

3. Blood in the sky. Across Rwanda, Ghana, and Nigeria, small red-and-white drones buzz through the clouds, carrying blood, vaccines, and medicines. These are Zipline’s drones, guided by onboard systems that calculate wind, distance, and delivery precision. In remote areas where ambulances can’t go, the drones cut across rivers and hills to reach clinics in minutes. Where bad roads once meant bad outcomes, technology has given new wings to healthcare.

4. Watching over the wild. In Central Africa’s rainforests, rangers now patrol with digital allies that detect poachers before they strike. Using camera traps and sound sensors, the system distinguishes between animal noises, human footsteps, and gunshots. Rangers receive instant alerts on their phones, gaining precious time to respond.

5. Credit in the palm. In East Africa, millions once considered ‘unbankable’ are building credit histories through their mobile phones. Companies like M-KOPA study phone usage and repayment behaviour to determine who can be trusted with small loans for solar panels, motorbikes, or smartphones.

6. Drought whisperers. In West Africa, scientists have taught computers to read the weather like farmers read the sky. By analysing decades of satellite images and rainfall data, they can now forecast droughts weeks earlier. This helps agencies plan food deliveries, water use, and herders’ routes. Many of the young engineers behind these systems come from the same drylands they now help protect.

7. Smart clinics, smarter diagnoses. In Tanzania and Uganda, hospitals are embracing tools that help doctors read X-rays faster and detect diseases like tuberculosis early. One project trains its system on thousands of images from African patients – ensuring it recognises African bodies and conditions, not just Western data. In clinics where one doctor serves hundreds, these tools are bridging the human gap.

8. Amref’s hunger map. In Kenya, Amref Health Africa, working with partners, is building a model to detect malnutrition hotspots using data that tracks changes across locations and time. It mines five decades of reports and current community data to warn health teams before hunger strikes. In a region where droughts are cyclical and food shortages swift, this data-driven vigilance saves lives.

9. Farming eyes in the sky. Across Kenya and Nigeria, young agronomists at UjuziKilimo and Farmcrowdy are using soil sensors, satellite images, and weather data to give farmers precise, timely advice. Recommendations on when to plant, irrigate, or fertilise arrive by SMS in local languages. Each short message carries the power of millions of data points – knowledge condensed into a line that can rescue a harvest.

10. Voices in the Kampala air. Long before hashtags ruled, radio carried Uganda’s pulse. Now, engineers at Pulse Lab Kampala have given it software that listens to hundreds of FM stations, transcribes speech in multiple languages, and analyses what people are saying about refugees, floods, or food prices. When tension brews, aid workers can respond early.

It’s old tech meeting new code, tuned to the rhythms of Uganda’s talkative heart. All these stories, big and small, show a continent finding its digital footing – using code to solve human problems in its own way, and waiting for no one’s permission. When GAIME 2025 gathers in Munyonyo, hopefully, that quiet spirit of invention will be on full display.

As parliamentary nominations kick off tomorrow, political tension is also mounting in Sebei Sub-region. The seats for Kapchorwa Municipality MP, Kapchorwa District Woman MP, and Tingey County MP have emerged as key battlegrounds.

In Kapchorwa Municipality, the race is expected to be tight. NRM flagbearer Martin Chemonges faces stiff competition from Independent candidate Patrick Kitiyo Solimo, who lost the party ticket in a re-election. Other contenders include Kalifan Chemutai (NUP) and Peter Poleman (Independent).

Campaign teams have intensified mobilisation efforts, with processions and door-to-door outreach. Police have warned against unlawful assemblies to maintain peace during the nomination period. In the Kapchorwa District Woman MP race, the incumbent, Ms Phyllis Chemutai, faces a strong challenge from the NRM’s Betty Cheptoyek Kaali, who won the party re-election primaries with 42.75 percent of the vote.

Other candidates include Harriet Simba (NUP).

Political analyst Fred Chemutai described the race as unpredictable, citing generational shifts and gender activism. In Tingey County, incumbent Fadil Twalla (NRM) is up against Kenneth Seiko Obama, who lost the party flag, along with Ashraf Chemonges (FDC) and Luke Cherop (Independent).

A re-election was ordered in the entire district by the NRM’s Electoral Commission chairperson, Dr Tanga Odoi, during the party primaries, following reports of vote rigging and violence. The revised results saw Kaali, Chemonges, and Twalla declared flagbearers for their respective constituencies.

In Bukwo District, the Woman MP race is shaping up to be one of the region’s most competitive. Incumbent Evelyn Chemutai, who lost the NRM flag to Chelangat Evelyn, is running as an Independent alongside Dr Margaret Fabay. Analysts say the rise of independents is reshaping voter behaviour, with performance and community engagement now outweighing party loyalty.

Local voter Mary Achiro said: ‘We want leaders who understand our challenges. It’s not just about party politics, it’s about who can deliver.’ Sebei is poised to have one of Uganda’s most closely watched electoral seasons.

After nearly 15 years of strained relations between the Kooki Chiefdom and the Buganda Kingdom, a moment of shared grief has opened a path toward reconciliation. Last week, Namasole Rovence Namatovu Mazinga, mother of His Royal Highness Kamuswaga Apollo Ssansa Kabumbuli II’s death, brought together royal officials from both institutions in a rare display of unity and mutual respect.

Loss that touched two kingdoms

Namasole Rovence Namatovu Mazinga passed away on the evening of Wednesday, October 15, at around 9pm in Kampala, after a long battle with cancer.

Her death deeply impacted the royal family in Kooki and resonated throughout Buganda, underscoring the enduring cultural and historical ties between the two institutions. In a condolence message delivered by Mr Patrick Luwaga Mugumbule, Speaker of the Buganda Lukiiko (Parliament), the Kabaka (king) of Buganda, His Majesty Ronald Muwenda Mutebi II, expressed his sympathy to the Kamuswaga and the people of Kooki.

‘We thank the Lord for the life of the late Namasole Rovence Namatovu Mazinga and for enabling her to fulfil her duties as a mother and guiding figure to the Kamuswaga,’ the letter stated. ‘We also thank all those who cared for her during the illness,’ it added. The letter was read during the burial ceremony held on Sunday, October 19, at the Kooki royal tombs in Serinya Village, Byakabanda Sub-county. Also in attendance was Ms Gertrude Ssebuggwawo, Buganda Kingdom’s official representative in Kooki, alongside other senior Buganda officials. Their presence was widely interpreted as a symbolic gesture of goodwill and a possible turning point in the long-standing rift between the two cultural entities.

Historical ties

To appreciate the weight of this gesture, it’s essential to understand the historical bond between Kooki and Buganda. Located in present-day Rakai District in southern Uganda, the Kooki Cultural Institution dates back to the 18th century, founded by Prince Bwohe who broke away from the Bunyoro-Kitara Kingdom.

Over time, Kooki evolved into an independent kingdom with its own identity and the Kamuswaga as its traditional leader.

In 1896, Kooki signed an allegiance agreement with Buganda, recognising the Kabaka as the overall sovereign while retaining internal autonomy. This pact, later upheld by the British colonial administration, allowed Kooki to maintain its own leadership and cultural structures within the larger Buganda framework. For many decades, relations remained cordial. But in recent years, disputes over recognition and autonomy frayed this long-standing relationship.

Years of strained relations

Tensions escalated notably around 2010, when Kooki began agitating for greater autonomy, some even advocating secession. Kooki leaders cited the 1896 agreement as a basis for self-governance, while Buganda insisted Kooki remained one of its 18 traditional counties (Amasaza). Incidents followed. In January 2022, four Buganda officials, including Ms Gertrude Nakalanzi Ssebuggwawo, were arrested in Kooki for allegedly ‘trespassing’ and installing sub-county chiefs without Kamuswaga’s approval.

Earlier in 2018, demonstrations erupted when Buganda Kingdom Prime Minister Charles Peter Mayiga attempted to visit Kooki to promote the ‘Emmwanyi Terimba’ (Coffee Doesn’t Lie) campaign. Though initially blocked, he was eventually allowed entry with added security. That same year, Kooki authorities announced a formal break from Buganda, citing persistent marginalisation and disrespect. They demanded direct engagement between the Kabaka and the Kamuswaga before any reconciliation could be considered.

A moment of reflection and unity

The death of Kamuswaga’s mother, however, appears to have shifted the tone. For the first time in years, senior Buganda officials visited Kooki not to negotiate, but to mourn, sending a powerful message of empathy and shared identity. Political analysts interpret the Kabaka’s message as more than a condolence, it was a quiet yet deliberate signal of reconciliation. Mr Isaac Byamugisha, 67, an elder in Kooki and former minister in the Kamuswaga’s cabinet, expressed optimism about a renewed relationship.

‘I have known both the Kabaka and the Kamuswaga since my youth,’ he said. ‘We have always loved and respected both as our leaders. This is the time for unity, not division. When leaders fight, it’s the people who suffer.’ Other local leaders in Rakai echoed his sentiments, noting that prolonged hostility had negatively affected community development and joint initiatives between the two institutions. Mr Israel Kazibwe Kitooke, Buganda’s Information minister, emphasised the familial bond between the Kabaka and the Kamuswaga.

He said: ‘Those who try to create conflict between them are misguided. The Kabaka’s letter, delivered by the Lukiiko Speaker, is a strong signal of enduring friendship.’ The Kooki’s spokesperson, Mr Stanley Ndawula, welcomed the gesture as consistent with Kamuswaga’s long-held stance. ‘We’re not surprised. We’ve always said that if our culture is respected, we’re open to collaboration with Buganda. The Kabaka’s message affirms that,’ he said.

While reconciliation won’t happen overnight, this moment has reopened dialogue. Sources close to both institutions suggest that quiet, informal conversations are already underway, exploring ways to redefine the relationship while honouring Kooki’s unique heritage. Cultural commentators argue that peace between Kooki and Buganda would not only benefit their royal houses but also their people who share a common language, traditions, and economic interests.

About kooki

Kooki Chiefdom in Rakai District, joined the Buganda Kingdom in 1896 through a formal agreement that preserved its cultural autonomy. However, in recent years, the chiefdom has demanded recognition of its special status, seeking privileges such as a throne for the Kamuswaga in Mengo’s Lukiiko hall, and elevation above other county chiefs.

Some demands remain unmet. In 2016, the Kooki Council banned the singing of the Buganda anthem at schools and official functions under its jurisdiction and adopted English as the primary language in council meetings. Today, Kooki uses its own flag and anthem, asserting its distinct identity. In grief, the two institutions have been reminded of what unites them: blood, culture, and the enduring hope for unity.

The general tenor of an October 20 statement, issued by Uganda’s Secretary to the Treasury after the 2025 International Monetary Fund/World Bank Annual Meetings cleared the country to partake of the lenders’ concessional financing, tells its own story.

Ramathan Ggoobi, who is also the Finance ministry’s Permanent Secretary, purred over the World Bank’s disbursement of up to $2 billion in concessional loans across the next three financial years. The money, he added, will be used ‘to finance our development.’ As will the patient capital that the International Finance Corporation (IFC) extend to, among others, ‘private sector investors in the minerals, renewable energy and agro-industrialisation.’

There are also strong indications that should Uganda come through the 2026 General Election without running into difficulties, negotiations with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) for a new Extended Credit Facility (ECF) will be met with a certain degree of acceptance. We do not intend to rain on the parade of the policy wonks at our Finance ministry.

It would, however, be very remiss of us not to underscore the fact that unsustainable debts are driving a development crisis across the global south. It is not lost upon us that most global south countries in debt distress have run into a brick wall, thanks to non-concessional loans. While this explains the tone of glee in Mr Ggoobi’s October 20 statement, it is also becoming increasingly clear that only with great difficulty will Uganda be able to extricate itself from non-concessional loans.

The government is, for instance, currently desirous of getting parliamentary approval to borrow from commercial lenders. It wants to get pound 342.5m (Shs1.4 trillion) from Standard Chartered Bank to finance the construction of the 400kV Karuma-Tororo double circuit transmission line, associated substations, and the 132/33kV Ntinda substation.

With the House’s clearance, another pound 192.9m (Shs779b) will be taken out from Citi Bank to finance the first phase of the Enhancing Agricultural Production, Quality, and Standards for Market Access Project. Not to mention another pound 115.8m (Shs468b) from Standard Chartered Bank intended to bankroll construction of the so-called oil roads.

The high interest rates that such non-concessional loans attract have left the government spending, studies show, up to three times as much on servicing its debts. The advocacy group Development Finance International (DFI), says debt servicing costs gobble up 45 percent of government revenues. That number shoots up to 70 percent for low-income countries.

At any rate, this is troubling. Whereas access to concessional loans will, in a sense, ease the pain for Uganda, we cannot stress enough the importance of shedding superfluous expenditures. This continues to be a clear and present danger even as the country operates within straitened circumstances.

The policy wonks at the Finance ministry might thin the fog of rage if they devote considerable energy and time to ensuring the public administration budget does not remain huge. Promises that money-moreover borrowed money-will not be spent on consumptive activities have to be kept. Short of that, Uganda will be strangled by debt.

Government has invested heavily in infrastructure. From roads and dams to energy installations and public buildings. But without a professional framework to manage these assets, the longevity and value of these assets remain a challenge.

Public infrastructure accounts for a significant portion of government’s investment portfolio.

The Ministry of Finance puts the infrastructure stock at more than Shs200 trillion, spanning roads, power facilities, hospitals, and water systems. Yet many of these deteriorate long before their lifespans.

‘We have roads meant to last 20 or 30 years, but due to . lack of structured management, some fail within a decade,’ said Mr Chris Kakyo Kaganda, an asset management expert.

‘We build, but we do not plan for the entire life cycle of these assets,’ he added, noting that while asset management exists in some form, the practice remains largely informal.

‘Without clear structures, we cannot track performance, evaluate outcomes, or improve sustainability.’

The absence of structured asset management has turned public investment into a costly cycle of construction, degradation, and reconstruction.

Roads, power systems, and water facilities often fall short of their expected lifespans, affecting millions of Ugandans who rely on them every day.

‘Uganda is at a point where we must think beyond construction and focus on sustaining assets for generations,’ said Mr Horace Muhamya, the founding president of the Institute of Asset Management (IAM) Uganda Chapter.

‘Embedding structured management, life-cycle planning, and data-driven decision-making into infrastructure oversight will improve reliability and ensure investments deliver their intended benefits.’

The comments were made on Monday ahead of a November conference, in which more than 300 delegates from government, utilities, the private sector, and academia will discuss maintenance best practices, digital tools, and long-term planning frameworks, featuring case studies from the electricity subsector and the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP).

For EACOP, now 72 percent complete, effective asset management is critical.

The 1,443-kilometre pipeline, stretching from Hoima in Uganda to Tanga in Tanzania, is one of the region’s largest energy infrastructure projects and will require decades of careful maintenance.

‘As construction progresses, sustainability and local capacity are central to our approach. We are working with IAM and our tier-one contractor, Cohesive Africa, to ensure Ugandan professionals understand the full scope of managing large-scale assets.” said Ms Merian Ahabwe, the EACOP national content manager.

Experts agree that adopting a structured approach to asset management could help Uganda avoid recurring maintenance crises, reduce wastage and improve service reliability.

From roads and power stations to pipelines and public facilities, planning for the full life cycle of assets ensures that public investments deliver value well beyond their construction phase.

‘If Uganda applies a structured, professional approach to asset management,’ Kaganda said, ‘we can expect fewer breakdowns, more reliable infrastructure and higher returns on public investment.’

City traders, under their umbrella body Kampala City Traders Association (KACITA), have announced plans to close their shops during the first week of November to protest what they describe as an unfair tax regime imposed on ordinary traders.

The traders say they are also protesting the growing competition from petty foreign traders, high rental fees, and the government’s failure to respond to their long-standing grievances.

KACITA spokesperson, Mr Isa Sekitto, said previous engagements with government officials had yielded no tangible results, leaving traders with no option but to take industrial action.

‘Traders have unanimously resolved that come November 4, 2025, if government doesn’t come out to resolve issues that have been pending for long, they are going to close shops until our concerns are addressed,’ Mr. Sekitto said during a crisis meeting held in Kampala on October 22.

He added, ‘The traders have taken such a tough decision because of the pain they have endured for quite some time. I call upon all traders, including street vendors and shop attendants, to join us.’

The announcement comes barely two months after traders called off a similar strike that had begun in August over the same concerns. That strike, which was sparked by high taxes, foreign competition, and what they termed as unfair trade policies, was suspended after a meeting between KACITA leaders and the Prime Minister, Ms Robinah Nabbanja.

Mr Sekitto said one of the most contentious issues raised during discussions with the Prime Minister was the taxation system on textiles and garments, especially those taxed by weight, which traders say is exorbitant and unfair.

In response, the Minister for Kampala and Metropolitan Affairs, Hajat Minsa Kabanda, appealed to traders to abandon plans for the strike, assuring them that government was already addressing their concerns.

‘The Ministry of Trade and other responsible government agencies are handling their issues. I request the traders to continue doing business as their concerns are being addressed,’ Ms Kabanda said.

While meeting her supporters at Nakivubo Blue Primary School after her nomination, Ms Kabanda also pledged to advocate for improved city infrastructure and better trading conditions.

‘I will work with city authorities and the central government to improve roads and secure more trade spaces for our business community,’ she said.

In the Ankole Sub-region, Isingiro South constituency in Isingiro District, stands out as a major hotspot following deadly clashes during the July NRM primaries. The incumbent, Mr Alex Byarugaba Bakunda, lost the NRM party primaries to his rival, Mr Maali Mujuni Assensio, with two deaths and several injuries recorded. Mr Byarugaba, citing irregularities in the primaries, however, has declared he will not contest as an Independent.

Another heated race is shaping up in Bukanga North County, Isingiro District, where incumbent Nathan Byanyima (NRM) faces Mr Kamurali Jeremiah Birungi, who lost in 2021 but has since crossed from the NRM to the Democratic Party (DP). The Woman MP seat race for Mbarara City is already turning into one of the region’s most closely watched contests. Incumbent Rita Atukwasa Bwahika, who lost the NRM flag to a newcomer, Charity Kibaju, has declared she will run as an Independent candidate. Ms Atukwasa said she remains loyal to the NRM despite contesting outside the official party ticket ‘I am a living example. I have served the people of Mbarara City as an Independent, NRM-leaning candidate, and I haven’t betrayed my party. I have served it with commitment, resilience, and results. Anyone who knows President Museveni should not even question why he meets Independents,’ she said on Friday.

Kigezi flashpoints

Kabale District – Ndorwa West Constituency, State Minister for Trade, Industry and Cooperatives (Industry), Mr David Bahati, has announced he will contest as an Independent after losing in the NRM primaries. Mr Bahati, who also serves as Kabale District NRM chairperson, polled 23,759 votes, narrowly losing the party flag to Mr Eliab Naturinda, who garnered 25,027 votes. A seasoned politician, Bahati has represented Ndorwa West in Parliament since 2006 and previously served as State Minister for Planning in the Ministry of Finance before assuming his current role.

In Rubanda East constituency, Rubanda District, the State minister for Finance (General Duties) Mr Henry Musasizi, the incumbent MP and NRM flagbearer, faces a familiar rival Mr Joogo Kenneth Biryabarema. Biryabarema, who served as Rubanda District chairperson, is determined to reclaim what he describes as a ‘stolen victory’ in NRM primaries. He polled 18,832 votes against Musasizi’s 22,538 votes. This rivalry is a continuation of the 2021 contest, when Biryabarema ran as an Independent after rejecting the 2020 NRM primary results. In the 2021 General Election, Musasizi narrowly won with 17,502 votes against Biryabarema’s 16,892 votes. Rubanda East has a history of post-election violence, with reports of clashes and intimidation between supporters of rival camps, a situation local authorities hope to avoid this time around.

Ms Isabella Njagi, the mother of Mr Bob Njagi, one of two Kenyan activists allegedly abducted in Uganda earlier this month, has made a heartfelt appeal to Uganda’s First Lady Janet Museveni, urging her to intervene and secure her son’s release.

In a video seen by Monitor, Ms Njagi pleaded with Ms Museveni to act out of compassion, promising to personally advise her son never to return to Uganda if that is what the authorities desire.

‘I implore you, as a mother, to show mercy and intervene so that my son is released,’ she said.

‘I learned about the detention of these two young men on Tuesday while I was in the hospital. A family member told me they didn’t know where my son was. The news shocked me and worsened my condition – but praise God, I am now recovering,’ Ms Njagi said.

She continued: ‘My appeal to you, Ms Museveni, is to kindly intervene and facilitate the release of these young men. They are unaware of any crimes they may have committed. I speak as a mother, deeply troubled, and my health is suffering because of this.’

It is not clear why Ms Njagi made the appeal to the First Lady.

Looking back

Mr Njagi and his colleague, Mr Nicholas Oyoo, were reportedly abducted after attending a campaign rally for Opposition presidential candidate Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu of the National Unity Platform (NUP) party in Busoga Sub-region.

Both the Uganda Police Force and the Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF) have denied holding the two men. Police spokesperson Kituuma Rusoke told this newspaper yesterday that authorities have yet to locate the missing Kenyan nationals.

On Tuesday, the High Court in Kampala issued a habeas corpus order, directing the government to produce the two men – dead or alive – by October 21.

The order was issued by Justice Simon Peter Kinobe following a petition filed by human rights lawyers from Kiiza and Mugisha Advocates.

The petition names four top security officials as respondents: the Chief of Defence Forces, Gen Muhoozi Kainerugaba; the Chief of Defence Intelligence and Security, the Inspector General of Police; and the Attorney General.

Kenyan human rights activist Koffi Atinda, a friend of the detainees, submitted an affidavit recounting the alleged abduction.

‘I saw my friends being taken in a Toyota Hiace van, commonly known as a ‘Drone,’ by men dressed in both military and civilian clothing. I later learned they were taken to the Mbuya military facility,’ Mr Atinda stated.

He added that since October 1, when they were reportedly abducted, the activists have been held incommunicado.

Mr Atinda described Mbuya as a ‘notorious centre’ known for the torture of government critics.

‘As citizens of Kenya and members of the East African Community, we have the right to move freely and participate in civic activities without harassment,’ he said.

Petitions

NUP Secretary General David Lewis Rubongoya also filed an affidavit supporting the petition, demanding that the government produce the detainees and explain the circumstances of their disappearance.

In her video message, Ms Njagi emphasised that Ms Museveni has the influence to compel security agencies to release the young men, who she believes should be counselled-not detained.

‘I promise you, once they are released, I will personally speak to them and ask them never to return to Uganda. Let them settle in Kenya,’ she said. ‘We love you and are proud to see you mothering your nation.’

West Nile is the second, after Karamoja, in the poverty rates in Uganda according to the Uganda Bureau of Statistics (Ubos). Therefore, there must be a well-coordinated, not a haphazard, fire brigade approach in poverty alleviation in the region if it is to meet national aspirations in achieving high middle-income status.

The region has its own comparative advantages that must be tapped to alleviate poverty. Previous cash crops like cotton, tobacco, and food cum cash crops like simsim, have not had a marked impact. Therefore, policymakers should think out of the box to embrace new potentials.

High-earning crops that fit the climatic and soil conditions of the region, like cashew nuts, macadamia, cocoa, and coffee, should be given serious consideration.

According to the Cashew Nuts Global Market Report 2025, the world market for cashew nuts rose from $8.52b in 2024 to $9.07b this year. It is expected to hit $13b in 2029. The Compound Annual Growth Rate (CAGR) of this crop is 6.5 percent, which is a healthy indicator in income generation potential. In conformity with the Vision 2040 industrialisation ambition, cashew nuts provide value addition potential in the production of cashew flour, cashew milk, cashew butter, and both roasted and salted cashew nut production.

Macadamia: This plant thrives in temperatures of above 20ºC and soil conditions ideal in West Nile and Madi-Okollo in particular. The farm gate price of macadamia is about $6,000 (Shs20.8m)/mt. A well-maintained acre produces between 50 and 80 kgs per tree. With an acre having on average 125 trees, this yields between 6,250kgs and 10,000 kgs per annum. Selina Wamucii, a leading regional market trader in agricultural produce, says the price of 1kg ranges from Shs26,000 in Kampala to Shs57,000 in Jinja. Annually, the income potential is self-explanatory.

Cocoa and coffee: These are the tree cash crop plants that have been well researched and their economic benefits well-documented.

Minerals: The geological formation indicates the existence of gold, copper, cobalt, tin, and rare earth minerals like niobium and antimony that are critical for high-tech applications. To this effect, the Ministry of Energy and Mineral Development should accelerate the Airborne Geophysical Survey to cover the entire region. Proven evidence of viable deposits can attract an influx of capital from mining companies.

Such investments are potentially a precursor to employment opportunities and increased disposable income with the multiplier effects on enhanced infrastructure like roads, schools, healthcare facilities, etc.

As a region, we should request government support for long-lasting interventions. We should ask for seedlings and extension agricultural support. Like coffee, we must work on accessing both local and international markets and ask for government support in promoting this like coffee. As we demand infrastructural improvements, we need to refocus our energy on income generation and what puts money directly in our pockets consistently and on a long-term basis. Uncoordinated handouts like the Parish Development Model (PDM), GROW, Youth Livelihood Support, Emyoga, etc. have had a cosmetic, minimal impact in poverty alleviation in our region. The time has come for us to think out of the box to catch up with the rest of Uganda and escape from the unenviable position as the second poorest region in the country.

Nominations for MPs start today with West Nile, Lango and Teso having political storms brewing .

West Nile showdown

In Arua City Central Division, the incumbent, Mr Jackson Atima (NRM), who unseated Mr Kassiano Wadri in the 2021 General Election, is preparing for yet another bruising battle. Wadri, who served as Arua Municipality MP between 2018 and 2021 on the Independent ticket, has declared his intention to reclaim the seat with Alliance for National Transformation (ANT) party flag. Other contenders in the upcoming race include Mr Muzaid Khemis (FDC), currently the Central Division mayor, and Dr Ronald Debo (Ind). In Adjumani West Constituency, Uganda’s oldest serving politician and Second Deputy Prime Minister, Gen Moses Ali (NRM), will once again seek re-election. He faces a challenge from Mr Patrick Tandrupasi (FDC), the party’s former district secretary.

Lango battle of titans

In Lira City, a political storm is brewing as two Cabinet ministers prepare for a showdown. Ms Betty Amongi, the Gender minister and current Oyam South MP (UPC), is seeking to unseat Dr Jane Ruth Aceng, the minister of Health and the incumbent MP (NRM). Amongi, who has relocated from Oyam to Lira, has already hit the ground running, sparking intense competition. After she financed the rehabilitation of a road in Lira City West Division that had been impassable for nearly 40 years, the city authorities responded by banning all politicians from carrying out road repairs, citing political interference.

Tensions have further escalated after Amongi accused her opponents of defacing her campaign posters and banners in the city centre. Erute South Constituency, in Lira District, has veteran Sam Engola, the former minister of State for Housing and Urban Development, making yet another attempt to reclaim the seat he lost to UPC’s Jonathan Odur in 2016. Mr Engola, who also lost to Odur in the 2021 elections, petitioned the High Court in Lira to nullify Odur’s victory, but the court dismissed his case. In the 2021 polls, Odur won with 17,763 votes, defeating Engola, who polled 15,606. Two other Independents, Johnson A Orec and Caxtion Etii, managed only 787 and 328 votes, respectively.

In Apac Municipality, internal strife within the UPC party has turned the area into a battleground. Veteran politician Maxwell Akora, the current Maruzi County MP, has shifted base to Apac, where he is seeking to unseat Patrick Ocan, the incumbent MP and fellow UPC member. The rivalry between the two has already triggered chaos within the party. The UPC parliamentary primaries, initially scheduled for June 12, 2025, were suspended indefinitely by the Apac District Security Committee after violent clashes erupted.

When the primaries were rescheduled for June 24, 2025, the situation deteriorated further, with party members accusing local leaders of bias and manipulation of the voter register. Fights broke out between supporters of both Akora and Ocan, forcing the security agencies to intervene and halt the process once again. The intra-party turmoil has since pushed Mr Ocan to contest as an Independent, while Mr Akora remains the de facto UPC favourite.

Teso trouble spots

In Ngariam County, the State Minister for Sports, Mr Peter Ogwang (NRM), faces growing competition from within his party and beyond. Among those challenging him are Mr Daniel Mulalu, Mr Augustine Otuko, and several Opposition aspirants. In Amuria County, State Minister for Works and Transport Musa Francis Ecweru, who lost the NRM primaries to Mr Samuel Ediau, has declared his intention to run as an Independent.

The Bukedea Woman MP seat is also drawing sharp focus as several candidates prepare to challenge Speaker of Parliament Annet Anita Among (NRM). Those expected to contest include Mercy Marion Alupo (NUP), Norma Suzan Otai (FDC), and Hellen Odeke Akol (Ind]. In Serere District, the Woman MP race pits incumbent Ms Hellen Adoa Abeku (NRM) against several emerging challengers.

SOROTI CITY

In Soroti City West, newly elected NRM Vice Chairperson for Eastern Uganda, Mr David Calvin Echodu, is preparing to face off with Mr Jonathan Ebwalu (FDC) in another highly anticipated contest.